Diversity And Inclusion - It’s Time to Reconceptualize What “Imposter Syndrome” Means for People of Color - Sun and Planets Spirituality AYINRIN

 Diversity And Inclusion - 

It’s Time to Reconceptualize What “Imposter Syndrome” Means for People of Color - Sun and Planets Spirituality AYINRIN

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Summary.   

The recent pushback against the imposter phenomenon in the media has largely focused on how and why it’s inappropriate for people of color. In this article, the author argues that, while there is merit to these arguments, getting rid of the idea entirely for Black students and workers is a disservice. Instead, he recommends reconceptualizing the term to include new research on how imposterism affects people of color, and urges organizations to better understand how racism, bias, and imposter feelings are intertwined.


Over the past few years, there has been increased attention paid to the imposter phenomenon (a.k.a., imposter syndrome) in the media. Its popularity is understandable given that it’s an intuitive, common-sense concept about a tremendously relatable topic: feeling like a phony on the job. It’s also, at least according to recent review of the literature, fairly common: up to 80% of people have experienced imposter feelings.


The increased attention to the imposter phenomenon (IP) has also resulted in increased scrutiny when it comes to race. In particular, recent critiques have argued that (1) it is a white woman’s problem that does not serve people of color, and that (2) it blames women and people of color for feeling like imposters rather than focusing on how their environment causes them to do so. In both cases, critics ask: Are we causing more harm than good when we use it to explain feelings of self-doubt and inadequacy, especially with people of color?
It’s a fair question. As a professor of psychology who has published research on IP for the past decade, I am sympathetic to many of the criticisms surrounding IP. I believe there are aspects about its conceptualization that need to be revisited and reconceptualized in light of emerging research findings. However, I am concerned that recommendations to get rid of the concept for people of color in particular risk throwing the baby out with the bath water. In other words, people may categorically dismiss the imposter phenomenon without understanding the important insights we have learned that can help people live happier and healthier lives.
Rather than discarding the imposter phenomenon altogether, we should reconsider how we apply it. (Note: I will largely avoid using the word “syndrome” throughout, except when others refer to it as such, as it implies an abnormal medical condition and some people find that stigmatizing and pathologizing.) By looking at what research tells us about how people of color experience IP, I propose a new way for individuals and organizations to think about and address it.

What is the Imposter Phenomenon?

The term “imposter phenomenon” was introduced in 1978 by clinical psychologists Pauline Clance and Suzanne Imes, who defined the term as “an internal experience of intellectual phoniness.” The duo had worked with over 150 very successful, mostly white women in individual psychotherapy, groups, and college classes. They observed that despite the fact these women had academic honors, degrees, high standardized test scores, and praise from colleagues, they had not internalized their success. They reported feeling like imposters, did not believe they were intelligent, and believed they had fooled people into thinking they were smart. Clance followed this groundbreaking article by publishing her 1985 book titled The Impostor Phenomenon: Overcoming the Fear that Haunts Your Success. This book would become the most popular and highly-cited book on the imposter phenomenon.
Since that original article, early research on the topic was relatively modest; however, in recent years, the concept has found widespread popularity and the scholarly interest has grown tremendously. A bibliometric analysis by educational studies professor Steven Stone-Sabali and his colleagues found that while about two and a half articles were published per year during the first 35 years of IP research, the majority of the IP literature (about 78%) has been published within the past 10 years and almost half (about 47%) of all IP articles have been published between 2020 and 2022. The analysis also revealed that one of the important areas of recent IP research has focused on racial identity and capturing the IP experiences of marginalized and underrepresented students — especially how IP has impacted the educational and mental health outcomes of African American students. This is important because it shows that there has been more research conducted on people of color, and there has been much learned about IP that goes beyond white women. Unfortunately, little of the new work on people of color has made its way into popular discourse about the topic.

The Biggest Critiques of the Imposter Phenomenon

As I mentioned, current criticisms of imposter phenomenon typically fall into two categories. First, that it is a white woman’s problem that does not serve people of color. Critics — many of whom are women of color — argue that they do not identify with the construct and see themselves being incorrectly “misdiagnosed” with the imposter syndrome. And second, that IP essentially blames women and people of color for feeling like imposters rather than focusing on how their environment causes them to do so. (The Harvard Business Review published a popular version of this critique in 2021, “Stop Telling Women They Have Imposter Syndrome.”) The problem with applying IP, this approach argues, is that it distracts from fixing these larger, environmental problems.
Both arguments have merit. It’s important to critically examine how the idea of IP, and its focus on the individual, can cause harm when applied to the experiences of people of color and women who often experience discrimination. But I also think there is some additional nuance we should bring into the conversation about IP. It is much too simplistic to simply dismiss the relevance of IP to people of color. We can acknowledge its relevance while also critiquing how it has been applied. Otherwise, we risk seeing the concept dismissed entirely — the good parts and the more troubling ones — and missing out on an opportunity to address a real issue that harms people of color and women.
First, IP isn’t only a white woman’s problem. My own research has found that IP is definitely present among students of color, and research by psychologist Donte Bernard and his colleagues has found that IP is even present among Black students attending historically Black colleges and universities (HBCUs). However, it is fair to say that there are limitations of the original IP concept as applied to people of color. Along these lines, other critics, such as Vanderbilt University professor Ebony McGee and her co-authors, correctly point out that the traditional conceptualization of the imposter phenomenon is too focused on the individual and does not address the role that environmental stressors such as racism and discrimination contribute to imposter feelings among minoritized individuals.
Second, the imposter phenomenon can — and should — be understood within the context of racism and bias, even though I don’t think imposterism can be reduced solely to racism and bias. In other words, for many people of color, IP is best understood as a reaction to racism and bias. While the original 1978 article clearly stated that the majority of women that Clance and Imes worked with were white women, a close reading of it shows that Clance and Imes were well-aware of how societal stereotypes about women’s intelligence exacerbated women’s feelings of self-doubt. To be sure, they could have spent more time connecting societal stereotypes for women and minoritized people to systematic discrimination and how this contributes to imposter feelings. But, more recently, researchers of color who examine IP among minoritized groups typically consider the role of environmental factors related to racism and discrimination. By doing so, we can help bridge the original understandings of IP with these environmental factors, shaping a new way for people of color and organizations to understand IP without throwing out the concept altogether.

The Racialized Imposter Phenomenon

What might IP look like to be more applicable to the experiences of racially and ethnically minoritized people? The recent work of scholars of color, including myself, Steven Stone-Sabali, and Donte Bernard — both of whom I’ve collaborated with, among others — notes the limitations of the original imposter phenomenon conceptualization. We discuss the need for developing a culturally informed understanding of the imposter phenomenon that takes into consideration the role of racial discrimination.
As a result, I, along with Bernard and our research labs, have begun to define racialized imposter phenomenon as persistent beliefs or actions of intellectual and professional self-doubt among racially minoritized people due to experiences, systems, or principles of racial oppression and inequity. This definition differs from the original IP definition in that it focuses on the role that racism in the environment contributes to the self-doubt of people of color — but still recognizes the feeling of being a phony or imposter as part of the experience. We seek to bridge the individual psychology with the external structures that can cause distress.
For example, in our research we found that students of color often experience racialized imposter feelings where they contend with messages about only being in college because of the color of their skin. These messages can become internalized and sow seeds of self-doubt. Similarly, students of color who experience racial microaggressions are made to feel like imposters. Other research I have conducted with colleagues has also found that perceived discrimination is associated with imposter feelings.
These feelings can result in a decline in mental health and lower job satisfaction. Examples of the former include research I have conducted with students of color who experience high imposter feelings, research by Bernard and coauthors with African American students that found that IP is associated with racial discrimination in a way that can diminish mental health, and a recently-published study I conducted with black attorneys which found that the reason IP was associated with poor mental health was because of perceived stress. On the latter, research from Jasmine Vergauwe and others has also found that employees with stronger imposter feelings report lower levels of job satisfaction.
While more IP research is needed in work environments to examine the extent to which minoritized employees are experiencing racialized imposter phenomenon, it’s clear that the relationship between race and IP is complex and deserves to be studied more — not that IP needs to be dismissed outright. It’s also clear that the racialized imposter phenomenon has distinct ramifications for workers of color and organizations.

What Organizations Can Do

Given this emerging research on the racialized imposter phenomenon, there needs to be more focus on changing organizational culture alongside of new understandings of IP. I agree that organizations should focus on fixing bias, not women or people of color. But this has to be done by understanding how systems and behaviors can lead to imposter feelings, and how improving those systems and behaviors can reduce them. While organizations already engage in a number of bias and DEI-related activities, an understanding of racialized imposter phenomenon will require more than simply an awareness of bias. Instead, organizations will need to make a connection between bias and racialized imposter feelings and will need to help minoritized employees do the same. When people of color feel like imposters, organizations should seek to identify potential problems in organizational systems and behaviors that may be contributing to these feelings. Further, employees of color should be helped to understand that their imposter feelings may have deeper roots than individual insecurity and self-doubt.
For example, instances of explicit bias in organizations (e.g., unfair pay, harassment, disparity in promotions) are harmful and contribute to racialized imposter feelings for people of color. Observing that there are no people of color (or very few) in supervisory roles or the highest leadership positions sends a message that people of color are not good enough to be in those positions. Further, frequently interrupting people of color while speaking at a meeting, or constantly diminishing their ideas while the same behavior does not happen to white employees, communicates that people of color are not seen as being truly equal and valuable members of the organization, and that they are not smart enough to come up with good ideas. All of this can, in turn, cause or exacerbate racialized imposter feelings.
Leaders committed to creating an inclusive environment should seek to redress such examples of racial disparities. These instances of explicit bias should be documented, and eliminating these biases requires organizational commitment from the very top. Creating an inclusive workplace and responding to microaggressions demands that leaders be willing to understand and have difficult conversations about both bias and racism and the imposter feelings that result from it.

. . .

I wrote this article out of concern that people may categorically dismiss the imposter phenomenon without understanding the important insights we have learned from it. In particular, I wanted to show that in spite of the criticisms, IP is a relevant concept for people of color, but it needs to be updated to account for the role of the environment — i.e., bias and discrimination. And when I give talks about this topic at organizations, minoritized members of the audiences are often pleased when I talk about how bias in the environment must be considered when examining IP among people of color.
However, I would be remiss to not add that people of color can also experience imposter feelings absent any overt experiences of discrimination. I was reminded of this in a conversation that I had with a family member who recently graduated from an HBCU. She talked about feeling like an imposter when she was accepted into dental school, and still feels like one even though she had successfully completed her education. She used language that was in many ways the textbook definition of the imposter phenomenon originally described by Clance and Imes, and there was no mention of bias or discrimination that made her feel like an imposter.
It is thus possible for minoritized individuals to experience both the original imposter phenomenon as well as a racialized imposter phenomenon. As a researcher, I want to better understand the different circumstances that contribute to the original versus a racialized imposter phenomenon. It is important that everyone better understands the difference, too.
The imposter phenomenon will continue to be an incredibly popular yet controversial concept in popular culture and academic research. In the era of DEI, we have the benefit of hindsight in critiquing the imposter phenomenon, and we are rightly more critical of concepts that do not fully recognize the varied and differential experiences of diverse people. Rather than dismissing it, however, the renewed attention to IP along with its critiques signal that workplaces are much more diverse now, so it is important to be more thoughtful and nuanced when applying the concept to people of color.

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