The
increased attention to the imposter phenomenon (IP) has also resulted
in increased scrutiny when it comes to race. In particular,
recent critiques have argued
that (1) it is a white woman’s problem that does not serve people of
color, and that (2) it blames women and people of color for feeling like
imposters rather than focusing on how their environment causes them to
do so. In both cases, critics ask: Are we causing more harm than good
when we use it to explain feelings of self-doubt and inadequacy
, especially with people of color?
It’s
a fair question. As a professor of psychology who has published
research on IP for the past decade, I am sympathetic to many of the
criticisms surrounding IP. I believe there are aspects about its
conceptualization that need to be revisited and reconceptualized in
light of emerging research findings. However, I am concerned that
recommendations to get rid of the concept for people of color in
particular risk throwing the baby out with the bath water. In other
words, people may categorically dismiss the imposter phenomenon without
understanding the important insights we have learned that can help
people live happier and healthier lives.
Rather
than discarding the imposter phenomenon altogether, we should
reconsider how we apply it. (Note: I will largely avoid using the word
“syndrome” throughout, except when others refer to it as such, as it
implies an abnormal medical condition and some people find that
stigmatizing and pathologizing.) By looking at what research tells us
about how people of color experience IP, I propose a new way for
individuals and organizations to think about and address it.
What is the Imposter Phenomenon?
The term “imposter phenomenon”
was introduced in 1978 by clinical psychologists Pauline Clance and Suzanne Imes,
who defined the term as “an internal experience of intellectual
phoniness.” The duo had worked with over 150 very successful, mostly
white women in individual psychotherapy, groups, and college classes.
They observed that despite the fact these women had academic honors,
degrees, high standardized test scores, and praise from colleagues, they
had not internalized their success. They reported feeling like
imposters, did not believe they were intelligent, and believed they had
fooled people into thinking they were smart. Clance followed this
groundbreaking article by publishing her 1985 book titled
The Impostor Phenomenon: Overcoming the Fear that Haunts Your Success. This book would become the most popular and highly-cited book on the imposter phenomenon.
Since
that original article, early research on the topic was relatively
modest; however, in recent years, the concept has found widespread
popularity and the scholarly interest has grown tremendously. A
bibliometric analysis
by educational studies professor Steven Stone-Sabali and his colleagues
found that while about two and a half articles were published per year
during the first 35 years of IP research, the majority of the IP
literature (about 78%) has been published within the past 10 years and
almost half (about 47%) of all IP articles have been published between
2020 and 2022. The analysis also revealed that one of the important
areas of recent IP research has focused on racial identity and capturing
the IP experiences of marginalized and underrepresented students —
especially how IP has impacted the educational and mental health
outcomes of African American students. This is important because it
shows that there has been more research conducted on people of color,
and there has been much learned about IP that goes beyond white women.
Unfortunately, little of the new work on people of color has made its
way into popular discourse about the topic.
The Biggest Critiques of the Imposter Phenomenon
Both
arguments have merit. It’s important to critically examine how the idea
of IP, and its focus on the individual, can cause harm when applied to
the experiences of people of color and women who often experience
discrimination. But I also think there is some additional nuance we
should bring into the conversation about IP. It is much too simplistic
to simply dismiss the relevance of IP to people of color. We can
acknowledge its relevance while also critiquing how it has been applied.
Otherwise, we risk seeing the concept dismissed entirely — the good
parts and the more troubling ones — and missing out on an opportunity to
address a real issue that harms people of color and women.
First, IP isn’t
only a white woman’s problem. My own research has found that IP is definitely present among students of color, and
research by psychologist Donte Bernard
and his colleagues has found that IP is even present among Black
students attending historically Black colleges and universities (HBCUs).
However, it is fair to say that there are limitations of the original
IP concept as applied to people of color. Along these lines, other
critics, such as Vanderbilt University professor
Ebony McGee
and her co-authors, correctly point out that the traditional
conceptualization of the imposter phenomenon is too focused on the
individual and does not address the role that environmental stressors
such as racism and discrimination contribute to imposter feelings among
minoritized individuals.
Second,
the imposter phenomenon can — and should — be understood within the
context of racism and bias, even though I don’t think imposterism can be
reduced solely to racism and bias. In other words, for many people of
color, IP is best understood as a reaction to racism and bias. While the
original 1978 article clearly stated that the majority of women that
Clance and Imes worked with were white women, a close reading of it
shows that Clance and Imes were well-aware of how societal stereotypes
about women’s intelligence exacerbated women’s feelings of self-doubt.
To be sure, they could have spent more time connecting societal
stereotypes for women and minoritized people to systematic
discrimination and how this contributes to imposter feelings. But, more
recently, researchers of color who examine IP among minoritized groups
typically consider the role of environmental factors related to racism
and discrimination. By doing so, we can help bridge the original
understandings of IP with these environmental factors, shaping a new way
for people of color and organizations to understand IP without throwing
out the concept altogether.
The Racialized Imposter Phenomenon
What
might IP look like to be more applicable to the experiences of racially
and ethnically minoritized people? The recent work of scholars of
color, including myself, Steven Stone-Sabali, and Donte Bernard — both
of whom I’ve collaborated with, among others — notes the limitations of
the original imposter phenomenon conceptualization. We discuss the need
for developing a culturally informed understanding of the imposter
phenomenon that takes into consideration the role of racial
discrimination.
As a result, I, along with Bernard and our research labs, have begun to define racialized imposter phenomenon as persistent
beliefs or actions of intellectual and professional self-doubt among
racially minoritized people due to experiences, systems, or principles
of racial oppression and inequity. This definition differs from the
original IP definition in that it focuses on the role that racism in
the environment contributes to the self-doubt of people of color — but
still recognizes the feeling of being a phony or imposter as part of the
experience. We seek to bridge the individual psychology with the
external structures that can cause distress.
For example, in
our research
we found that students of color often experience racialized imposter
feelings where they contend with messages about only being in college
because of the color of their skin. These messages can become
internalized and sow seeds of self-doubt. Similarly, students of color
who experience racial microaggressions are made to feel like imposters.
Other
research I have conducted with colleagues has also found that perceived discrimination is associated with imposter feelings.
These feelings can result in a decline in mental health and lower job satisfaction. Examples of the former include
research I have conducted with students of color who experience high imposter feelings,
research by Bernard
and coauthors with African American students that found that IP is
associated with racial discrimination in a way that can diminish mental
health, and a recently-published
study I conducted with black attorneys which found that the reason IP was associated with poor mental health was because of perceived stress. On the latter,
research
from Jasmine Vergauwe and others has also found that employees with
stronger imposter feelings report lower levels of job satisfaction.
While
more IP research is needed in work environments to examine the extent
to which minoritized employees are experiencing racialized imposter
phenomenon, it’s clear that the relationship between race and IP is
complex and deserves to be studied more — not that IP needs to be
dismissed outright. It’s also clear that the racialized imposter
phenomenon has distinct ramifications for workers of color and
organizations.
What Organizations Can Do
Given
this emerging research on the racialized imposter phenomenon, there
needs to be more focus on changing organizational culture alongside of
new understandings of IP. I agree that organizations should focus on
fixing bias, not women or people of color. But this has to be done by
understanding how systems and behaviors can lead to imposter feelings,
and how improving those systems and behaviors can reduce them. While
organizations already engage in a number of bias and DEI-related
activities, an understanding of racialized imposter phenomenon will
require more than simply an awareness of bias. Instead, organizations
will need to make a connection between bias and racialized imposter
feelings and will need to help minoritized employees do the same. When
people of color feel like imposters, organizations should seek to
identify potential problems in organizational systems and behaviors that
may be contributing to these feelings. Further, employees of color
should be helped to understand that their imposter feelings may have
deeper roots than individual insecurity and self-doubt.
For
example, instances of explicit bias in organizations (e.g., unfair pay,
harassment, disparity in promotions) are harmful and contribute to
racialized imposter feelings for people of color. Observing that there
are no people of color (or very few) in supervisory roles or the highest
leadership positions sends a message that people of color are not good
enough to be in those positions. Further, frequently interrupting people
of color while speaking at a meeting, or constantly diminishing their
ideas while the same behavior does not happen to white employees,
communicates that people of color are not seen as being truly equal and
valuable members of the organization, and that they are not smart enough
to come up with good ideas. All of this can, in turn, cause or
exacerbate racialized imposter feelings.
Leaders
committed to creating an inclusive environment should seek to redress
such examples of racial disparities. These instances of explicit bias
should be documented, and eliminating these biases requires
organizational commitment from the very top. Creating an inclusive
workplace and
responding to microaggressions demands that leaders be willing to understand and have difficult conversations about both bias and racism
and the imposter feelings that result from it.
. . .
I
wrote this article out of concern that people may categorically dismiss
the imposter phenomenon without understanding the important insights we
have learned from it. In particular, I wanted to show that in spite of
the criticisms, IP is a relevant concept for people of color, but it
needs to be updated to account for the role of the environment — i.e.,
bias and discrimination. And when I give talks about this topic at
organizations, minoritized members of the audiences are often pleased
when I talk about how bias in the environment must be considered when
examining IP among people of color.
However,
I would be remiss to not add that people of color can also experience
imposter feelings absent any overt experiences of discrimination. I was
reminded of this in a conversation that I had with a family member who
recently graduated from an HBCU. She talked about feeling like an
imposter when she was accepted into dental school, and still feels like
one even though she had successfully completed her education. She used
language that was in many ways the textbook definition of the imposter
phenomenon originally described by Clance and Imes, and there was no
mention of bias or discrimination that made her feel like an imposter.
It
is thus possible for minoritized individuals to experience both the
original imposter phenomenon as well as a racialized imposter
phenomenon. As a researcher, I want to better understand the different
circumstances that contribute to the original versus a racialized
imposter phenomenon. It is important that everyone better understands
the difference, too.
The
imposter phenomenon will continue to be an incredibly popular yet
controversial concept in popular culture and academic research. In the
era of DEI, we have the benefit of hindsight in critiquing the imposter
phenomenon, and we are rightly more critical of concepts that do not
fully recognize the varied and differential experiences of diverse
people. Rather than dismissing it, however, the renewed attention to IP
along with its critiques signal that workplaces are much more diverse
now, so it is important to be more thoughtful and nuanced when applying
the concept to people of color.
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