The History And language of the Yorubas Post By Admin

THE HISTORY OF THE
YORUBAS


From the Earliest Times to the Beginning of the
British Protectorate

BY

Th. SAMUEL JOHNSON
of Oyo



EDITED BY

DR. O. JOHNSON, Lagos



C.M.S. (NIGERIA) BOOKSHOPS
LAGOS



First published 1921
Reprinted 1937
Reprinted 1956
Reprinted 1957
Reprinted 1960






PRINTED IN GREAT BRITAIN BY
LOWE AND BRYDONE (PRINTERS) LIMITED, LONDON, N.W.IO



AUTHOR'S PREFACE

What led to this production was not a burning desire of the author
to appear in print — as all who are well acquainted with him will
readily admit — but a purely patriotic motive, that the history of
our fatherland might not be lost in oblivion, especially as our old
sires are fast dying out.

Educated natives of Yoruba are well acquainted with the
history of England and with that of Rome and Greece, but of the
history of their own country they know nothing whatever ! This
reproach it is one of the author's objects to remove.

Whilst the author cotild claim to be a pioneer in an untrodden
field, he can by no means pretend to have exhausted the subject ;
but he hopes by this to stimulate among his more favoured brethren
the spirit of patriotism and enquiry into the histories of the less
known parts of the country. It may be that oral records are
preserved in them which are handed down from father to son,
as in the case of the better known Royal bards in the Metropolis,
such records though imperfect should surely not be under-rated.

In the perusal of this feeble attempt, the author craves the
forbearance of his readers ; he deprecates the spirit of tribal
feelings and petty jealousies now rife among us. In recording
events of what transpired, good or bad, failures and successes,
among the various tribes, he has endeavoured to avoid whatever
would cause needless offence to anyone, or irritate the feelings of
those specially interested in the narratives, provided only that the
cause of truth, and of public benefit be faithfully served.

With respect to the ancient and mythological period he has
stated the facts as they are given by the bards, and with respect
to the History of comparatively recent dates, viz., from the time
of King Abiodun downwards, from eye-witnesses of the events
which they narrate, or from those who have actually taken part
in them. He has thus endeavoured to present a reliable record of
events.

He is greatly indebted especially to the honoured David Kukomi,
the patriarch of the Ibadan Church, (the now sainted father of
the Rev. R. S. Oyebode). Kukomi was a young man in the days
of King Abiodun, and it was his fortune (or misfortune) to take
part in the wars and other national movements of the period as
a common soldier, and was thus able to give a clear and reliable
account of the sajdngs, persons, and events of those stirring times,
being a cool man of judgment, observant, and remarkably
intelligent.



Vlll AUTHOR S PREFACE

Also to Josiah Oni, an intrepid trader in those days, an active
and intelligent observer who was well acquainted with almost
every part of the country, and took part in some of the most stirring
events of a later period.

And last though not least to his highness the venerable Lagunju,
the renowned Timi of Ede, so well known all over the country as a
gifted and trusty historian of the Yoruba Country.

And to others also who are not here mentioned by name.

The histories of all nations present many phases and divers
features, which are brought out by various writers in the lines in
which each is interested ; the same method we hope will be pursued
by writers in this country until we become possessed of a fuller
History ot the Yorubas.

S. JOHNSON.
Oyo, 1897. Aiila Ogun.



EDITOR'S PREFACE

A SINGULAR . misfortune, which happily is not of everyday
occurrence, befel the original manuscripts of this history, in
consequence of which the author never lived to see in print his
more than 20 years of labour.


The manuscripts were forwarded to a well-known English
publisher through one of the great Missionary Societies in 1899 and
— mirabile dictu — nothing more was heard of them !

The editor who was all along in collaboration with the author
had occasion to visit England in 1900, and called on the
publisher, but could get nothing more from him than that the
manuscripts had been misplaced, that they could not be found,
and that he was prepared to pay for them ! This seemed to the
editor and all his friends who heard of it so strange that one could
not help thinking that there was more in it than appeared on the
surface, especially because of other circumstances connected with
the so-called loss of the manuscripts. However, we let the subject
rest there. The author himself died in the following year (1901),
and it hcis now fallen to the lot of the editor to rewrite the whole
history anew, from the copious notes and rough copies left behind
by the author.

But for many years after his death, partly from discouragements
by the events, and partly from being appalled by the magnitude
of the task, the editor shrank from the undertaking, but circum-
stances now and again cropped up showing the need of the work,
and the necessity for undertaking it ; besides the almost criminal
disgrace of allowing the outcome of his brother's many years of
labour to be altogether lost. No one, who has never made the
attempt, can have the faintest idea of the great difficulties that
attend the efforts to elicit facts and accuracy of statements from
an illiterate people : they are bewildering with repetitions, prolix
in matters irrelevant, while facts germane to the subject in hand
are more often than not passed over : they have to be drawn out
by degrees patiently, and the chaff has to be constantly sifted from
the wheat. In no sphere of labour is patience and perseverance
more required than in this. It shows strongly the magnitude of
the labours of the original author, labours undertaken along with
the unremitting performance of his substantive duties.

When all this had to be done with the daily exactions of a busy
profession, and other demands on his time, friends will judge the
editor leniently for having taken such a long time to repair the loss
sustained many years ago. Some chapters had to be rewritten,

X editor's preface 

some curtailed, others amplified, and new ones added where 

necessary. 

But this history has a history of its own, for apart from the 

mishap that befel the original manuscripts as above detailed, its 

vicissitudes were not yet over. When at last the task of re-writing 

it was completed, jt was forwarded to England by the " Appam," 

which left Lagos on the 2nd of January, 19 16. The Appam was 

at first supposed to be lost, but was afterwards found in America, 

having been captured by the raider Moewe. Nothing was heard 

of the manuscripts again for nearly two years, when they were at 

last delivered to the printers ! By that time, paper haci become 

so dear in England that it was deemed advisable to wait till after 

the War before printing. The manuscripts were next sent back by 

request to the editor, wl^o in order to obviate a future loss, under- 

took to have it typewritten, but in the meantime even j;ypewriting 

paper became difficult to obtain. All these drawbacks were success- 

fully overcome in the end, as well as the difficulties in passing the 

work through the press. 

He now lets the book go forth to the public, in the hope that it 

will fulfil the earnest desire of the original author. 

O. JOHNSON. 

Ajagbe Ogun. 

CONTENTS 

PART I 

THE PEOPLE, COUNTRY. AND THE LANGUAGE. 

§1. Introduction xix 

§2. The Yoruba Language xxiii 

§3. A Sketch of Yoruba Grammar . . . xxxiii 

CHAPTER I 

Origin and Early History i 

CHAPTER II 

The Origin of the Tribes 15 

CHAPTER III 

Religion 26 

CHAPTER IV 

Government 40 

CHAPTER V 

Yoruba Names 79 

CHAPTER VI 

Yoruba Towns and Villages 90 

CHAPTER VII 

The Principles of Land Law 95 

CHAPTER VIII 

Manners and Customs 98 

§(a) Social polity ....... 98 

§(6) Facial marks ....... 104 

§{c) Diet 109 

§{i) Dress no 

§{e) Marriage 113 

§(/) Trades and professions . . . . • "7 

l{g) Learning 125 

§(A) Wealthy Personages ..... 126 

§(») The Iwofa system ...... 126 

§(;■) Distraining for debt 130 

§(*) War 131 

§(/) Funerals 137 

Xll 

CONTENTS 

PART II 

FIRST PERIOD 

MYTHOLOGICAL KINGS AND DEIFIED HEROES 

§1. 

§2. 

§3. 

§4- 

§5. 

CHAPTER I. — The Founders of the Yoruba Nation 

Oduduwa ........ 143 

Oranyan ........ 143 

Ajuan alias Ajaka ....... 148 

Sango alias Olufiran . . . . . .149 

Ajaka's second reign ...... 152 

SECOND PERIOD 

GROWTH, PROSPERITY AND OPPRESSION 

CHAPTER II.— Historical Kings 

§1. Aganju 155 

§2. Kori 155 

§3. Oluaso 158 

§4. Onigbogi 158 

§5. Ofinran 159 

CHAPTER III.- 

§1. Eguguoju 

§2. Orompoto 

§3. Ajiboyede 

§4. Abipa or Oba m'oro 

-The Kings of Oyo Igboho 

161 

161 

162 

164 

CHi^I'TER IV. — A Succession of Despotic Kings 

§1. Oba lokun Agana Erin ...... 168 

§2. Ajagbo ......... 168 

§3. Odarawu ........ 169 

§4. Karan 170 

§5. Jayin . . . 170 

§6. Ayibi 172 

§7. Osinyago 173 

§8. Ojigi 174 

§9. Gberu 175 

§10. Amuniwaiye ........ 175 

§11. Onisile 176 

CHAPTER V. — Basorun GahA and his Atrocities and 

Abiodun's Peaceful Reign 

§1. Labisi 178 

§2. Awonbioju alias Oduboye ..... 178 

§3. Agboluaje ........ 178 

§4. Alaje ogbe ........ 180 

§5. Abigdun alias Adegolu ...... 182 

§6. Abiodun's peaceful reign ...... 186 

CONTENTS Xiii 

THIRD PERIOD 

REVOLUTIONARY WARS AND DISRUPTION 

CHAPTER VI.— The Revolution 

§1. Aole surnamed Arogangan 

§2. The King's enemies . 

§3. The rebellion of the Oyo Chiefs 

§4. The rising of Ojo Agunbambaru 

§5. Maku 

188 

189 

193 

194 

196 

CHAPTER VII —The Rise of the Fulanis to Power 

§1. The spread of anarchy and fall of Afonja . . . 197 

§2. The first attempt to recover Ilorin. Battle of Ogele . 200 

§3. The second attempt : The Mugba mugba War . . 201 

§4. TheBattleof Pamo 202 

CHAPTER VIII.— Consequences of the Revolution 

§r. The Owu War 206 

§2. The Lasinmi War ....... 210 

§3. State of the Capital at this period .... 212 

CHAPTER IX, — Further Development of the Anarchy 

§r. Evil days

CONTENTS 

xvu 

CHAPTER XXXII. 

-Abortive Measures to Terminate the 

War 

§1. The mission of Alvan Millson 

§2. Subsidiary efforts of the Rev. S. Johnson . 

§3. The AlAfin's diplomacy 

§4. Correspondence and a treaty 

§5. The AlAfin's measures for peace and the issues 

§6. The Ilorins at Ilobu .... 

§7. The conduct of the chiefs at Ikirun . 

CHAPTER XXXIII.— The Dark before the Dawn 

§1. Liberation of the Egbados 

§2. Troubles at Ijebu .... 

§3. Strained relations with the Ibadans . 

§4. Death of Aliku the Emir of Ilorin 

§5. Ijebu excesses and infatuation 

§6. Causes that led to the Ijebu War 

§7. Further causes that led to the Ij ebu War 

§8. The Ijebu campaign 

§9. Effecte of the Campeiign . 

CHAPTER XXXIV.— The End -of the War 

§1. Governor Carter s progress up country 

§2. The return home of the Ibadans 

§3. The return of Governor Carter to Lagos 

§4. Local opinions about the war 

§5. Constitution of the Ibadan Town Council 

CHAPTER XXXV.— The Establishment of the British 

Protectorate. The Sequel 

Abeokuta 643 

§1. 

§2. 

§3. 

§4- 

§5- 

§6. 

Ibadan . 

Ijesa 

The Ekitis 

If e and Modakeke 

Ilorin 

APPENDIX A 

Treaties and Agreements 

§1. Abeokuta 

§2. Oyo 

§3. Ibadan (an agreement) 

§4. Egba (boundaries) . 

§5. Abeokuta (railway) 

§6. Ibadan (railway) 

XViii CONTENTS 

Appendix A — [continued) 

§7. Ijs§a (human sacrifices) ...... 663 

§8. Ekiti „ „ 664 

§9. If§ „ „ ....... 665 

§10. Between England and France for the West Coast . 666 

§11. Porto Novo . . , . . . . . . 667 

§12. Proclamation ........ 668 

APPENDIX B 

§1. Yoruba Kings, Basoruns, etc. ..... 669 

§2. Ibadan chief rulers ....... 670 

§3. Ab§okuta leading chiefs ...... 670 

§4. Emirs of Ilorin ....... 671 

Index 673 

Map of the Yoruba Country ..... at en<i 

§1. INTRODUCTION 

The Yoruba country lies to the immediate West of the River 

Niger (below the confluence) and South of the Quorra {i.e., the 

Western branch of the same River above the confluence), having 

Dahomey on the West, and the Bight of Benin to the South. It 

is roughly speaking between latitude 6° and 9° North, and longi- 

tude 2° 30' and 6° 30' East. 

The country was probably first known to Europe from the 

North, through the explorers of Northern and Central Africa, for 

in old records the Hausa and Fulani names are used for the country 

and its capital ; thus we see in Webster's Gazetteer " Yarriba," 

West Africa, East of Dahomey, area 70,000 sq. miles, population two 

millions, capital Katunga. These are the Hausa terms for 

Yoruba and for Oyo. 

The entire south of the country is a network of lagoons connect- 

ing the deltas of the great River Niger with that of the Volta, and 

into this lagoon which is belted with a more or less dense mangrove 

swamp, most of the rivers which flow through the country North 

to South pour their waters. 

It will thus be seen that the country is for the most part a table- 

land : it has been compared to half of a pie dish turned upside 

down. Rising from the coast in the South gradually to a height 

of some 5-600 ft. in more or less dense forest, into a plain diversified 

by a few mountain ranges, continuing its gentle rise in some parts 

to about 1,000 ft. above sea level, it then slopes down again to the 

banks of the Niger, which encloses it in the North and East. 

In a valuable letter by the Rev. S. A. Crowther (afterwards 

Bishop) to Thomas J. Hutchinson, Esq., Her Britannic Majesty's 

consul for the Bight of Biafra and the Island of Fernando Po, 

published as Appendix A to the book entitled " Impressions of 

Western Africa,"^ we find the following graphic description of 

the country : — 

. . . " This part of the country of which Lagos in the Bight 

of Benin is the seaport, is generally known as the Yoruba country, 

extending from the Bight to within two or three days' journey to 

the banks of the Niger.^ This country comprises many tribes 

governed by their own chiefs and  and having their own laws. At one 

time they were all tributaries to one Sovereign, the King of Yoruba, 

including Benin on the East, and Dahomey on the West, but are 

now independent. 

' Longmans, Green & Co., 1858. 

"^ i.e. At the time of writing. — Ed. 

XX INTRODUCTION 

The principal tribes into which this kingdom is divided are as 

follows : — 

The Egbados : This division includes Otta and Lagos near the 

sea coast, forming a belt of country on the banks of the lagoon in 

the forest, to Ketu on the border of Dahomey on the West ; then 

the Jebu on the East on the border of Benin ; then the Egbas of the 

forest now known as the Egbas of Abeokuta. 

Then comes Yoruba proper northwards in the plain ; Ife, Ijesha, 

Ijamo, EfoH, Ondo, Idoko, Igbomina, and Ado near the banks of 

the Niger, from which a creek or stream a little below Iddah is 

called Do or Iddo River." 

. . . " The chief produce of this country is the red palm oil, 

oil made from the kernel, shea butter from nuts of the shea trees, 

ground nuts, beniseed, and cotton in abundance, and ivory — all 

these are readily procured for European markets. 

. . . The present seat of the King of Yoruba is Ago other- 

wise called Oyo after the name of the old capital visited by Clap- 

perton and Lander. 

A King is acknowledged and his person is held sacred, his wives 

and children are highly respected. Any attempt of violence 

against a King's person or of the Royal family, or any act of 

wantonness with the wives of the King, is punished with death. 

There are no written laws, but such laws and customs that have 

been handed down from their ancestors, especially those respecting 

relative duties, have become established laws. 

The right to the throne is hereditary, but exclusively in the male 

line or the male issue of the King's daughters. 

The Government is absolute, but it has been much modified 

since the kingdom has been divided into many independent states 

by slave wars, into what may be called a limited monarchy ..." 

Physical features. — ^The country presents generally two distinct 

features, the forest and the plain ; the former comprising the 

southern and eastern portions, the latter the northern, central and 

western. Yoruba Proper lies chiefly in the plain, and has a 

small portion of forest land. The country is fairly well watered, 

but the rivers and streams are dependent upon the annual rains ; 

an impassable river in the rains may become but a dry water-course 

in the dry season. 

There are a few high mountains in the north and west, but in 

the east the prevailing aspect is high ranges of mountains from 

which that part of the country derives its name, Ekiti — a mound 

— being covered as it were with Nature's Mound. 

The soil is particularly rich, and most suitable for agriculture, 

in which every man is more or less engaged. The plain is almost 

entirely pasture land. Minerals apparently do not exist to any 

appreciable extent, expect iron ores which the people work them- 

selves, and from which they formerly manufactured all their 

implements of husbandry and war and articles for domestic use. 

INTRODUCTION XXi 

Flora. — The forests teem with economic and medicinal plants 

of tropical varieties, as well as timber, of which mahogany, cedar, 

brimstone, counter, and iroko are the principal. 

There are also to be found the Abura, useful for carving purposes, 

ebony, Ata 2i hard wood used for facing carpenters' tools, the Iki, 

a hard wood which when dry is very difficult to work, as it speedily 

blunts edged tools. The Ori, another hard wood useful for making 

piers on the coast, and the Ahayan, a very hard wood, unaffected 

by ordinary fires, dry rot, or termites. 

All these are indigenous, but recently " Indian teak " has been 

introduced, and it flourishes widely, as well as the beef wood tree 

on the coast. 

Although a large variety of fruits can be grown, yet the people 

do not take to horticulture ; what there are grow almost wild, 

very little attention being paid to them. Papaw, bananas of 

several varieties, plantcdn, oranges, pineapples, the Oro, plums 

(3'ellow and black), the rough skin plum, the butt lime, are to be 

found everywhere. Some fruit trees have been introduced, which 

have become indigenous, e.g., the sweet and sour sop, the avocado 

(or alligator) pear, guavas of two kinds, pink apples, rose apple, 

mangoes, the bread truit and bread nut trees, the golden plum, 

etc. All these are cultivated, but not widely. 

Vegetables, of which there are several kinds, are largely culti- 

vated. Yam, koko, cassada, sweet potatoes, are the principal 

" roots " used as diet, also beans (white and brown), small and 

large, and the ground nut are largely grown for food. The guinea 

corn grows in the north, and maize in the south. The calabash 

gourd and the Egusi from the seeds of which Egusi oil is pressed, 

grow everywhere. 

Fauna. — ^Big game abound, especially in the north, where the 

lion is not far to seek, also the elephant, buffalo, leopard, wolf, 

foxes, jackals, monkeys of various species, deer, porcupine, etc. 

The hippopotamus is found in large rivers, and alligators in the 

swamps and lagoons in the south. 

The usual domestic animals and poultry are carefully reared. 

Of birds, we have the wild and tame parrots, green pigeons, stork, 

crown birds, and others of the tropical feathered tribe. 

The country was at one time very prosperous, and powerful, 

but there is probably no other country on this earth more torn and 

wasted by internal dissensions, tribal jealousies, and fratricidal 

feuds, a state of things which unhappily continues up to the present 

time. 

When the central authority which was once all-powerful and far 

too despotic grew weak by driving the powerful chiefs into rebellion 

and internecine wars, the entire kingdom became broken up into 

petty states and independent factions as we now know them. 

As far as it is possible for one race to be characteristically like 

another, from which it differs in every physical aspect, the Yorubas 

XXU INTRODUCTION 

— it has been noted — are not unlike the English in many of their 

traits and characteristics. It would appear that what the one is 

among the whites the other is among the blacks. Love of inde- 

pendence, a feeling of superiority over all others, a keen commercial 

spirit, and of indefatigable enterprise, that quality of being never 

able to admit or consent to a defeat as finally settling a question 

upon which their mind is bent, are some of those qualities peculiar 

to them, and no matter under what circumstances they are placed, 

Yorubas will display them. We have even learnt that those of 

them who had the misfortune of being carried away to foreign 

climes so displayed these characteristics there, and assumed such 

airs of superiority and leadership over the men of their race they 

met there, in such a matter of fact way that the attention of their 

masters was perforce drawn to this type of new arrivals ! And 

from them they selected overseers. These traits will be clearly 

discerned in the narratives given in this history. But apart from 

the general, each of the leading tribes has special characteristics 

of its own ; thus dogged perseverance and determination character- 

ise the Ijebus, love of ease and a quickness to adapt new ideas the 

Egbas, the Ijesas and Ekitis are possessed of a marvellous amount 

of physical strength, remarkable docility and simplicity of manners, 

and love of home. 

Among the various families of Yorubas Proper, the Ibarapas 

are laborious farmers, the Ibolos are rather docile and weak in 

comparison with others, but the Epos are hardy, brave, and rather 

turbulent ; whilst the Oyos of the Metropolitan province are 

remarkably shrewd, intelligent, very diplomatic, cautious almost 

to timidity, provokingly conservative, and withal very masterful. 

The whole people are imbued with a deep religious spirit, 

reverential in manners, showing deference to superiors and respect 

to age, where they have not been corrupted by foreign intercourse ; 

ingrained politeness is part and parcel of their nature. 

The early history of the Yoruba country is almost exclusively 

that of the Oyo division, the others being then too small and too 

insignificant to be of any import ; but in later years this state of 

things has been somewhat reversed, the centre of interest and sphere 

of importance having moved southwards, especially since the 

arrival of Europeans on the coast. 

Such is the country, and such are the people whose history, 

religion, social polity, manners and customs, etc., are briefly given 

in the following pages. 

THE YORUBA LANGUAGE 

The Yoruba language has been classed among the unwritten 

African languages. The earliest attempt to reduce this language 

into writing was in the early forties of the last century, when the 

Church Missionary Society, with the immortal Rev. Henry Venn 

as Secretary, organized a mission to the Yoruba country under 

the leadership of one of their agents, the Rev. Henry Townsend,. 

an English Clergyman then at work at Sierra Leone, and the 

Rev. Samuel Ajayi Crowther, the first African Clergyman of the 

C.M.S., also at work in the same place. 

After several fruitless efforts had been made either to invent 

new characters, or adapt the Arabic, which was already known to 

Moslem Yorubas, the Roman character was naturally adopted, not 

only because it is the one best acquainted with, but also because it 

would obviate the difficulties that must necessarily arise if 

missionaries were first to learn strange characters before they could 

undertake scholastic and evangehstic work. With this as basis, 

specizd adaptation had to be made for pronouncing some 

words not to be found in the English or any other European 

language. 

The system, or rather want of system, existing among various 

missionary bodies in Africa and elsewhere emphasized the need of 

a fixed system of orthography. It was evidently essential for the 

various bodies to agree upon certain rules for reducing iUiterate 

languages into writing in Roman characters, not only because this 

would facilitate co-operation, but also because it would render 

books much cheaper than when separate founts of type must needs 

be cast for every separate system (scientific or otherwise) that each 

body may choose to adapt for one and the same purpose. 

In this effort, the Committee of the C.M.S. were ably assisted 

by certain philological doctors, as Professor Lee of Cambridge, 

Mr. Norris of London, and notably by Professor Lepsius of BerUn, 

to whom was entrusted the task of establishing a complete form 

of alphabetic system to which all hitherto unwritten languages 

could be adapted. 

The following remarks are largely derived from the second edition 

of Prof. Lepsius' work. 

The Professor consulted earher efforts that had been made in 

India and elsewhere to transliterate foreign (Eastern) characters 

into the Roman, and out of the chaos then existing he estabUshed 

XXIV THE YORUBA LANGUAGE 

on a firm scientific basis the Standard Alphabet in which the 

Yoruba language is now written. This was adopted by the 

C.M.S. in 1856. By this system therefore former translations had 

to be transliterated under certain fixed rules. 

The number of letters in the Standard Alphabet is necessarily 

very large, as it was designed to meet the requirements of all 

nations ; but with diacritic marks on cognate sounds and accents, 

and the introduction of three characters from the Greek, the 

Roman characters furnish all that is necessary from which every 

unwritten language can draw. 

It is very unfortunate indeed that the system has not been 

faithfully followed by all, for reasons we regard as inadequate and 

inconclusive. This has provoked the caustic remark of the distin- 

guished philologist. Dr. R. N. Cust, that ..." no class of man- 

kind is so narrowminded and opinionated as the missionary except 

the linguist." For even in the Yoruba which professed to have 

adopted Lepsius' Standard, certain particulars (as we shall see) 

have been departed from, by no means for the better. Keen was 

the controversy on these points between the English and German 

missionaries of the Yoruba Mission in its early days. In the 

following' pages the style commonly used in the familiar Yoruba 

translations is departed from in some important particulars, as 

they present some peculiar defects which ought to be rectified. 

We shall endeavour to follow Professor Lepsius' Standard Alphabet 

as closely as possible. 

The Professor himself has conceded that shades of sound can 

be adapted therefrom to meet special requirements without depart- 

ing from the principles laid down. Says he in his second edition: 

" The exposition of the scientific and practical principles 

according to which a suitable alphabet for universal adoption in 

foreign languages might be constructed has (with few exceptions 

above mentioned) remained unaltered. These rules are founded 

in the nature of the subject, and therefore though they may admit 

of certain carefully hmited exceptions, they can undergo no change 

in themselves : they serve as a defence against arbitrary proposals 

which do not depend upon universal laws ; they will explain and 

recommend the application which has been made of them already 

to a series of languages and will serve as a guide in their application 

to new ones. 

"But we have not concealed from the very beginning that it 

is not in every person's power to apprehend with physiological 

and hnguistic accuracy the sounds in a foreign language or even 

those of his own, so as to apply with some degree of certainty the 

principles of our alphabet to a new system of sounds containing 

THE YORUBA LANGUAGE XXV 

its own peculiarities. A few only of our most distinguished 

grammarians are possessed of a penetrating insight into the living 

organisms of sounds in those very languages they have discussed ; 

much less can it be expected of missionaries, who are often obliged 

without previous preparation to address themselves to the reduction 

and representation of a foreign language, that everything which 

belongs to a correct adjudication of particular sounds (frequently 

apprehended only with great difficulty even by the ear) or to 

their connection with one another and with other systems of 

sounds, should present itself spontaneously to their minds." 

Certain rules of transcription are imperative for a correct 

scientific method of procedure. Whatever may have been the 

difficulties encountered in the ancient written languages, so far as 

the Yoruba and other unwritten languages are concerned, the 

field hes clear. 

The Enghsh mode of pronouncing the vowels had to be rejected 

in favour of the Italian or continental mode. 

The following rules or principles have been laid down : — 

1. The power of each letter as representing certain sounds as 

handed down from antiquity should be retained. 

2. The orthography of any language should never use (a) the 

same letter for different sounds, nor (b) different letters for the 

same sound. 

In violation of (a) note the force of the letter g in the Enghsh 

words give, gin ; of a in man, name, what ; of ea in treat, tread ; 

of ei in weight, height ; of the consonants ch in archbishop, arch- 

angel ; of augh in slaughter, laughter ; also the sound of ch in 

chamber, champagne, chameleon where the same letters are used 

for different sounds. 

In violation of (b) note the last syllables in the words atten/fow, 

omission, fsLshion, where different letters are used for the same 

sound. 

3. Every simple sound is to be represented by a single sign. 

This is violated by writing sh to represent the " rushing sound " 

of s. This, as we shall see below, is quite unnecessary in the 

Yoruba language. Here we find an application of the principle 

that where a new sound is not found in the Roman alphabetic 

system a diacritical mark on the nearest graphic sign should be 

used. A diacritical mark therefore over s will more fitly represent 

the English sound of sh. ^ This is also in accordance with the 

sin and shin in the Hebrew and Arabic, where the difference 

1 Publishers' Note. It must be noted, however, that in printing 

this work s has been used throughout to represent the sh sound. 

XXVI THE YORUBA LANGUAGE 

between the soft and the rushing sound is indicated by diacritical 

points, e.g., 

Heb. to tD Arab. - ^ 

Again the letter A is a sign of aspiration (as the spiritus asper 

in the Greek) as in it, hit ; at, hat ; owl, howl, etc. It would 

therefore be unscientific to accord it a new meaning altogether 

by such a use of it in violation of rule i. 

Apart from this is the fact that the letter s with a diacritical 

mark over it has been employed about twenty years previously 

by oriental scholars transcribing Indian letters into the Roman. 

4. Explosive letters are not to be used to express fricative 

sounds and vice versa, e.g., the use oi ph as f where p is clearly 

an explosive letter. 

5. The last rule is that a long vowel should never be represented 

by doubling the short. This method seems to have found favour 

with some transcribers, there being no fixed system of transcription. 

THE ALPHABET 

In a purely scientific alphabetic system, it would seem more 

correct that the alphabets be arranged according to the organ 

most concerned in the pronunciation of the letters, e.g., all sounds 

proceed from the fauces, and are modified either at the throat, 

by the teeth, or by the lips ; hence they may be classified as 

guttural, dental, or labial. But nothing is gained by altering 

the order which came down to us from remote antiquity as the 

Romans received it from the Greek, and these from the 

Phoenicians, etc. 

The Vowels. 

The vowels in Yoruba may 

be built upon the three funda- 

mental vowels, a, i, u, with the 

two subsidiary ones, e formed 

by the coalescence of the first 

two a and i, and o by the coal- 

escence of a and u from which 

we have a, e, i, o and u. These are the recognised principal 

vowels and are pronounced after the Italian method (ah, 

aye, ee, o, 00), but whereas in the Enghsh language the 

short soimd of e is written eh and that of o as aw. these sounds, 

according to the standard system in accordance with rule 3, are 

represented by a dot or dash under the cognate sounds, hence we 

THE YORUBA LANGUAGE XXVll 

have e and o. A complete representation of the vowels in Yoruba 

therefore is as follows : — a, e, e, i, o, g, a (prpnounced ah, aye, 

eh, ee, oh, aw, oo), the original taking precedence of the diacritic. 

Note that u is not to be pronounced as " you " but as oo in food. 

Nasalization. — The clear vowels are capable of a peculiar 

alteration which is produced by uttering the vowel through the 

nasal canal. There is no consonantal element brought into 

play, but it is an alteration entirely within the vowel. Nasalization 

is very largely used in the Yoruba, and consequently its ortho- 

graphy should be free from any ambiguity. In the Standard Alpha- 

bet the circumflex (~) is placed over the nasalized vowel to indicate 

such a sound. Unfortunately the Yoruba as written by mission- 

aries substitute the letter n for this sign, a cause of some ambiguity 

in writing certain words as Akano, Akinola, Morinatu, Obimeko, 

where the letter n stands between two vowels, and is liable to be 

pronounced with the latter, e.g., A-ka-no, A-ld-no-la, MQ-ri-na-tu, 

0-bu-ne-ko ; but following the Standard Alphabet, the words 

should be written Akao, Obueko, just as the Portuguese 

names are written Semao, Adao, JoSo, etc. Indeed certain 

sections of the Yoruba tribes that use nasalization very 

sparingly do pronounce these words as written without any sign 

of nasalization. The n therefore is not only unnecessary but it 

is also misleading. 

In the following pages, the Standard System will be adhered to, 

where such ambiguities are liable to occur : but for the sake of 

simplicity and to avoid the unnecessary use of diacritical marks, 

n as a nasal sign may be used where it cannot cause any ambiguity, 

e.g., 

1. When it precedes a consonant as nje, ndao, nk6. 

2. When it closes a word, as Awon, Basorun, Ibadan, Iseyin. 

As nasahzation is said to be caused by the dropping of a nasal 

consonant, such a Umited use of « as a nasal soimd may be justified. 

No pure, uneducated Yoruba man can pronounce a word ending 

in a consonant, he will instinctively add an i or u to it. There is 

therefore no closed syllable in Yoruba, n at the end of a word is 

purely nasal. 

The System of Consonants 

There are sixteen distinct consonantal sounds in the Yoruba 

language, each having the same force and power as in the English 

alphabet ; they are : b, d, f, g, h, j, k, 1, m, n, p, r, s, t, w, y. 

No consonants are used to represent a vowel by perverting them 

from their legitimate consonantal sounds as h, w, and y are some- 

times used in English. 

XXVlli THE YORUBA LANGUAGE 

Besides the above, there are two other sounds not represented 

in the Roman or in any other European system ; they are ex- 

plosive sounds peculiar to the Yoruba and alhed tribes formed by 

the lip and jaw, viz., gb and kp. They are regarded as guttural 

modifications of b and p, and as they appear to result from a 

combination of two organs concerned in speech, but the com- 

ponent parts of which are so intimately connected they are rightly 

represented by two letters, though not contravening rule 3. 

As to kp, since usage makes it evident that the Yorubas never 

pronounce the letter p but as kp, it is therefore not considered 

necessary to include kp in the Yoruba alphabet as is done in the 

Ibo ; the simple p does perform its duty satisfactorily. 

Here we find a fit application of Professor Lepsius' remarks 

that " The general alphabet, when applied to particular languages, 

must be capable of simplification as well as of enlargement. All 

particular diacritical marks are unnecessary in those languages 

where none of the bases have a double value ; we then write the 

simple base without a diacritical mark. Where two sounds 

belong to the same base, one only of the signs will be wanted. ..." 

This is well exemplified here. We therefore write p and not kp 

in Yoruba. 

The same may be said of the letter s and the sound sh, referred 

to above. The difference is indicated in the Standard Alphabet 

by a diacritical mark, e.g., s, s (for sh). The Yorubas can safely 

dispense with the latter, and for the sake of simplicity this ought 

to have been done, as no difference as to the meaning of a word 

is suggested by the same word being pronounced soft or harsh. 

And more also because in some parts of the country, notably the 

Ekun Osi district (the most northerly), the harsh sound is un- 

pronounceable, whatever may be written ; e.g., shall, shop, will 

be pronounced sail, sop. In the Epo district, on the other hand, 

it is just the reverse ; the harsh sound will be pronounced instead 

of the soft, thus same, son will be pronounced shame, shon. 

But all over the country women and children invariably use 

the softer sound for the same word, which, if thus used by men is 

considered affectations, except in the Ekun Osi district, where the 

purest and most elegant Yoruba is spoken. 

S (for sh) therefore might have been dropped from the Yoruba 

alphabet with no harm resulting ; it is, however, retained because 

over a great part of the country a distinction is made between 

the two sounds ; apart from the fact that it would often be 

required in representing the sounds of some words of foreign origin. 

From the above modifications therefore we have the Yoruba 

alphabet as now used : — 

abdeefggbhijklmnooprsstuwy . 

THE YORUBA LANGUAGE XXIX 

Accents or Tones 

An accent in the accepted sense of the term denotes the stress 

laid upon a particular syllable, be it the ultimate, penultimate 

or antepenultimate syllable of a word. In Yoruba it is used 

differently. What are called accents, and for which the usual 

symbols are used are really tones, of which there are three : the 

elevated, the middle and the depressed ; for the first and the 

last the acute and the grave accents are used respectively, the 

middle tone in its simplest form requires no accent sign. 

In Yoruba, vowels are of greater importance than consonants, 

and tones than vowels ; hence the peculiarity of this language, 

that musical sounds can be employed to convey a correct idea 

of words in speech. 

Another error into which those responsible for the present mode 

of writing Yoruba have fallen, by departing from the Standard 

System, is the introduction of the circumflex (~) and its indiscrimi- 

nate use as a sign of a so-called long vowel. 

There are really no long or short vowels in Yoruba as under- 

stood in the English language ; what appears to be long is the 

coalescence of two or more vowels with an elision of the inter- 

vening consonants, e.g., Bale is a contraction of Baba-ile, i.e. 

father (or master) of the house. Here the second h is dropped, the 

two a's coalesce, and the i is absorbed in them, being represented 

by a prolongation of the tone. The vowels are therefore simple 

and compound. 

The meaning of a word varies as the tone, e.g., we may say : — 

ba ba, bk, the voice being raised, even or depressed respectively. 

The first ba means to meet, the second ba to he in ambush, and 

the third hk to ahght upon. 

So we may have be, be, b^ : b§ means to split open, be to be 

officious, and b^ to beg. 

Also bu, bu, bu : bu means to abuse, bu to be mouldy, and 

bu to cut open. 

In this way each vowel with each tone accent may be combined 

with each of the consonants to form words of different meanings ; 

or in other words, thus may every consonant be used with each 

of the vowels in turn, forming different words by varying the 

tone. 

The Use of the Accents 

To this method of using the accents over the vowels Professor 

Lepsius made the strongest objections, as by such a use the accents 

have been diverted from their proper uses to serve another purpose. 

XXX THE YORUBA LANGUAGE 

He therefore proposed to place the tone accents to the right-hand 

side of the vowel instead of over it, so as to distinguish a word 

accent from a tone accent, as is done in the Chinese and other 

cognate languages: e.g., word accent would be written ba, bk; 

tone accent, ba , ba\ 

In this proposal the professor agrees with the Rev. T. J. Bowen 

an American Baptist Missionary in his Yoruba Grammar and 

Dictionary published in 1858 by the Smithsonian Institution. 

But Crowther — a Yoruba man — did not in his grammar make any 

such distinction. He thinks the existing accents will do well 

enough, and for the best of reasons, there is no word accent in 

Yoruba, the tone governs everything, and Europeans cannot speak 

without a word accent. 

The language moreover abounds in contractions and elisions, 

a whole syllable may be dropped but the tone remains. This is 

the crux of difficulty with foreigners trying to speak the language, 

and to what extent they are able to overcome this, to that extent 

their Yoruba is said to be perfect. 

Combination of the Accents 

As remarked above, there are no closed syllables in the Yoruba 

language, every syllable must end in a vowel and every vowel 

must be one of the three tones represented by the accents. Words 

of three or four syllables are often contracted into two, the 

coalescence of the tones forming the compound vowels. 

The entire scheme of the accents or tones may be thus repre- 

sented: — 

I. Simple vowels with the varied tones. 

a, in which the tone is raised : as ka, to pick ; ba, to meet ; 

la, to lick, 

a, in which

a, in which the tone is even : as pa, to kill ; ba, to ambush ; 

ta, to kick. 

a, in which the tone is depressed : as rk, to buy ; ki, to count ; 

fa, to draw. 

II. Compound vowels in which a single vowel bears more 

than one tone :— 

A. Compounds of the raised tone, 

a, in which the raised tone is doubled, e.g., A'yan, contracted 

from Arfyan, i.e., cares, worries. 

4-, in which the raised tone is combined with the middle, e.g., 

Ki-nla from Kinila — a form of exclamation. 

& in which the raised tone is combined with the depressed, 

e.g., beni from b^h^ni, so it is. 

THE YORUBA LANGUAGE 

XXXI 

B. Compounds of the middle tone. 

a' in which the middle tone is combined with the raised ; e.g. 

A'yan from a-hayan, a cockroach ; O'ri from Oriri, a tomb, 

a" in which the middle tone is combined with itself, e.g., Ta'ni 

from Ta-ha-ni — who is it ? 

a' in which the middle tone is combined with the depressed, 

e.g., E "ru from eriru, spice ; kere from keh^rg, a screen. 

C Compounds of the depressed tone. 

k' in which the depressed tone is combined with the raised, 

e.g., a'nu from cini-inu, mercy ; 6'to from 6tit6, truth. 

k- in which the depressed tone is combined with the middle, 

e.g., ko"'^^ from kdriko, a wolf. 

i' in which the depressed tone is combined with itself, e.g., 

Ori contracted from Oriri, black plum. 

In this way words of four or five syllables may, by elision and 

absorption, be contracted into two or three ; e.g., «ifin from 

aw6fin, the palace ; hence Alafin from Ani-k-w^-fin, Lord of the 

royal palace. 

0-oni fromOw6ni, which is itself a contraction of Omo oliiw^ni, 

son of a sacrificial victim. 

The consonants may be dropped, the vowels absorbed, but the 

tones are always preserved ; the first and last syllables only are 

essential, the voice can gUde over all the intervening tones for 

the sake of shortness. 

This is at once the chief characteristic and — to foreigners — the 

main difficulty of the Yoruba language. In order to avoid such 

complicated tone accents it would be preferable to write out the 

words in full, although the contracted form may be used in 

speaking or reading, e.g., otito for 6'to ; korik6 for k6"'"'' 

Words similar in form, distinguished only by their tones. 

Words of two syllables : — 

Api 

. the arm 

Ina 

. . fire, louse 

Apa 

. a prodigal 

Ink 

. . flogging 

Apa 

. a scar 

Lia 

. . a tattoo mark 

Aid 

. a riddle 

Idi 

. . the eagle 

A15 

. something ground 

\di 

. . the seat 

Alo 

• going 

Idi 

. . bunch of fruit 

Awo 

. a dish 

llii 

. . a town 

Aw6 

. a crash 

m 

. . a drum 

Aw6 

. . a fishing net 

llu 

. . a gimlet 

Awo 

. a guinea-fowl 

Awo 

. . a secret 

XXXll 

THE YORUBA LANGUAGE 

Agba . . a rope lya 

Agba . . an elder lya 

Agba . . a cannon lya 

A'yan . . anxiety, care Ik6 

A'yan . . a cockroach Ik6 

A'yan . . a hardwood Ikd 

Baba . . father Ori 

Baba (adv.) quite full Ori 

Bkbk . . guinea corn 6ri 

Epo . . palm oil 0p6 

Epo . . bark Op6 

Ep6 . . weeds Opd 

E'ri . . corn chaff Oko 

E 'ri . . dirt Okg 

Eri (for Ori) the head 6k6 

Words of three syllables similarly 

Apata . . a rock korfko 

Apata . . a shield k6rik6 

Apatk . . a butcher 

a mother 

punishment 

a separation 

a cough 

a state messenger 

a hook or hanging 

the head 

shea butter 

black plum 

a post 

a widow 

to be busy 

a husband 

a hoe 

a spear 

distinguished : — 

grass 

wolf 

Words of four syllables. 

Koldkdlo . . stealthily 

Kolgkolo . . circuitously 

K^16kolo . . muddy, miry 

K616k^l6 . . the fox 

A SKETCH OF YORUBA GRAMMAR 

The efforts we have seen made to produce a Yoruba Grammar on 

the exact lines of an EngHsh or Latin Grammar represent in our 

opinion an honest labour, highly commendable indeed it may be, 

but totally in the wrong direction, and little calculated to elucidate 

the genius of the language. On the contrary, they go a long way 

to obscure it. 

The Yoruba belongs to the agglutinated order of speech, not to 

the inflectional. When therefore particles are used to form cases, 

etc., it is mere pedantry to talk of declensions. 

It is a notorious fact that educated Yorubas find it much easier 

to read an Enghsh book than a Yoruba production — which until 

recently are mostly translations. With an effort they may plod 

through it, but they do not enjoy reading it, and sometimes do 

not even understand it. The main reasons for this are : — 

1. The orthography of the language is still very defective. 

2. The style in which the books are written. This may simply 

be described as English ideas in Yoruba words : the result is often 

obscurity and confusion of thought. 

In the " Church Missionary Intelligencer " for March, 1880, a 

missionary to Japan, who had experienced a similar difificulty, 

wrote thus : — 

" There is great danger, in all use of this language, of thinking 

that when we have rendered various English words into Japanese 

we have of necessity expressed the thoughts which the English 

words convey. Language may correspond to language, but the 

thoughts to which the language is the vehicle may be as distant 

as the poles. Our language must be idiomatic or the natives will 

fail to see the points on which we are endeavouring to lay so much 

stress." 

The writer has on several occasions- read portions of Yoruba 

translations to intelligent but purely uneducated Yoruba men. 

They would show that they comprehended (not without an effort) 

what was read to them by putting pertinent questions, but then 

they would add, " We can understand what you mean to say, but 

what you read there is not Yoruba ; it may be hook language 

(£de I we)." The rock of stumbling is the desire of translators to 

reproduce every word and particle of the English in its exact 

equivalent in Yoruba, regardless of idiom, and thereby obscuring 

the sense of the latter. 

XXxiv A SKETCH OF YORUBA GRAMMAR 

In taking up a Yoruba book one is forcibly struck by the 

difference in style between quotations of pure Yoruba stories, 

phrases, or proverbs, and the notes and observations of the writer. 

The former runs smooth and clear, the latter appears stiff and 

obscure, because the writer, with his knowledge of the English 

grammar and language, wrote English ideas and idioms in Yoruba 

words, illustrating what is said above. 

When such systems are employed in writing a Yoruba Grammar, 

such a grammar may be usefiil in teaching English to Yoruba 

boys, but that is not a Yoruba grammar. 

We deem these observations necessary because in the following 

pages we shall have occasion to render Yoruba words into English 

and vice versa ; a very literal translation will not be adhered to 

when, by so doing, the sense and force of the language will be 

obscured and weakened. 

The Formation of Words 

The formation of words in Yoruba appears to be a very simple 

process ; any consonant with a vowel attached will form a word 

(or three words, according to the variation of the tone or accent). 

That word will probably be a verb ; it will certainly possess the 

form of one, either current or obsolete. This word will, moreover, 

be the root of a whole class of words. By prefixing a vowel to it 

a noun may be formed ; with other prefixes also some other 

words may be formed from the same root, e.g., da to make, gda, 

a creature ; from which we have eleda, creator. Lk, to spUt ; 

ilk, a cut ; elk, halves of a whole ; kla, a boundary. Rii, to carry ; 

eru, a load ; alarij, a carrier ; elerii, owner of a load. Fe, to 

love ; Ife, love ; Ifeni, brotherly love, charity. 

Thus verbs are mostly monosyllables, formed by one consonant 

and a vowel, and nouns disyllables in which the first syllable is 

a vowel, and the second a verbal root. The penultimate vowel is 

sometimes strengthened by a consonant. 

Adjectives are mostly formed from nouns (or as nouns) by pre- 

fixing the consonant of the verbal root ; e.g., dida, made or created ; 

hlk, fissured ; so also from m6, to know ; im^, knowledge, mim^, 

known. 

Adverbs are generally dupUcation of the adjective, e.g., didun, 

sweet ; didun-didun, very sweet ; dara, good ; dara-dara, very 

good. 

What is here called a verbal root may be an obsolete word or 

one not generally in use, but other words can be formed from it 

all the same. 

There are some primitive words the origin of whose roots has 

A SKETCH OF YORUBA GRAMMAR XXXV 

been lost, e.g., omi, water ; ina, fire ; igi, wood ; aso, clothes ; 

etc. 

With rare exceptions, nouns not beginning with a vowel are 

either of foreign origin, or onomatopoetic : this latter being very 

common. 

There are, of course, exceptions to the above rules, but these 

will be found to be the fundamental methods of forming Yoruba 

words. 

We cannot within the compass of an introduction, give a 

complete sketch of a Yoruba Grammar, but we may state that 

the Unes laid down in Crowther's Vocabulary of the Yoruba 

language and in Notes on the Formation of Words by the Rt. Rev. 

O. E. Vidal, the first Bishop of Sierra Leone, if properly developed 

and fully worked out, will prove both very useful and instructive. 

The Parts of Speech 

There are eight parts of speech. They are as in the English 

Grammar, the " Article " being excepted. 

The Yoruba language has no article, but when definiteness is 

required the numeral kan (contracted from Okan, one) is used for 

a or an, and the demonstrative na or ni (that, the said one) is 

used for the definite article the. 

The use of the numeral one in place of the article is not unknown 

even in English. " The numeral one is an indefinite demonstrative 

when used as the article an " — Mason, 

The word kan therefore cannot be correctly called an article 

simply because it is made to do duty for it. 

In Yoruba books translated from the Enghsh, where the 

translator endeavours to render every word and particle into its 

Yoruba equivalent, we often find these particles used where a 

pure Yoruba, speaking, would not use an article. Hence the 

Yoruba of translations often sounds rather quaint. 

Literal translations regardless of differences of idiom, often 

result in ambiguity or nonsense. 

In the British colonies of Sierra Leone and Lagos, where the 

Yoruba element predominates, and where the English language is 

often heard spoken with local accents and local idioms, the articles 

are frequently left out where an Englishman would use them, 

e.g., I see snake, for I saw a snake. Water full, for the river is full. 

Here the local English sounds rather quaint, because the speaker 

simply expresses his Yoruba ideas in EngUsh words without the 

article. Again, we may say in Yoruba, O joko lori aga " (He is 

sitting on a chair) " nmu koko taba " (he is smoking a pipe) 

No one would ever think of adding the particle kan after aga or 

XXXVl A SKETCH OF YORUBA GRAMMAR 

koko taha by way of expressing the article a. So also we may say 

" Mo pade Yesufu ni Odo Osun " (I met Joseph at the River 

Osun), or " Mo iilo sf gja " (I am going to the market). No one 

would use the particle nd after Osun or oja to indicate the article 

the as its English equivalent. But we can say " Okonrin na ti de " 

(the man is come). " Mo pade Okonrin na " (I met the man). 

" Omode kan nduro de g " (a child is waiting for you). " Mo pa 

ejo kan " (I have killed a snake). In which cases definiteness is 

required and consequently the particles representing the articles 

a, an and the are used. 

These examples are sufficient to show that the articles do not 

exist in the Yoruba language, but where definiteness is required, 

equivalents can be found. 

We deem these illustrations necessary as in books on Yoruba 

Grammar the " article " forms one of the Parts of Speech. 

Noun 

Nouns generally in their simplest form are formed by prefixing 

a vowel to a verbal root ; as b§, to shear ; abe, razor ; de, to cover 

(the head) ; ade, crown ; da, to cease ; oda, drought ; s^, to 

offend ; ese, sin. So also the verbals alo, going ; abg, coming from, 

Ig, to go ; and bg, to come. 

But the prefixes have certain peculiarities of their own. Thus : 

a prefixed indicates an agent, one who does a thing, e.g., ke, to cut ; 

ake, an axe — an agent for cutting wood. Da to break ; ida, 

a cutlass ; yun, to file, ayun, a file or a saw. 

o or 0, the same as a but restricted in their use, e.g., lu, to bore ,* 

olu, a gimlet ; 16, to grind ; ol6, a grinder ; we, to swim ; ow^, 

a swimmer ; de, to hunt ; gde, a hunter. 

e prefixed indicates a noun in the concrete, e.g., ru, to carry ; 

eru, a load ; mi; to breathe ; emi, the breath, spirit. 

i prefixed denotes a noun in the abstract, e.g., m6, to know ; 

im5, knowledge ; ri, to see ; iriri, experience. 

The vowels e and u are rarely used. 

Gender. — The Yoruba language being non-inflective, genders 

cannot be distinguished by their terminal syllables, but by pre- 

fixing the words ako, male, and aho, female, to the common term ; 

and sometimes okonrin, a man and obirin, a woman ; e.g., akg- 

esin, a horse, stallion abo-esin, a mare ; akg-malu, a bull ; abo- 

malu, a cow. Omc okonrin, a boy, i.e., a man child ; gmg-birin, 

a girl. 

In one case the masculine seems to be formed from the feminine, 

e.g., lyawo, a bride, gkg-iyawo, a bridegroom. 

A SKETCH OF YORUBA GRAMMAR 

XXX vu 

Baba 

. . father 

lya 

. mother 

Okonrin 

. man 

Obirin 

. woman 

Oko 

. husband 

Aya 

. wife 

Apgn 

a bachelor 

Wundia 

. a spinster 

Apon 

. a widower 

Opo 

a widow 

)ruba langu 

age in which different 

female of the objects, e.g. : — 

Igbekun 

. . a male captive 

Igbesin 

. a female captive 

Oso" 

. a wizard 

Aje 

. a witch 

Agbo 

a ram 

Agutan 

. a sheep, a ewe 

Obuko 

. a he-goat 

Ewure 

. a goat 

Akuko 

. a cock 

Agbebo 

. a hen 

No other distinction of genders is known. 

The words arakgnrin and arabirin, used in translations for brother 

and sister, are purely coined words, not known to the illiterate 

Yoruba man not in touch with missionaries. To him they are 

" book-language " and must be explained. 

The English words brother and sister show th« relations as to 

sex only without indicating the relative age ; but the Yorubas, 

with whom distinction in age and seniority of birth are of primary 

importance, generally use the words egbgn and aburo, i.e., the elder 

and the younger relative, words which show the relative age only, 

without indicating the sex and are equally applicable to uncles, 

aunts, nephews, nieces and cousins however far removed, as well 

as to brothers and sisters. 

Our translators, in their desire to find a word expressing the 

Enghsh idea of sex rather than of age, coined the above words 

" arakonrin," i.e., the male relative ; " arabirin," the female 

relative ; these words have always to be explained to the pure 

but ilUterate Yoruba man. 

But the words egbon okonrin or obirin and aburo gkonrin or 

obirin would be more intelligible to them and should be preferred, 

especially as it is always easy enough to find out the relative ages 

of the said brother or sister. 

We would recommend this to our translators. 

Proper names rarely show any distinction of sex, the great 

majority of them apply equally well to males as to females. See 

under " Yoruba Names," page 79- 

Number. — The plural of nouns cannot be formed from the 

singular, either by addition or by a change of form ; only from the 

context can it be known whether we are speaking of one or more 

than one : but when specification is desired the demonstrative 

pronoun awQti (they) or won (them) is used with the words, e.g., 

B 

XXXviil A SKETCH OF YORUBA GRAMMAR 

Aw on okonrin na ti lo (the men have gone away). The bells are 

ringing — Awon agogo na nlu. Awon, however, is rarely used with 

things without life. When the plural nouns are indefinite, that is 

to say, without the definite article, the demonstrative awon is 

omitted, e.g., Walaha okuta meji — two tables of stone. 

Case. — There are three cases, the nominative, objective and 

possessive, as in the English language ; but in none of them is 

there a change of form. The nominative precedes and the objective 

follows after the transitive verb and preposition as usual, but in 

the case of the possessive, the thing possessed stands before the 

possessor with the particle ti expressed or understood between 

them, e.g., Moses' book, Iwe ti Musa, in which the particle ti 

is expressed. Iru esin, the horse's tail, in which the particle ti 

is understood. But although the particle ti is not expressed, yet 

its middle tone is preserved by lengthening the tone of the final 

vowel of the thing possessed. Thus we may say : Iwe (e) Musa, 

the book of Moses, Iru(u) e§in, the tail of the horse. Qro(g) 

Olorun, the word of God. Agbala(a) Oba, the court of the King. 

Oko Ore(e) mi. My friend's farm. 

The sound of the added tone is sometimes so slight as to be 

almost imperceptible, but it is always there, and is one of those 

fine points which are so difficult for the ear of foreigners to catch, 

and the absence of which marks out their defective accents. 

But when the noun in the possessive case stands alone, the 

particle ti must be expressed, e.g., David's, Ti Dauda. Moses's, 

Ti Musa. It is Joseph's, Ti Yesufu ni. 

Adjectives 

Adjectives are generally placed after the nouns they qualify, 

as Esin dudu, a black horse ; omo rere, a good child. They are 

placed before the nouns when some special attribute of that noun 

is to be emphasized, e.g., agidi omo, a stubborn child ; apa omo, 

a slovenly child ; alagbara okonrin, a brave fellow ; akg okuta, 

a very hard stone. 

These are really substantives used attributively. They may 

more correctly be regarded as nouns in the construct state, and 

not pure adjectives, e.These are really substantives used attributively. They may 

more correctly be regarded as nouns in the construct state, and 

not pure adjectives, e.g., " a brute of a man " is a more emphatic 

expression than " a brutish man." This view of showing the 

identity of a substantive with an adjective is clearly shown by 

Mason : — 

" The adjective was originally identical with the noun which, in 

the infancy of language, named objects by naming some attributes 

by which they were known. 

" In course of time the adjective was developed into a separate 

A SKETCH OF YORUBA GRAMMAR XXXlX 

part of speech; the function of which was to attach itself to the 

noun ; even now it is sometimes difficult to draw the line between 

them, as nouns are sometimes used attributively and adjectives 

pass by various stages into nouns." 

Comparison of Adjectives 

Degrees of comparison cannot be formed from Yoruba adjectives. 

The words ju and juld which are generally used in Yoruba books 

and translations, and even stated in some grammars as forming 

the comparative and superlative degrees, are really adverbs 

signifying a greater or less degree than and as such may give 

a comparative sense only to the adjectives to which they are 

attached. The superlative is really non-existing ; it can only be 

gathered from the context. The wordy« is only used in an elhptical 

sense iox julo when a comparison is being made, and it often appears 

in the form of tmesis ; e.g., He re tobi ju ti emi lo — Your house is 

larger than mine ; where lo is separated from ju by the words ti 

emi, and may be omitted without affecting the sense. When used 

otherwise, i.e., without any idea of comparison, ju is purely an 

adverb signifying too, too much or too little, e.g., ga ju, it is 

too high ; O kere ju, it is too small. But a comparative idea 

can be gathered only from the context, and also whether the 

comparison is between two or many, and it is in that way alone 

a comparative and a superlative degree can be made out. " If 

we say, ' John is taller than all the other boys in the class,' we 

express the same relation as to height between John and the rest 

as if we should say, ' John is the tallest boy in the class.' But in 

the former case John is considered apart from the other boys of 

the class, so that the two objects which we have in mind are John 

and the other boys in the class. When the superlative degree is 

used John is considered as one of the group of boys compared 

with each other." — Mason. 

This latter sense is what cannot be expressed in Yoruba and 

therefore the language cannot be said to possess a superlative 

degree. The superlative idea can only be gathered from the context. 

It would be absurd to thus compare the adjective tall : — 

Positive, ga (tall) comparative, ga ju (too tall) ; superlative, 

ga ju lo (more tall than) which are not adjectives in the compara- 

tive and superlative sense at aU. 

To use words like these : Oga ogo julo, for the Most High ; or, 

Owu mi behe pup6 julo for I am most pleased at it, is to speak 

vile Yoruba. No pure Yoruba man uncontaminated with Enghsh 

ideas would speak in that way at all. 

As the genius of the Yoruba language, the working of the 

Xl A SKETCH OF YORUBA GRAMMAR 

Yoruba mind, its ideas and idiosyncracies do not run in an Anglo- 

Saxon channel, it is not to be expected that the mode of expression 

will agree in every particular. Some teachers of the Yoruba 

language often fall into this error in their endeavours to find the 

exact equivalent in both languages. 

The Forms and Uses of Adjectives 

Every adjective has two forms, the attributive and the predica- 

tive, each depending upon the use thereof, e.g. : — 

A high mountain (attributive), Oke giga. 

The mountain is high (predicative), Oke na ga. 

In Yoruba, the attributive is formed from the predicative by 

reduplicating the initial consonant with the vowel i, e.g., strong 

pred., le, attrih., lile ; sweet, pred., dun, attrib., didun ; hot pred, 

gbona, attrih., gbigbona ; good, pred., dara ; attrib., didara, etc. 

Disyllables with the vowel m as a rule undergo no change, e.g., 

tutu, cold ; dudu, black ; funfun, white, etc. (the n being purely 

nasal). Although not in use, the same rule even here may also 

be applied. 

Pronouns. 

Pronouns are used in the same sense as in EngUsh. They are: 

I Personal, II Relative, and III Adjective ; there is no distinction 

in genders in any of the forms. 

The Personal includes the Reflexive. 

I. Personal Pronouns, 

(a) Nominative Case. 

Singular Plural 

ist Pers. : I Emi, mo (mo, mi) n We Awa, a 

2nd ,, thou Iwo, o, (g) you eyin, e 

3rd „ he, she it On, 6, (6) they Awon, won 

The full forms (sing.) emi, iwg, oii, (plural) awa, eyin, awon, 

are used when emphasis is to be laid on the person, but ordinarily 

the second forms (sing.) mo, o, 6, (plural) a, e, won, are used. 

Those in brackets (mo, mi, o, 6) are mere provincialisms for the 

former. 

5J in the ist person is used only with the incomplete and future 

tenses, e.g., iilQ for emi yio lo, or Mo iilo, I am going, 5Jo lo for 

Emi yio lo, I shall go. 

He, when used in an indefinite sense, is eni, as : Eni ti o ba se e. 

He that doeth it. Eni ti o ba wa si ihin. He who comes here. 

A SKETCH OF YORUBA GRAMMAR xli 

(b) Possessive Case. 

Singular Plural 

1st Pers. : Mine Ti emi Ours ti awa 

2nd „ Thine Ti iwg or ti ire yours ti ^yin 

3rd ,, his, hers, its Ti on or ti irg theirs ti awon 

It will be observed that the possessive forms, are simply the 

nominatives with the particle ti (meaning of) prefixed ; so that 

hterally they are of me, of you, of him, etc. In ordinary speech, 

however, the vowel of the particle always suffers elision in the 

singular number, but in the plural it is the initial vowel of the 

pronoun that is elided. Thus we have : — 

Sing. : t'emi, t'iwo or fire, t'ofi or fire 

Plural : ti'wa, ti'yin, ti'wgn. 

The apostrophe mark of elision is generally dispensed with in 

writing, e.g., we write temi, tiwa, tiwon, etc. 

Special notice should be taken of the forms tire and tir^ ; in 

the 2nd and 3rd pers. singular the difference lies only in the tone 

(or accent) ; in the 2nd pers. the tone of the first syllable is de- 

pressed, the second is middle, it is vice versa in the 3rd person. 

(c) Objective Case. 

Singular 

Plural 

ist Pers. 

: me mi 

us wa 

2nd „ 

thee 

you yin 

3rd .. 

him, her, it a, e, e, i, 0, g, u 

them wgn 

The objective case as may be seen, consists of fragments of 

the nominative. It is really the terminal syllables of the first 

second and third persons, singular and plural. The third person 

singular calls for special rernarks : — 

It consists of the whole of the vowels, but the particular vowel 

made use of in each case is that of the transitive verb which pre- 

cedes the pronoun and governs the case, e.g., pa a (he killed it), 

Mo pe e (I called him), Wgn te e (they bent it), A bo o (we covered 

it), etc. Where the verb ends in a nasal sound the vowel is also 

nasal, e.g., O kan a (he nailed it), A fun u (we gave him), etc. 

The tone of the pronoun in the objective case is influenced by 

that of the verb which governs it ; when that of the verb is raised 

the objective maintains the middle tone, e.g., O 16 g (he twisted 

it). Mo ka a (I picked it) ; and vice versa when that of the verb is 

middle, that of the objective is raised, e.g., O se ^ (he did it), 

O pa a (he killed it), kan mi (it aches me). Again, when the 

tone of the verb is depressed, that of the pronoun is raised, 

Xlii A SKETCH OF YORUBA GRAMMAR 

e.g., kkn mi (it touched me), Mo k^ a (I counted it), A pe won 

(we called them). 

The Reflexive 

The word tikara, incorporated wih the personal forms, is used 

to indicate the Reflexive. It is placed between the nominative 

and possessive cases, e.g., 

Singular Plural 

1st Pers. : Emi tikara mi Awa tikara wa 

2nd ,, Iwo tikara re Eyin tikara yin 

3rd ,, Ofi tikara r§ Aw on tikara won 

The harsh r is generally softened into / so that instead of tikara 

we say tikala ; but in a flowing speech the / is dropped off altogether 

and the two a's blended and lengthened ; so we often hear 

Emi tik5 mi, Oil tika r^, Awa tika wa. 

II Relative Pronouns 

The Relative pronoun who, whose, whom, which, what, or that 

in Yoruba, is the simplest in any language. It consists solely 

of the particle ti and is used for every number, gender, person or 

case, e.g., I who called thee, Emi ti o pe o. The man whom I 

saw, Okgnrin ti mo ri. The birds which flew, Awgn eiye ti won fo. 

III. Adjective Pronouns 

These are : — (a) Possessive ; (b) Demonstrative ; (c) Distribu- 

tive ; (d) Indefinite ; and (e) Interrogative. 

(a) Possessive : — Singular Plural 

My mi Our wa 

thy re your jan 

his, her, its rfe their won 

Note. — Like adjectives, they come after the nouns they qualify, 

e.g.. My king, gba mi ; your children, awon omo jdn ; their cattle, 

awon eran-osin won. 

(b) Demonstratives : — Singular Plural 

this yi, eyi, eyiyi these wonyi, iwonyi 

that ni, eyini,na those wonni,iwgnni 

Note. — The simple forms yi, ni, wgnyi, wgnni, are used with the 

nouns tbey quahfy, e.g., This man, gkgnrin yi ; that book, iwe ni ; 

these children, awgn gmgde wgnyi ; those houses, ile wgnni. 

But when the nouns are not expressed, the forms with a vowel 

prefixed are used, e.g., This is not good, eyi ko dara ; this very one, 

eyiyi ; these are not ripe, iwgnyi ko pgn ; those are very good, 

i wgnni dara jgjg. Na refers to something spoken of or understood. 

A SKETCH OF YORUBA GRAMMAR 

xliii 

[c) Distributive : — 

each 

olukuluku, enikankan 

every 

enikan, or gbogbo 

either 

enikan 

neither 

ko si enikan 

Note. — The Yoruba use of the distributives is rather idiomatic. 

" Each " is olukuluku, but when used in the sense of " one by one " 

it is enikankan. For " every one " the Yoruba is gbogbo, i.e., 

all, e.g., it touches every one of us. (In Yoruba) It touches all of 

us, Gbogbo wa li o kan. "Either of them," is "one of them." 

Either of us may go, Okan ninu wa le lo. 

(d) Indefinite : — 

All 

Any 

Both 

. . Gbogbo 

. . eyikeyi 

. . mejeji 

One 

Other 

Another 

• • 

kan, §nikan 

ekeji 

elomiran 

Certain 

. . (eni) kan 

One another 

Each other 

}' 

ara won 

Few 

Many 

Much 

None 

. . die 

opolgpo, pupQ 

. . pup6, opo 

. . ko si enikain 

Several 

Some 

Such 

Whole 

•• 

pupo 

die (a few) 

bayi 

ototg, gbogbo 

The Yoruba language s very defective in distinctive terms 

expressive of the indefinite pronouns. One word must do service 

for different terms in which there is a shade of difference of 

meaning, e.g., 

Gbogbo is used for all, whole. 

PuPq or bpo for many, much, several. 

Enikan for certain, one. 

None is expressed by " there is no one." 

(e) Interrogative : — 

Who ? Tahani ? contracted to tani ? 

Whose ? Titahani ? contracted to titani ? 

Which ? Ewo ? wo ? 

Whom ? Tani ? eniti ? 

What ? Kini ? ' 

Note. — -The n in kini is often converted or rather softened into 

/ in speech. What shall we do ? Kini awa yio se ? is softened 

into Ki r a o se ? 

Verbs 

Verbs are transitives and intransitives. There are no auxiliary 

verbs as known in the EngHsh and other languages ; certain 

particles are used to mark out the moods, tenses and other forms. 

XllV A SKETCH OF YORUBA GRAMMAR 

for which auxiliary verbs are used, consequently the verb " to be " 

as an auxiliary is wanting. 

In. the English language there are six auxiliary verbs, viz., 

be, have, shall, will, may, do ; each of them may be used as the 

principal verb, and also as an auxiUary to other verbs when they 

help to form the moods and tenses ; but the particles that are 

used in Yoruba for such purposes are not verbs, and cannot be 

used as such, and therefore cannot be correctly termed auxiUary 

verbs as some compilers of Yoruba grammars have tried to make 

out. For example, the particle ti placed before a verb denotes a 

completed action, e.g., Ajayi ti lo, Ajayi has or had gone. The 

particle jyj'o in the same way points out a future tense, ^.^., Ajayi 

yio lo, Ajayi will go. The nasal n prefixed to any verb shows an 

incomplete action as Ajayi rilo, Aja)^ is going. 

There being no auxiliary verbs as such, the Passive Voice 

cannot be formed in the usual way, the first or third person plural 

of the verb transitive is used for the passive voice, e.g., " A snake is 

killed " will be A pa ejo kan, or Won pa ejo kan. Or if we say 

" The snake was killed by Joseph " the Yoruba will be " A ti owo 

Yesufu pa ejo na, which is literally, " We by the hand of Joseph 

killed the snake," but usually the active transitive is preferred, 

viz., Yesuf u U o pa ejo na, " It is Joseph that killed the snake." 

As was observed above, the majority of Yoruba verbs in their 

simplest form consist of monosyllables — a consonant and a vowel, 

e.g., ka, to pick, kd. to count, rd to buy, lo to go, wa to come, 

sun to sleep, etc. They are non-inflective and do not show any 

distinction in number or person. 

Disyllabic verbs are almost invariably compound words 

resolvable into their component parts ; they may be a verbal 

root compounded with a preposition, a noun or an adverb (some 

roots, however, have become obsolete), e.g., Bawi, to scold, from 

ba, with, and wi, talk. Dahun, to answer, from da, to utter, 

ohun, a voice. Dapo, to mingle, from da, to pour or mix, and 

Pq, together. Sunkun, to weep, from sun, to spring, and ekun, 

tears. 

Some are transitives, others intransitives. 

The noun or pronoun governed by the transitive verb is in- 

variably placed between the component parts, e.g., Bawi, to scold. 

O ba mi wi, He scolded me. 

Pade, to close. O pa ilekun de. He closed the door 

Here the mi is placed between the ha and the wi. It. is not 

O bawi mi for He scolded me, but ha mi wi. 

So also ilekun is placed between pa and de, not O pade ilekun, 

but pa ilekun de for He closed the door. 

A SKETCH OF YORUBA GRAMMAR xlv 

Verbs compounded with a Preposition : — 

Bawi, to scold. O ba mi wi, He scolded me. 

Pade; to shut. Pa ilekun de, Close the door. 

Dimu, to take hold of. Di mi mu, Take hold of me. 

Dasi, to spare. Da won si, Spare them. 

Verbs compounded with an Adverb : — 

Baje, to spoil. Ba inu je, Grieve, " Spoil the mind." 

Dapo, to mingle. Da won po. Mix them together. 

Tuka, to scatter. Tu won ka, Scatter them. 

Daru, to confound. Da won ru, Confound them. 

Pamo, to keep. Pa mi mo, Keep or preserve me. 

In verbs compounded with a noun, the noun always has the 

preposition ni (softened into li) before it, e.g., 

Daju, evident, from da, clear, and oju, the eyes — clear to the 

eyes. da mi I' oju. It is evident to me 

Tiju, to be ashamed, from ti to cover, oju, the eyes — covering 

the eyes. ti mi I' oju. It shames me. 

Dahun, to answer, from da, to utter, ohun, a voice. Da mi 

I'ohun, Answer me. 

Jiya, to suffer, from je, to eat, iyk, punishment, je mi ni iyd, 

He punished me. 

Gbowg, shake hands, from gba, take, owo, hand. gbd mi 

I'owQ, He shook hands with me. 

Ranse, to send a message, from ran, send, ise, a message. Mo 

ran a ni i§e, I have sent him. 

The Intransitive verbs of this class are usually neuter verbs 

compounded with nouns of similar import and therefore do not 

admit of any n

ompounded with nouns of similar import and therefore do not 

admit of any nouns or pronouns being inserted into their com- 

ponent parts, e.g., 

Sunkun, to cry, from sun, to spring, shed, ekun, tears. 

Sorg, to talk, from so, to utter, org, a word. 

Kunle, to kneel, from kun, to fill. He, the ground. 

P^de, to meet, from pa, to keep, ade, a coming. 

Duro, to stand, Irom da, to keep, iro, upright. 

Moods and Tenses 

In the formation of Moods and Tenses certain particles are 

made use of. They may have been the roots of obsolete verbs, 

but they cannot now be used as verbs but as particles ; we there- 

fore refrain from applying the terms " defective " or " auxiliary 

verbs " to them. Such are the following : — 

Bi, ha or iha, implying if, should, or would, e.g. Bi o ba lo, 

if he should go. Oia iba lo, 

Xlvi A SKETCH OF YORUBA GRAMMAR 

Je or ki, or j ski, implying permission, e.g., Je ki o \q or ki o lo, 

let him go. 

Lb, implying permission. O le lo, he may go. 

Md or Mase, implying prohibition (authoritative). 

Maha, impljdng permission (authoritative), e.g., Maha lo, be going 

Yio, often contracted to o, sign of the future, e.g., Yio lo, he 

will go. Emi o \o, I will go. 

Ati or ni ati, softened into lati, implying an intention, e.g., 

Ati lo, to go, Lati jeun, to eat (intending to). 

N or ng, sign of incomplete action, e.g., Emi filo, I am going. 

Ojo fir6, it is raining. 

Ti, a sign of the past tense, e.g., ti lo, he has gone. 

From these particles the Moods and Tenses are formed. 

Moods 

The Indicative, Subjunctive, Potential, Imperative, Infinitive 

and the Participal Moods can be well expressed in Yoruba, and 

all but the first can be formed by the use of one or other of the 

above particles. 

The Indicative is the verb in its simplest form, e.g. lo, to go. 

Emi Ig, I went. Ojo sare, Ojo ran. 

The Subjunctive is formed by prefixing the conjunction hi (if) 

before the subject of the verb, with or without the particle 

ha, e.g., Bi emi lo or Bi emi ba Ig, If I were to go. Bi emi ba 

fe Ig, If I wish to go. 

The Potential is formed by adding the particle le before the 

verb, e.g., Emi \h Ig, I may go (lit. I am able to go). 

The Imperative is formed by the permissive sign J§ ki, e.g., 

Jg ki emi Ig, Let me go. [Besides the direct forms Ig (go thou) ; 

^lg(goye).] 

The Infinitive is formed by adding the particles ati or lati before 

the verb, e.g., Ati lo, to go. Lati mo, to know. 

The Participle is formed by prefixing the particle ii (or ng) to 

the verb, e.g. nlo, going.; nbQ, coming. 

Tenses 

There are only three tenses in Yoruba, properly speaking, the 

preterite, the incomplete, and the future. 

An action just done is a completed action and is therefore past ; 

one doing is incomplete, consequently what may be considered 

present may be merged in the completed action, and is therefore 

taken as preterite, or in the incomplete, as the sense may require. 

The simple verb is always expressed in the past indefinite or 

A SKETCH OF YORUBA GRAMMAR xlvii 

preterite tense, e.g., Mo lo, I went ; Mo we, I washed. O rerin, 

he laughed or laughs ; joko, he sat or sits. 

The complete tenses, past or present, are expressed by prefixing 

the particle ti before the preterite, e.g., Mo ti we, I have, or had 

washed. O ti lo, he has or had gone. 

The incomplete tense is formed by prefixing the particle ii (orng) to 

the verb, e.g., Emi nwe, I am washing. Emi iirerin, I am laughing. 

The future tense is formed by placing the particle jyj'o (contracted 

to o) before the verb, e.g., Emi yio we, I shall wash. Emi o lo, 

I shall go. Awa o maha yo. We shall be rejoicing. 

The future complete (or second future) tense is formed by 

adding the particles indicating the future and the complete tenses 

to the verb e.g., Emijyw ti we, I shall have washed. Emi o ti lo, 

I shall have gone. 

Adverbs 

Adverbs are used in the same way as in the English, to modify 

or hmit the meaning of a verb, an adjective, or another adverb, 

and are generally placed after the words they qualify, e.g., sorg 

daradara. He spoke well. soro jojg. It is very difficult. After 

an intransitive verb, they come directly after the verb, as sun 

fanfan. He slept soimdly. O sure tete. He ran swiftly. But 

after a transitive verb they come after the noun or pronoun 

in the objective case, e.g.. Mo mo Yesufu daju-daju, I know 

Joseph well. O le won sehin-sehin. He drove them far back. 

Adverbs of manner, quahty and degree are mostly formed by a 

reduplication of the word (especially an adverb or a verb), e.g., 

O sorg daradara. He spoke very well, O duro sinsin. He stood 

firmly. Dajudaju, evidently. Mo feran r^ gidigidi, I love him well. 

Adverbs of time, place and quantity are used in the same way 

as in the EngHsh, and call for no special remarks. We may note, 

however, that in these, words of more than one syllable not 

onomatopoetic in origin are capable of being resolved into their 

elementary parts — usually into a particle (a preposition) and a 

noun, e.g., 

Nigbagbogbo, always, can be resolved into ni (at), igba (time), 

gbogbo (all), i.e., at all times. 

Kigbose, when, can be resolved into ni (at or in), igba (time), 

ti (which), se (it happened), i.e., at the time when it happened, 

i.e., when. 

Nihiyi, here, ni (at), ihin (here), yi (this), at this place. 

Loke, upwards, ni or li (at), oke (the top). 

Nibomiran, elsewhere, ni (at), ihi (place), omiran (another), at 

another place. 

Xlviii A SKETCH OF YORUBA GRAMMAR 

But there is also a use of adverbs peculiar to the Yoruba lan- 

guage, an onomatopoetic idea is often connected with it, and 

consequently it is always formed to suit the word it qualifies, and 

thus intensify the idea conveyed by the word. A form that is 

applicable to one verb or adjective may not be appHcable to 

another, and therefore adverbs of degree or quality cannot be 

enumerated. For instance : 

The adverb gogoro can only apply to height, as o ga g6g6rd, 

It is very high. A reduplication of the word can further intensify 

the idea, O ga gogoro gogoro. It is very, very high. In the same 

way the word gbagada can only apply to something of a huge 

size, and a redupHcation of it, gbagada gbagada, intensifies the 

idea. Also the word repete or rapcita-rapata implies not only a 

large size, but also a massive one, one in which the space covered 

is much more than the height. 

Apart from intensifying the ideas, other quaUties can also be 

expressed by the character of the adverb made use of ; in other 

words, the adverbs often suggest some other ideas inherent in the 

qualities they describe although they cannot be so expressed in 

Enghsh, e.g., we may say, pon fo 6, It is bright red. Here the 

adverb fo 6, besides being aptly applying to what is red, also 

suggests the warmth of the colouring. So also O pon roro. It is 

deep red ; O p6n rokiroki, i.e., It is bright red, almost yellow. 

In the last two examples roro and rokiroki refer simply to the 

depth of the colouring.^ 

One or two more illustrations will develop the above ideas 

fully. In the matter of length, we may say O gim tunu tunu. 

It is very long. This can only apply to a long road, the idea of 

distance being imphed. O gvm gboro-gbgro. It is very long. This 

conveys an idea of a long pole, or a rope, or a serpent or the like. 

So also with respect to height, we may say, O ga.fio fio, It is very 

high. This can only apply to something on the top of a great 

height, or the top of a high object — as a tree, standing on the 

ground. O ga tian-tian, It is very high. This can only apply to 

an object at a great height, not connected with the ground, as a 

bird flying at a great height. 

In all these examples, the adverb very is used to qualify the 

adjectives in English, no other ideas being conveyed ; in this 

respect the Yoruba is more expressive. 

Prepositions 

Prepositions are particles placed before nouns or pronouns to 

show their relation to other words in the sentence. 

^ See Vidal's Notes to Crowther's Yoruba Grammar. 

A SKETCH OF YORUBA GRAMMAR xlix 

In Yoruba they are mostly monosyllables, e.g., si, ni, fun, de, 

etc., as : O lo si ile. He goes into the house. O wa ni oko. He is 

in the farm. O ko ile fun Baba, He has built a house for the 

father. Duro d^ mi, Wait for me. 

Words of more than one syllable when used as prepositions are 

capable of being resolved into their component parts, e.g., O nbo 

lehin mi, He is coming behind me. Here, the preposition lehin is 

resolvable into li (at) and ehin (the back). O wa leti ile. He is 

near the house ; leti is resolvable into li (at) and eti, the ear, or 

the edge that is within the hearing or at the edge of the house. 

Under Verbs we have already considered those pecuhar forms 

compounded with prepositions. 

Conjunctions 

Conjunctions are particles which serve to connect words or 

sentences ; they are copulative and disjunctive. 

Copulative. 

Ati, and or both. Ati Baba ati omo, Both father and son. The 

initial a may be omitted, e.g., Tiwo tir^ for ati iwo ati ixh 

(you and he). 

On, and or both. O lo t'ofi ti omo. He left both himself and 

child. It may be noted that on is never used to copulate 

pronouns of the ist and 2nd persons. 

Bi, if. Bi o je se omo. If he would be a child. (This is used 

for an obedient child). 

Nitori, because. Nitori t'emi. Because of me. 

Nje, then. Nje o yio lo ? Then will you go ? 

Disjunctive. 

Sugbgn, but. O de ile sugbon ko ba mi. He called but did not 

meet me at home. 

Tabi, or. Emi tabi iwg, I or you. 

Bikose, unless. Bikose pe o juba re, Unless he pays regard to 

him. 

Adi. although. Adi o ngbo gbogbo rh, Although he hears it all. 

Amgpe, idiomatic for be it known. 

Interjections 

Interjections are any form of exclamation or ejaculation ex- 

pressing some emotions of the mind. Any words may be used 

for the purpose, but very few convey any meaning apart from 

the tone in which they are expressed. 

Exclamations of surprise : Ye ! O ! pa ! emo ! hepk ! 

Exclamations of disgust : S6 ! Siyo ! 

1 

A SKETCH OF YORUBA GRAMMAR 

It is rather curious that tribal peculiarities are marked in some 

forms of exclamations. 

Favourite expressions of Oyos : Ha ! Kinla ! Em ode ! Gbaga- 

dari ! 

Favourite expressions of Egbas and Ijebus : Here or herek^ 1 

heparipk ! payentiwk ! 

The usual exclamation in law courts for " silence " is : Atoto ! 

lit, enough of your noise ! 

Kagbohun ! lit, let us hear the sound of a (single) voice. 

The tone of voice thrown into the exclamation in particular 

marks the expressions of grief, surprise, admiration or contempt. 

We close this portion with the exclamation usually addressed 

to kings — Kabiyesi ! May long life be added ! 

Numerals 

Numerals in Yoruba, although formed on a definite plan, yet 

are more or less compUcated ; the tone (or accent) plays an im- 

portant part in them. 

All numerals refer to some noun (person or thing) expressed or 

understood. They are Cardinal and Ordinal or Serial. . 

The Cardinal has three forms, viz. : (i) simple enumeration ; 

(2) numeral adjectives ; and (3) numismatics. To these may be 

added adverbs of number and of time. 

1. Simple Enumeration 

I . 

Eni 

22 . 

... Ejilelogun 

2 . 

u 

23 . 

... £talelogun 

3 . 

£ta 

24 . 

... ferinlelogun 

4 • 

5 • 

6rin 

Arun 

25 . 

26 . 

... Edogbgn 

... Jlrindilggbgn 

6 . 

Efa 

27 • 

... Stadilogbgn 

7 ■ 

Eje 

28 . 

... Ejidilggbgn 

8 . 

Ejo 

29 . 

... Okandilggbgn 

9 • 

... Esan 

30 . 

... Ogbgn 

10 . 

£wa 

35 • 

... Arundilogoji 

II . 

... Okanla 

40 . 

Oji 

12 . 

£jila 

45 . 

... Arundiladgta 

13 • 

£tala 

50 . 

... Adgta 

14 . 

... Erinla 

55 . 

... Arundilgggta 

15 • 

£dogun 

60 . 

... Oggta 

16 . 

... £rindilogun 

65 . 

... Arundiladgrin 

17 • 

... fetadilogun 

70 . 

... Adgrin 

18 . 

... ]^jidilogun 

75 . 

... Arundilgggrin 

19 . 

... Okandilogun 

80 . 

... Oggrin 

20 . 

Ogun 

85 . 

... Arundiladgrun 

21 .. 

... Okanlelogun 

90 . 

... Adorun 

A SKETCH OF YORUBA GRAMMAR 

It is rather curious that tribal peculiarities are marked in some 

forms of exclamations. 

Favourite expressions of Oyos : Ha ! Kinla ! Em ode ! Gbaga- 

dari ! 

Favourite expressions of Egbas and Ijebus : Here or herek^ 1 

heparipk ! payentiwk ! 

The usual exclamation in law courts for " silence " is : Atoto ! 

lit, enough of your noise ! 

Kagbohun ! lit, let us hear the sound of a (single) voice. 

The tone of voice thrown into the exclamation in particular 

marks the expressions of grief, surprise, admiration or contempt. 

We close this portion with the exclamation usually addressed 

to kings — Kabiyesi ! May long life be added ! 

Numerals 

Numerals in Yoruba, although formed on a definite plan, yet 

are more or less compUcated ; the tone (or accent) plays an im- 

portant part in them. 

All numerals refer to some noun (person or thing) expressed or 

understood. They are Cardinal and Ordinal or Serial. . 

The Cardinal has three forms, viz. : (i) simple enumeration ; 

(2) numeral adjectives ; and (3) numismatics. To these may be 

added adverbs of number and of time. 

1. Simple Enumeration 

I . 

Eni 

22 . 

... Ejilelogun 

2 . 

u 

23 . 

... £talelogun 

3 . 

£ta 

24 . 

... ferinlelogun 

4 • 

5 • 

6rin 

Arun 

25 . 

26 . 

... Edogbgn 

... Jlrindilggbgn 

6 . 

Efa 

27 • 

... Stadilogbgn 

7 ■ 

Eje 

28 . 

... Ejidilggbgn 

8 . 

Ejo 

29 . 

... Okandilggbgn 

9 • 

... Esan 

30 . 

... Ogbgn 

10 . 

£wa 

35 • 

... Arundilogoji 

II . 

... Okanla 

40 . 

Oji 

12 . 

£jila 

45 . 

... Arundiladgta 

13 • 

£tala 

50 . 

... Adgta 

14 . 

... Erinla 

55 . 

... Arundilgggta 

15 • 

£dogun 

60 . 

... Oggta 

16 . 

... £rindilogun 

65 . 

... Arundiladgrin 

17 • 

... fetadilogun 

70 . 

... Adgrin 

18 . 

... ]^jidilogun 

75 . 

... Arundilgggrin 

19 . 

... Okandilogun 

80 . 

... Oggrin 

20 . 

Ogun 

85 . 

... Arundiladgrun 

21 .. 

... Okanlelogun 

90 . 

... Adorun 

A SKETCH OF YORUBA GRAMMAR 

It is rather curious that tribal peculiarities are marked in some 

forms of exclamations. 

Favourite expressions of Oyos : Ha ! Kinla ! Em ode ! Gbaga- 

dari ! 

Favourite expressions of Egbas and Ijebus : Here or herek^ 1 

heparipk ! payentiwk ! 

The usual exclamation in law courts for " silence " is : Atoto ! 

lit, enough of your noise ! 

Kagbohun ! lit, let us hear the sound of a (single) voice. 

The tone of voice thrown into the exclamation in particular 

marks the expressions of grief, surprise, admiration or contempt. 

We close this portion with the exclamation usually addressed 

to kings — Kabiyesi ! May long life be added ! 

Numerals 

Numerals in Yoruba, although formed on a definite plan, yet 

are more or less compUcated ; the tone (or accent) plays an im- 

portant part in them. 

All numerals refer to some noun (person or thing) expressed or 

understood. They are Cardinal and Ordinal or Serial. . 

The Cardinal has three forms, viz. : (i) simple enumeration ; 

(2) numeral adjectives ; and (3) numismatics. To these may be 

added adverbs of number and of time. 

1. Simple Enumeration 

I . 

Eni 

22 . 

... Ejilelogun 

2 . 

u 

23 . 

... £talelogun 

3 . 

£ta 

24 . 

... ferinlelogun 

4 • 

5 • 

6rin 

Arun 

25 . 

26 . 

... Edogbgn 

... Jlrindilggbgn 

6 . 

Efa 

27 • 

... Stadilogbgn 

7 ■ 

Eje 

28 . 

... Ejidilggbgn 

8 . 

Ejo 

29 . 

... Okandilggbgn 

9 • 

... Esan 

30 . 

... Ogbgn 

10 . 

£wa 

35 • 

... Arundilogoji 

II . 

... Okanla 

40 . 

Oji 

12 . 

£jila 

45 . 

... Arundiladgta 

13 • 

£tala 

50 . 

... Adgta 

14 . 

... Erinla 

55 . 

... Arundilgggta 

15 • 

£dogun 

60 . 

... Oggta 

16 . 

... £rindilogun 

65 . 

... Arundiladgrin 

17 • 

... fetadilogun 

70 . 

... Adgrin 

18 . 

... ]^jidilogun 

75 . 

... Arundilgggrin 

19 . 

... Okandilogun 

80 . 

... Oggrin 

20 . 

Ogun 

85 . 

... Arundiladgrun 

21 .. 

... Okanlelogun 

90 . 

... Adorun 

A SKETCH OF YORUBA GRAMMAR 

Simple Enumeration — Continued. 

95 -. 

... Arundilogorun 

4,000 ... 

.. Egbaji 

100 ... 

... Oggrun 

5,000 ... 

.. Edegbata 

200 ... 

... Igba 

6,000 ... 

.. Egbata 

300 ... 

... Odunrun 

7,000 ... 

.. Edegbarin 

400 ... 

... Irinwo 

8,000 ... 

.. Egbarin 

500 ... 

... Edegbeta 

9,000 ... 

.. Edegbarun 

600 . . . 

... Egbeta 

ro,ooo ... 

.. Egbarun 

700 . . . 

... Edegberin 

20,000 ... 

., Egbawa or 

800 ... 

... Egberin 

Oke kan i.e 

'. one bag (of 

900 ... 

... Edegberun 

cowries) . 

1,000 ... 

... Egberun 

Higher num 

bers as 40,000, 

2,000 ... 

... Egb^wa 

60,000, etc. being so many bags. 

3,000 ... 

... Egbedogun 

2. 

Quantitative or 

Numeral Adjectives 

One 

Okan 

Twenty -nine . 

.. Mgkandilggbgn 

Two 

Meji 

Thirty ... 

Ogbgn 

Three ... 

Meta 

Thirty-five 

.. Marun dilogoji 

Four 

Merin 

Forty ... 

Oji 

Five 

Marun 

Forty-five 

.. Marundiladgta 

Six 

Mefa 

Fifty ... 

Adgta 

Seven ... 

Meje 

Fifty-five 

. Marundilogota 

Eight ... 

Mej g 

Sixty 

' Ota 

Nine 

Mesan 

Sixty-five 

, Marundiladgrin 

Ten 

Mewa " 

Seventy... 

... Adgrin 

Eleven ... 

Mgkanla 

Seventy- five 

.. Marundilgggrin 

Twelve ... 

Mejila 

Eighty ... 

... Oggrin 

Thirteen 

Metala 

Eighty-five 

, . Marundiladgrun 

Fourteen 

... Merinla 

Ninety ... 

Adgrun 

Fifteen ... 

Medogun 

Ninety-five 

..Marundilgggrun 

Sixteen ... 

Merindilogun 

One hundred . 

Orun 

Seventeen 

Metadilogun 

One hundred an 

d ten ... Adgla 

Eighteen 

Mejidilogun 

>> i> i> 

twenty Qggfa 

Nineteen 

... Mgkandilogun 

II 1) >> 

thirty Adoje 

Twenty 

Ogun 

II .. II 

forty Ogoje 

Twenty-one 

... Mekanlelogun 

II II .. 

fifty Adgjo 

Twenty-two 

Mejilelogun 

>> II II 

sixty Qggjg 

Twenty-three 

Metalelogun 

II II II 

seventy Adgsan 

Twenty -four 

Meiinlelogun 

II II II 

eighty Oggsan 

Twenty -five 

Medggbgn 

II II II 

ninety 

Twenty-six 

... Merindilggbgn 

Mewadinigba 

Twenty-seven 

... RIetadilggbgn 

Two hundred . 

Igba 

Twenty-eight 

Mejidilggbgn 

etc., etc. 

3. Numis 

matics 

One cowry 

06kani 

Three cowries .. 

Eeta 

Two cowries 

Eejii 

Four 

E erin 

1 Lit., one money, two monies ; cowry shells being used for money. 

Hi 

A SKETCH OF YORUBA GRAMMAR 

N UMI SM ATics — Continued 

Five cowries ... ... A arun 

Six ,, E eik 

Seven ,, ... ... E eje 

Eight ,, E ejo 

Nine ,, ... ... Eesan 

Ten , Eewa 

Eleven ,, ... ...0-6kanla 

Twelve ,, ... ... E-ejila 

Thirteen ,, ... ... Eetala 

Fourteen ,, ... ... Eerinla 

Fifteen ,, Eedogun 

Sixteen ,, ... Eerindilogun 

Seventeen cowries Egtadilogun 

Eighteen ,, Eejidilogun 

Nineteen ,, Ookandilogun 

Twenty ,, ... Ok6wo 

Twenty-five ,, Eedogbon 

Thirty ,, Ogbonwo 

Forty ,, ... Ogoji 

Fifty ,, ... A-adota 

Sixty ,, ... Qgota 

Seventy ,, A-adorin 

Eighty ,, ... Qgorin 

Ninety ,, A-adgrun 

One hundred ,, ... Ogorun 

no cowries ... ... A-adofa 

120 ,, Qgofa 

130 ,, ... ... A-adoje 

140 ,, ... ... Ogoje 

150 ,, ... ... A-adojo 

160 ,, Qg6jg 

170 ,, ... A-adosan 

180 ,, ... ... Ogosan 

190 ,, ... Ewadinigba 

200 ,, ... ... Igbiwo 

210 ,, ... Ewalerugba 

220 ,, ... Ogunlugba 

230 ,, Ogbonwolerugba 

240 ,, ... - Ojulugba 

250 ,, A-adotalerugba 

260 ,, ... Otalugba 

270 ,, A-adorinlerugba 

280 ,, ... Orinlugba 

290 ,, A-adorunlerugba 

300 ,, ... Odunrun 

400 ,, ... ... Irinwo 

500 cowries . . . E-edegbfeta 

600 

, Egb^ta 

700 

E-edegberin 

800 

Egb^rin 

900 

E-edegberun 

1,000 

Egb^run 

1,200 

'Egb^fa 

1,300 

E-edegbeje 

1,400 

Egbeje 

1,500 

E-edegb^jg 

1,600 

... Egb^jg 

1,700 

E-edegb^san 

1,800 

Egbesan 

1,900 

,, Egbadin-gggrun 

2,000 

,, Egbkwa 

2,200 

Egbokanla 

2,400 

„ Eg'b^jila 

2,500 

,, Egb^taladin-gggrun 

2,600 

Egbetala 

2,800 

Egb^rinla 

3,000 

Egbeedogun 

3.500 

... Egbejidilogun- 

din-gggrun 

3,600 

... Egbejidinlogun 

4,000 

Egbaji 

4.500 

... Egbetalelogun- 

din-gggrun 

5,000 

5gbedggbgn 

5.500 

...Egbetalelggbgn- 

din-gggrun 

6,000 

Egbata 

7,000 

Edegbarin 

8,000 

Egbarin 

9,000 

Edegbarun 

10,000 

Egbarun 

15,000 

Edegbajg 

16,000 

Egbajg 

18,000 

Egbasan 

20,000 

Egbawa (Oke kan) 

30,000 

E-edogun 

32,000 

Erindilogun 

34,000 

Etkdilogun 

36,000 

Ejidilogun 

38,000 

,, ... Ok&ndilogun 

40,000 

,, Egbagun (Oke meji

A SKETCH OF YORUBA GRAMMAR 

liii 

The Ordinal 

The first 

,, second 

„ third 

,, fourth 

„ fifth 

,, sixth 

,, seventh 

,, eighth 

„ ninth 

,, tenth 

,, eleventh 

,, twelfth 

,, thirteenth 

,, fourteenth 

,, fifteenth .., 

,, sixteenth ... 

,, seventeenth 

,, eighteenth 

,, nineteenth 

,, twentieth .. 

,, twenty-first 

,, twenty-fifth 

Ekini 

Ekeji 

Eketa 

Ekerin 

Ekarun 

Ekefa 

Ekeje 

Ekejo 

Ekesan 

Ekewa 

Ikokanla 

Ikejila 

Iketala 

Ikerinla 

Ikedogun 

Ikerindilogun 

Iketadilogun 

Ikejidilogun 

Ikokandilogun 

Ogun 

Ikgkanlelogun 

Ikedogbon 

The thirtieth Qgbon 

,, thirty-fifth Ikarundilogoji 

,, fortieth ... ... Oji 

,, forty-fifth ... Ikarundiladota 

,, fiftieth Adota 

,, fifty-fifth ... Ikarundilogota 

,, sixtieth ... ... Qgota 

,, sixty-fifth Ikarundiladorin 

,, seventieth ... Adorin 

,, seventy-fifth Ikarundilogorin 

,, eightieth ... ... Ogorin 

„ eighty-fifth Ikarundiladorun 

,, ninetieth ... ... Adorun 

,, ninety-fifth Ikarundilggorun 

,, hundredth ... Ogorun 

,, hundred and first... Ikokan- 

lelogorun 

From the first to the ninth — 

Ikokanle to Ikokandin — the 

tenths merge into those of simple 

enumeration. 

Adverbs of Number 

One by one ... 

Two by two ... 

Three by three 

Four by four 

Five by five . . . 

Six by six 

Seven by seven 

Eight by eight 

Nine by nine 

Ten by ten ... 

Continue to 

numerals up 

nineteen then — 

Twenty by twenty 

Thirty by thirty 

Forty by forty 

Fifty by fifty 

Once 

Twice 

Thrice 

Okankan 

... Meji-meji 

Meta-meta 

Merin-merin 

Marun-marun 

... Mefa-mefa 

... Meje-meje 

... Mejo-mejg 

Mesan-mesan 

Mewa-mewa 

reduplicate the 

to nineteen by 

Ogo-gun 

Ogbggbon 

" Ogogoji 

Aradgta 

Adverbs 

Erinkan 

Erin me ji 

Erin-m §ta 

Sixty by sixty ... Oggggta 

Seventy by seventy... Aradgrin 

Eighty by eighty ... Oggggrin 

Ninety by ninety ... Aradgrun 

Hundred by hundred Oggggrun 

Thus from one to nineteen the 

numbers are reduplicated, also 

from 21-29 '< 31-39 ; 41-49 J ^iid 

so on, but for 20, 30, 40, 60, 80, 

100 only the reduplication of the 

first two letters takes place, e.g., 

Ogogun, Ogbggbgn ; for 50, 70, 

90, the same occurs only the 

euphonic " r " takes the place of 

" d " e.g., Aradgta for Adgdgta ; 

Aradorun for Adodorun. 

OF Time 

Four times 

Five 

Six 

. Erin-m erin 

Erin-marun 

. grin-mefa 

liv A SKETCH OF YORUBA GRAMMAR 

Adverbs of Time — Continued 

Seven times ... 

Erin-meje 

Seventy times 

Igba-adorin 

Eight .. ... 

Erin-mejo 

Eighty „ 

Igba-ogorin 

Nine ,, 

Erin-mesan 

Ninety „ 

Igba-adgrun 

Ten 

Erin-mewa 

Hundred ,, 

Igba-ogorun 

The same to nineteen times. 

Thus " Erin " is 

prefixed to all 

Twenty times 

Igba-ogun 

the numerals, but 

the multiples 

Thirty 

Igba-ogbgn 

of ten take " Igba 

" before them. 

Forty „ 

Igba-ogoji 

Note.—' Erin " 

is usually 

Fifty 

Igba-adota 

softened to ee, e.g., 

^|kan, ^gmeji 

Sixty 

Igba-ggota 

and so forth. 

Analysis of the Numerals 

From one to ten, different terms are used, then for 20, 30, 200 and 

400 ; the rest are multiples and compounds. Thus 11, 12, 13 

and 14 are reckoned as ten plus one, plus two, plus three and 

plus four ; 15 to 20 are reckoned as 20 less five, less four, less 

three, less two, less one, and then 20. 

In the same way we continue 20 and one, to 20 and four, and 

then 30 less five (25), less four, and so on to 30, and so for all 

figures reckoned by tens. 

There is no doubt that the digits form the basis of enumeration 

to a large extent, if not entirely so. Five, ten, twenty, i.e., the 

digits of one hand, of two, and the toes included, and their 

multiples form the different stages of enumeration. 

Beginning from the first multiple of 20 we have ogoji, a contrac- 

tion of ogun meji, i.e. two twenties (40), Ogota, three twenties (60), 

Ogorin, four twenties (80), Ogorun, five twenties (100), and so on 

to ten twenties (200), when the new word Igba is used. 

The intermediate numbers (30 having a distinct terminology), 

50, 70, 90, no, 130 to 190 are reckoned as : 60 less ten (50), 80 

less ten (70), a hundred less ten (90), and so on to 200. 

The figures from 200 to 2,000 are reckoned as multiples of 200 

(400, however, which is 20 X 20, the square of all the digits, has a 

distinct terminology, Irinwo or Erinwo, i.e., the elephant of 

figures — meaning the highest coined word in calculation, the rest 

being multiples). 

Thus we have Egbeta, a contraction of Igba-meta, i.e., three 

two-hundreds (600), Egberin, from Igba-merin, four two-hundreds 

(800), Egberin, five two-hundreds (1,000), and so on to Egbiwa, 

ten two-hundreds (2,000), which in its turn forms the basis of 

still higher calculations. 

The intermediate figmres 6i 300, 500, 700, 900, 1,100 to 1,900 

are reckoned as 100 less the multiple above them, viz., Odunrun, 

A SKETCH OF YORUBA GRAMMAR Iv 

contracted from Orun-din-ni-irinwo, i.e., loo less than 400 (300), 

Orun-din-ni-egbeta, 100 less than 600 (500), Orun-din-ni-egberin, 

100 less than 800 (700) ; and so on to 2,000. 

By a system of contraction, ehsion, and euphonic assimilation, 

for which the Yoruba language is characteristic, the long term 

Oriin-din-ni (Egbeta or Egberin and so on) is contracted to Ed^ 

or Od6, e.g., Edegbeta (500), Edegberin (700), Edegberun (900) 

and so on. 

But the multiples of 200 do not end with ten times, although 

that figure is the basis of the higher calculations, it goes on to 

the perfection (or multiple) of the digits, viz. : twenty times (two 

hundred) ; thus we have Egbgk^nla, that is, Igba mokinla, 

II two-hundreds (2,200) ; Egbejila, twelve two-hundreds (2,400), 

and so on to twenty two-hundreds or Egbaji, that is, twice two 

thousand (4,000). 

With this ends the multiples of 200. The intermediate figures 

of 2,300, 2,500, 2,700, 2,900 are reckoned the same way as before, 

viz. : 100 less than the next higher multiple. 

As already mentioned, Egbawa (or Egba), 2,000, forms the basis 

of still higher calculations ; the multiples of Egba are Egbaji, 

two two-thousands (4,000) ; Egbata, three two-thousands (6,000) ; 

Egbarin, four two-thousands (8,000) on to Egbawa, ten two- 

thousands (20,000), which in its turn forms the basis of the highest 

calculations. 

The intermediate figures of 3,000, 5,000, 7,000, 9,000, 11,000 

onwards are reckoned as 1,000 less than the multiple above them. 

The more familiar terms for 3,000 and 5,000, however, are Egbe 

dogun, or fifteen two-hundreds, and Egbedogbon, 25 two-hundreds. 

For those figures beyond 20,000 the contracted forms which are 

generally used are : Okanla (for Egbamgkanla) 11 two-thousands ; 

£jila, Etkla on to Egbagim, i.e., 20 two-thousands, i.e., forty 

thousand. 

Summary. — Thus we see that with numbers that go by tens 

five is used as the intermediate figure — five less than the next 

higher stage. In those by 20, ten is used as the intermediate. 

In those by 200, 100 is used, and in those of 2,000, 1,000 is used. 

The figure that is made use of for calculating indefinite numbers 

is 20,000 Egbawa, and in money calculation especially it is termed 

Oke kan, i.e., one bag (of cowries). Large numbers to an indefinite 

amount are so many " bags " or rather " bags " in so many places. 

THE HISTORY OF THE YORUBAS 

THE HISTORY OF THE YORUBAS 

PART I 

Chapter I 

ORIGIN AND EARLY HISTORY 

The origin of the Yoruba nation is involved in obscurity. Like 

the early history of most nations the commonly received accounts 

are for the most part purely legendary. The people being un- 

lettered, and the language unwritten all that is known is from 

traditions carefully handed down. 

The National Historians are certain families retained by the 

King at Oyg whose office is hereditary, they also act as the King's 

bards, drummers, and cymbalists ; it is on them we depend as 

far as possible for any reliable information we now possess ; 

but, as may be expected their accounts often vary in several 

important particulars. We can do no more than relate the 

traditions which have been universally accepted. 

The Yorubas are said to have sprung from Lamurudu one of 

the kings of Mecca whose offspring were : — Oduduwa, the ancestor 

of the Yorubas, the Kings of Gogobiri and of the Kukawa, two 

tribes in the Hausa country. It is worthy of remark that these 

two nations, notwithstanding the lapse of time since their separa- 

tion and in spite of the distance from each other of their respective 

localities, still have the same distinctive tribal marks on their 

faces, and Yoruba travellers are free amongst them and vice versa 

each recognising each other as of one blood. 

At what period of time Lamurudu reigned is unknown but 

from the accounts given of the revolution among his descendants 

and their dispersion, it appears to have been a considerable time 

after Mahomet. 

We give the accounts as they are related : — 

The Crown Prince Oduduwa relapsed into idolatry during his 

father's reign, and as he was possessed of great influence, he drew 

many after him. His purpose was to transform the state religion 

into paganism, and hence he converted the great mosque of the 

city into an idol temple, and this Asara, his priest, who was himself 

an image maker, studded with idols. 

3 

4 THE HISTORY OF THE YORUBAS 

Asara had a son called Braima who was brought up a Moham- 

medan. During his minority he was a seller of his father's idols, 

an occupation which he thoroughly abhorred, but which he was 

obliged to engage in. But in offering for sale his father's handi- 

work, he usually invited buyers by calling out : " Who would 

purchase falsehood ? " A premonition this of what the boy will 

afterwards become. 

By the influence of the Crown Prince a royal mandate was issued 

ordering all the men 'to go out hunting for three days before the 

annual celebration of the festivals held in honour of these gods. 

When Braima was old enough he seized the opportunity of one 

of such absences from the town of those who might have opposed 

him to destroy the gods whose presence had caused the sacred 

mosque to become desecrated. The axe with which the idols 

were hewed in pieces was left hanging on the neck of the chief idol, 

a huge thing in human shape. Enquiry being made, it was soon 

discovered who the iconoclast was, and when accosted, he gave 

replies which were not unUke those which Joash gave to the 

Abiezrites who had accused his son Gideon of having performed 

a similar act {see Judges vi, 28-33). Said Braima, " Ask that huge 

idol who did it." The men replied, " Can he speak? " " Then," 

said Braima " Why do you worship things which cannot speak ? " 

He was immediately ordered to be burnt aUve for this act of gross 

impiety. A thousand loads of wood were collected for a stake, and 

several pots of oil were brought for the purpose of firing the pile. 

This was signal for a civil war. Each of the two parties had 

powerful followers, but the Mohammedan party which was hitherto 

suppressed had the upper hand, and vanquished their opponents. 

Lamurudu the King was slain, and all his children with those who 

sympathized with them were expelled from the town. The Princes 

who became Kings of Gogobiri and of the Kukawa went westwards 

and Oduduwa eastwards. The latter travelled 90 days from 

Mecca, and after wandering about finally settled down at He 

Ifg where he met with Agb^-niregun (or Setilu) the founder of the 

Ifa worship. 

Oduduwa and his children had escaped with two idols to He 

He. Sahibu being sent with an army to destroy or reduce them 

to submission was defeated, and amongst the booty secured by 

the victors was a copy of the Koran. This was afterwards pre- 

served in a temple and was not only venerated by succeeding 

generations as a sacred reUc, but is even worshipped to this day 

under the name of Idi, signifying Something tied up. 

Such is the commonly received account among this intelligent 

although unlettered people. But traces of error are very apparent 

ORIGIN AND EARLY HISTORY 5 

on the face of this tradition. The Yorubas are certainly not of the 

Arabian family, and could not have come from Mecca — that is 

to say the Mecca universally known in history, and no such 

accounts as the above are to be found in the records of Arabian 

writers of any kings of Mecca ; an event of such importance 

could hardly have passed unnoticed by their historians. But 

then it may be taken for granted that all such accounts and 

traditions have in them some basis in actual facts, nor is the subject 

under review exempted from the general rule, and this will become 

apparent on a closer study of the accounts. 

That the Yorubas came originally from the East there cannot 

be the slightest doubt, as their habits, manners and customs, etc., 

all go to prove. With them the East is Mecca and Mecca is the 

East. Having strong affinities with the East, and Mecca in the 

East looming so largely in their imagination, everything that comes 

from the East, with them, comes from Mecca, and hence it is 

natural to represent themselves as having hailed originally from 

that city. 

The only written record we have on this subject is that of the 

Sultan Belo of Sokoto, the founder of that city, the most learned 

if not the most powerful of the Fulani sovereigns that ever bore 

rule in the Soudan. 

Capt. Clapperton {Travels and Discoveries in Northern and Central 

Africa, 1822 — 1824) made the acquaintance of this monarch. 

From a large geographical and historical work by him, Capt. 

Clapperton made a copious extract, from which the following is 

taken : — " Yarba is an extensive province containing rivers, 

forests, sands and mountains, as also a great many wonderful 

and extraordinary things. In it, the talking green bird called 

babaga (parrot) is found." 

" By the side of this province there is an anchorage or harbour 

for the ships of the Christians, who used to go there and purchase 

slaves. These slaves were exported from our country and sold 

to the people of Yarba, who resold them to the Christians." 

" The inhabitants of this province (Yarba) it is supposed 

originated from the remnant of the children of Canaan, who were 

of the tribe of Nimrod. The cause of their establishment in the 

West of Africa was, as it is stated, in consequence of their being 

driven by Yar-rooba, son of Kahtan, out of Arabia to the Western 

Coast between Egypt and Abyssinia. From that spot they 

advanced into the interior of Africa, till they reach Yarba where 

they fixed their residence. On their way they left in every place 

they stopped at, a tribe of their own people. Thus it is supposed 

that all the tribes of the Soudan who inhabit the mountains are 

6 THE HISTORY OF THE YORUBAS 

originated from them as also are the inhabitants of Ya-ory. Upon 

the whole, the people of Yarba are nearly of the same description 

as those of Noofee (Nupe)^" 

In the name Lamurudu (or Namurudu) we can easily recognize 

a dialectic modification of the name Nimrod. Who this Nimrod 

was, whether Nimrod surnamed " the strong," the son of Hasoiil, 

or Nimrod the " mighty hunter " of the Bible, or whether both 

descriptions belong to one and the same person, we cannot tell, 

but this extract not only confirms the tradition of their origin but 

also casts a side light on the legend. Arabia is probably the 

" Mecca " of our tradition. It is known that the descendants of 

Nimrod (Phoenicians) were led in war to Arabia, that they settled 

there, and from thence they were driven by a rehgious persecution 

to Africa. We have here also the origin of the term Yoruba, 

from Yarba, their first permanent settlement in Africa. Yarba 

is the same as the Hausa term Yarriba for Yoruba. 

It is very curious that in the history of Mahomet we read of 

a similar flight of his first converts from Mecca to the East Coast 

of Africa (the first Hegira), due also to a religious persecution; 

this fact will serve to show that there is nothing improbable in 

the accounts as received by tradition. Again, that they emigrated 

from Upper Egypt to He Ife may also be proved by those sculptures 

commonly known as the " Ife Marbles," several of which may be 

seen at He Ife to this day, said to be the handiwork of the early 

ancestor of the race. They are altogether Egyptian in form. 

The most notable of them is what is known as the " Opa Orafiyan," 

(Orafiyan's staff) an obelisk standing on the site of Oraiiyan's 

supposed grave, having characters cut in it which suggest a Phoeni- 

cian origin. Three or four of these sculptures may now be seen 

in the Egyptian Court of the British Museum, showing at a glance 

that they are among kindred works of art. 

From these statements and traditions, whether authentic or 

mythologic, the only safe deductions we can make as to the mosit 

probable origin of the Yorubas are : — 

1. That they sprang from Upper Egypt, or Nubia. 

2. That they were subjects of the Egyptian conqueror Nimrod, 

who was of Phoenician origin, and that they followed him in his 

wars of conquest as far as Arabia, where they settled for a time. 

How subjects term themselves " children " or offspring of their 

^ Vide Narratives of Travels and Discoveries, by Major Denham 

and Capt. Clapperton, 1826. Appendix XII., Sec. IV. 

A' Tropical Dependency, by Flora L.Shaw (Lady Lugard), 1905, 

pp. 227 — 228. 

ORIGIN AND EARLY HISTORY 7 

sovereigns is too well-known in this country, as we shall see in the 

course of this history. 

3. That from Arabia they were driven, on account of their 

practising there their own form of worship, which was either 

paganism or more likely a corrupt form of Eastern Christianity 

(which allowed of image worship — so distasteful to Moslems). 

Again, the name of the priest " Asara " is also a peculiar one ; 

it is so much like " Anasara " a term which Moslems generally 

applied to Christians (which signifies ' followers of the Nazarene ') 

as to make it probable that the revolution spoken of was in con- 

nection rather with Mohammedanism, and the corrupt form of 

Christianity of those days. 

Lastly, the sacred rehc called Idi from its being bound up and 

preserved, and which is supposed to have been a copy of the 

Koran, is probably another error. Copies of the Koran abound 

in this country, and they are not venerated thus, and why should 

this have become an object of worship ? The sacred book of the 

party opposed to them ! One can hardly resist coming to the 

conclusion that the book was not the Koran at all, but a copy of 

the Holy Scriptures in rolls, the form in which ancient manuscripts 

were preserved. The Koran being the only sacred book known to 

later generations which have lost all contact with Christianity 

for centuries after the great emigration into the heart of Africa, 

it is natural that their historians should at once jump to the 

conclusion that the thing bound up was the Koran. It might 

probably then be shown that the ancestors of the Yorubas, hailing 

from Upper Egypt, were either Coptic Christians, or at any rate 

that they had some knowledge of Christianity. If so, it might offer 

a solution of the problem of how it came about that traditional 

stories of the creation, the deluge, of Elijah, and other scriptural 

characters are current amongst them, and indirect stories of our 

Lord, termed " son of Moremi." 

But let us continue the story as given by tradition. Oduduwa 

and his sons swore a mortal hatred of the Moslems of their country, 

and were determined to avenge themselves of them ; but the former 

died at He Ife before he was powerful enough to march against 

them. His eldest son Okcinbi, commonly called Idekoseroake, 

also died there, leaving behind him seven princes and princesses 

who afterwards became renowned. From them sprang the various 

tribes of the Yoruba nation. His first-born was a princess who 

was married to a priest, and became the mother of the famous 

Olowu, the ancestor of the Owns. The second child was also a 

princess who became the mother of the Alaketu, the progenitor 

of the Ketu people. The third, a prince, became king of the 

8 THE HISTORY OF THE YORUBAS 

Benin people. The fourth, the Orangun, became king of Ila ; the 

fifth, the Onisabe, or king of the Sabes ; the sixth, 01up6po, or king 

of the Popos ; the seventh and last born, Orafiyan, who was the pro- 

genitor of the Yorubas proper, or as they are better distinguished 

Oyos. 

All these princes became kings who wore crowns as distinguished 

from those who were vassals who did not dare to wear crowns, 

but coronets called Akoro, a high-crowned head-gear, embroidered 

with silver. 

But it may be remarked that the Olowu's father was a commoner, 

and not a prince of the blood, and yet he became one of the crowned 

heads. The following anecdote will explain how this came about. 

The Yoruba princesses had (and still have) the Hberty of 

choosing husbands according to their fancy from any rank in life ; 

the King's eldest daughter chose to marry her father's priest, for 

whom she had the Olowu. 

This young prince was one day playing on his grandfather's 

knees, and he pulled at the crown on his head ; the indulgent 

parent thereupon placed it on the child's head, but Hke some spoiled 

children, he refused to give it up when required, and so it was left 

with him, the grandfather putting on another. The child had the 

crown on his head until he fell asleep in his mother's arms, when 

she took it off and returned it to her father, but the latter told her 

to keep it for her son, as he seemed so anxious to have it. Hence the 

right of the Olowu to wear the crown like his uncles. The same 

right was subsequently accorded to the Alaketu, i.e., the progenitor 

of the Ketu people. 

It was stated above that Orafiyan was the youngest of Oduduwa's 

grandchildren, but eventually he became the richest and most 

renowned of them all. How this came about is thus told by 

tradition : — 

On the death of the King, their grandfather, his property was 

unequally divided among his children as follows : — 

The King of Benin inherited his money (consisting of cowry 

shells), the Orangun of Ila his wives, the King of Sabe his cattle, 

the Olupopo the beads the Olowu the garments, and the Alaketu 

the crowns, and nothing was left for Orafiyan but the land. Some 

assert that he was absent on a warlike expedition when the partition 

was made, and so he was shut out of all movable properties. 

Oranyan was, however, satisfied with his portion, which he pro- 

ceeded forthwith to turn to good account with the utmost skill. 

He held his brothers as tenants living on the land which was his ; 

for rents he received money, women, cattle, beads, garments, and 

crowns, which were his brothers' portions, as all these were more 

ORIGIN AND EARLY HISTORY 9 

or less dependent on the soil, and were deriving sustenance from 

it. And he was the one selected to succeed the father as King in 

the direct line of succession. ^ To his brothers were assigned the 

various provinces over which they ruled more or less independently, 

Oranyan himself being placed on the throne as the AlAfin or Lord 

of the Royal Palace at He Ife. 

According to another account, Oranyan had only a bit of rag 

left him, containing earth, 21 pieces of iron, and a cock. The whole 

surface of the earth was then covered with water. Oraiiyan laid 

his portion on the surface of the water, and placed on it the cock, 

which scattered the earth with his feet ; the wide expanse of water 

became filled up, and the dry land appeared everywhere. His 

brothers preferring to live on dry land rather than on the surface 

of the water were permitted to do so on their paying an annual 

tribute for sharing with their younger brother his own portion. 

It will be noticed that both traditions attribute the land to 

Oraiiyan ; hence the common saying " Alafin I'oni ile " (the Alafin 

is the lord of the land) : the pieces of iron representing underground 

treasures, and the cock such as subsist on the land. 

The former account seems more probable, the latter being httle 

else but a travesty of the story of the creation or the flood. But 

it is fair to mention that the more generally received opinion is, 

that Oranyan became more prosperous than his brothers owing to 

the fact of his living virtuously, they bemg given up to a life of 

unrestrained licentiousness ; and being also by far the bravest of 

them all, he was preferred above them and was seated on the 

ancestral throne at Ile Ife which was then the capital of the Yoruba 

country. 

The Alake and the Owa of Ilesa are said to be nearly related to 

the Alafin ; the former was said to be of the same mother with 

one of the earliest Alafins. This woman was called Ejo who after- 

wards took up her abode with her youngest son until her death : 

hence the common saying " Ejo ku Ake " Ejg* died at Ake. 

The Owa of the Ijesas claimed to be one of the younger brothers, 

but his pedigree cannot now be traced; the term "brother" 

being a very elastic one in Yoruba and may be applied to any 

relative far or near, and even to a trusty servant or to one adopted 

1 The reason assigned for this was that he was "born in the 

purple," that is to say born after the father had become King. 

This was at one time the prevailing custom for the " Aremo Ovh," 

i.e., the first born from the throne, to succeed the father. 

2 Ejo means a palaver. The phrase then means a case decided 

at Ake is final. 

10 THE HISTORY OF THE YORUBAS 

into the family. ^ In olden times when there was universal peace 

throughout the country, before the commencement of the destruc- 

tive intertribal wars which broke up the unity of the kingdom 

and created the tribal independence, this relationship was 

acknowledged by the Owa paying a yearly tribute of a few heads 

of cowries, mats and some products of his forests to the AlAfin, 

while the latter sent him presents of tobes and vests, and other 

superior articles well worthy of him as an elder brother. 

That the AlAfin, the Alake, and the Owa were children or 

grandchildren of Oraiiyan seems probable from the fact that to 

this day none of them is considered properly installed until the 

sword of state brought from He Ife where Oraiiyan was buried is 

placed in his hands. 

Oraiiyan was a nickname of the prince his proper name being 

Odede. He was a man of great physical powers. He first 

obtained renown as a mighty hunter ; and in process of time he 

also became, like Nimrod, a mighty conqueror. 

The expedition against Mecca. — When Oraiiyan was sufficiently 

strong, he set off for an expedition against " Mecca " to which he 

summoned his brothers, to avenge the death of their great-grand- 

father, and the expulsion of his party from that city. He left 

Adimu one of his father's trusty servants in charge of the royal 

treasures and the charms, with a strict injunction to observe the 

customary worship of the national gods Idi and Orisa Osi. 

This is an office of the greatest importance pertaining to the 

King himself • but how slaves or high servants are often entrusted 

with the duties of the master himself is well-known in this country 

as we shall see in the course of this history. 

It is said that the route by which they came from " Mecca " 

and which occupied 90 days, was by this time rendered impassable 

owing to an army of black ants blocking up the path, and hence, 

Oraiiyan was obliged to take another route which led through the 

Nupe or Tapa Country. All his brothers but the eldest joined 

him, but at Igangan they quarrelled over a pot of beer and dispersed 

refusing to follow his lead. The eldest brother calculating the 

distance through the Tapa country lost courage and went eastward 

promising to make his attack from that quarter should his brother 

Oraiiyan be successful in the West.* . Orafiyan pushed on until 

he found himself on the banks of the River Niger. 

The Tapas are said to have opposed his crossing the river, and 

as he could not force his way through, he was obhged to remain 

for a while near the banks, and afterwards resolved to retrace his 

^ A fuller account will be found under "The origin of the Ijesas." 

"^ The geography of our historians may be excused. — Ed, 

ORIGIN AND EARLY HISTORY II 

steps. To return, however, to He Ife was too humiliating to be 

thought of, and hence he consulted the King of Ibariba near whose 

territory he was then encamping as to where he should make his 

residence. Tradition has it, that the King of Ibariba made a 

charm and fixed it on a boa constrictor and advised Orafiyan to 

follow the track of the boa and wherever it remained for 7 days 

and then disappeared, there he was to build a town. Orariyan 

and his army followed his directions and went after the boa up to 

the foot of a hill called Ajaka where the reptile remained 7 days, 

and then disappeared. According to instructions Oranyan halted 

there, and built a town called Oyo Ajaka. This was the 

ancient city of Oyo marked in ancient maps as Eyeo or Katunga 

(the latter being the Hausa term for Oyo) capital of Yarriba (see 

Webster's pronouncing Gazetteer). This was the Eyeo visited 

by the EngHsh explorers Clapperton and the Landers. 

Orafiyan remained and prospered in the new home, his decendants 

spread East, West, and South-west ; they had a free communica- 

tion with He Ife, and the King often sent to Adimu for whatever 

was required by him out of the royal treasures for the new city. 

In process of time Adimu made himself great because he was 

not only the worshipper of the national deities, but also the 

custodian and dispenser of the King's treasures, and he was 

commonly designated " Adimu Ola " i.e. Adimu of the treasures, 

or Adimu 1^ i.e. Adimu is become wealthy. 

But this Adimu who became of so much consequence from his 

performing royal functions was originally the son of a woman 

condemned to death, but being found at the time of execution 

to be in the way of becoming a mother she was temporarily 

reprieved, until the child was born. This child at its birth was 

dedicated to the perpetual service of the gods, especially the 

god Obatala, to which his mother was to have been sacrificed. 

He was said to be honest, faithful and devoted to the King as to 

his own father, and therefore he was loved and trusted. 

When Adimu was announced to the Kings and Princes all 

around as the person appointed by the King to take charge of 

the treasures, and to worship the national deities during his 

absence, it was generally asked " And who is this Adimu ? The 

answer comes " Omo Oluwo ni " the son of a sacrificial victim : 

this is contracted to Ow6ni (Oluwo being the term for a sacrificial 

victim). So in subsequent years when the seat of government 

was removed permanently to Oyo but not the National Deities, 

Adimu became supreme at He Ife and his successors to this day 

have been termed the Olorisas i.e. high priests or fetish worshippers 

to the King, and people of the whole Yoruba nation. The name 

12 THE HISTORY OF THE YORUBAS

Adimu has since been adopted as the agnomen, and the term Owoni
as the title of the " Kings " or more properly the high priests of
Ife to this day, the duties of the office being not local or tribal,
but national.

According to another account, after the death of Okknbi,
Oraiiyan having succeeded and assumed the command emigrated
to Oko where he reigned and where he died, and the seat of
government was removed thence in the reign of Sango to Oyokoro,
i.e., the aforesaid ancient City of Oyo.

Oraiiyan may have actually died at Oko, but his grave with an
obelisk over it is certainly shown at He Ife to this day. It is a
custom among the Yorubas — a custom observed to this day — to
pare the nails and shave the head of any one who dies at a con-
siderable distance from the place where they would have him
buried. These relics are taken to the place of interment, and there
decently buried, the funeral obsequies being scrupulously observed
as if the corpse itself were buried there. Hence although (as we have
on probable grounds assumed) Oraiiyan may have died at Oko, and
the art of embalming lost or unknown, his relics could thus have
been taken to He Ife where to this day he is supposed to have been
buried. A more romantic account of his death, however, will be
given in Part II of this history.

As the Yorubas worship the dead, and have the belief that
prayers offered at the grave of deceased ancestors are potent to
procure temporal blessings, all succeeding Yoruba Kings on their
accession and before coronation are expected to send to perform
acts of worship at the grave of Oduduwa and to receive the benedic-
tion of the priest. The sword of justice known as Ida Oranyan
(Oranyan's sword) is to be brought from He Ife and ceremoniously
placed in their hands ; without this being done, the King has no
authority whatever to order an execution. Orafi5^an's descendants
in process of time were divided into four distinct famihes, known
by their distinctive dialects, and forming the four provinces of
Yoruba proper viz. the Ekun Otun, Ekun Osi, Ibolo and Epo
provinces. The Ekun Otun and Ekun Osi or right and left, i.e.,
Eastern and Western provinces are the towns lying to the East
and West of the City of Oyo.

I. The Ekun Otun or Western province included all the towns
along the right bank of the River Ogun down to Ibere kodo, Igana
being the chief town. The other important towns are : — Skki,
Oke'ho, Ise5nn, Iwawun, Eruwa, Iberekodo, etc. In this province
two distinct dialects are spoken ; the people inhabiting the outer-
most borders are known as Ibai^apas and are distinguished by a
nasal twang in their speech.


ORIGIN AND EARLY HISTORY I3

2. The Ekun Osi or Metropolitan province comprised all the
towns east of Oyo, including Kihisi and Igboho in the north,
Ikoyi being the chief town. Other important towns are, Ilorin
Irawo, Iwere, Ogbomoso etc. including the Igbonas in the utmost
limit eastwards, and the Igbon-nas as far as Or6.

The Igbdnas are distinguished by a peculiar dialect of their own.
The Ekun Osi Oyos are regarded as speaking the purest Yoruba.
The ancient cit}' of Oyo alsp lies in this province.

3. The Ibolo province lies to the south-east of the Ekun Osi
towns as far down as Ede, Iresa being the chief town. The
other important towns are Ofa (?) Oyan, Okuku, Ikirun, Osogbo,
Ido, Ilobu, Ejigbo, Ede.

4. The Epos are the towns lying to the South and South-west of
Oyo the chief town of which is Idode. Other important towns
in this division are : Masifa, Ife odan, Ara. Iwo, Ilora, Akinmoirin
Fiditi, Awe, Ago Oja.

They are called Epos (i.e. weeds) because they were then in the
remotest part of the kingdom, rude and uncouth in manners, very
deceitful, and far from being as loyal as the other tribes. The
Owns were usually reckoned amongst them, but they are rather
a distinct tribe of Yoruba although now domiciled amongst the
Egbas.

Great changes have been effected in these divisions by means
of the revolutionary wars that altered the face of the country
about the early part of the XlXth century.

In the Ekun Otun district Igana has lost its importance and its
place taken by Iseyin.

In 'the Ekun Osi, Ikoyi the chief town has been destroyed by
Ilorin, and Ilorin itself brought under foreign allegiance by the
Fulanis. The city of Oyo now lies in ruins, its name and position
being transferred to Ago Oja in the Epo district. In the Ibglg district
Iresa has ceased to exist being absorbed by Ilorin and its place taken
by Ofa, which in its turn was partially destroyed by the Ilorins in
1887 with several other towns in this district. Modakeke a large
and growing town, peopled by Oygs of the Ekun Osi, has sprung
up in the Ife district just beyond the borders of the Ibolgs.

Owu has been destroyed never more to be rebuilt.

The Epo district now includes Ibadan, Ijaye and other towns
formerly belonging to the Gbaguras. Idode has ceased to be the
dhief town, that position now properly belongs to Iwo, being a
royal city. But Ibadan which was originally an Egba village
then the military station of the confederate army which destroyed
the city of Owu and the Egba villages, and afterwards a settled Oyg
town, has by means of its mihtary force assumed the lead not only
C
by

ORIGIN AND EARLY HISTORY I3

2. The Ekun Osi or Metropolitan province comprised all the
towns east of Oyo, including Kihisi and Igboho in the north,
Ikoyi being the chief town. Other important towns are, Ilorin
Irawo, Iwere, Ogbomoso etc. including the Igbonas in the utmost
limit eastwards, and the Igbon-nas as far as Or6.

The Igbdnas are distinguished by a peculiar dialect of their own.
The Ekun Osi Oyos are regarded as speaking the purest Yoruba.
The ancient cit}' of Oyo alsp lies in this province.

3. The Ibolo province lies to the south-east of the Ekun Osi
towns as far down as Ede, Iresa being the chief town. The
other important towns are Ofa (?) Oyan, Okuku, Ikirun, Osogbo,
Ido, Ilobu, Ejigbo, Ede.

4. The Epos are the towns lying to the South and South-west of
Oyo the chief town of which is Idode. Other important towns
in this division are : Masifa, Ife odan, Ara. Iwo, Ilora, Akinmoirin
Fiditi, Awe, Ago Oja.

They are called Epos (i.e. weeds) because they were then in the
remotest part of the kingdom, rude and uncouth in manners, very
deceitful, and far from being as loyal as the other tribes. The
Owns were usually reckoned amongst them, but they are rather
a distinct tribe of Yoruba although now domiciled amongst the
Egbas.

Great changes have been effected in these divisions by means
of the revolutionary wars that altered the face of the country
about the early part of the XlXth century.

In the Ekun Otun district Igana has lost its importance and its
place taken by Iseyin.

In 'the Ekun Osi, Ikoyi the chief town has been destroyed by
Ilorin, and Ilorin itself brought under foreign allegiance by the
Fulanis. The city of Oyo now lies in ruins, its name and position
being transferred to Ago Oja in the Epo district. In the Ibglg district
Iresa has ceased to exist being absorbed by Ilorin and its place taken
by Ofa, which in its turn was partially destroyed by the Ilorins in
1887 with several other towns in this district. Modakeke a large
and growing town, peopled by Oygs of the Ekun Osi, has sprung
up in the Ife district just beyond the borders of the Ibolgs.

Owu has been destroyed never more to be rebuilt.

The Epo district now includes Ibadan, Ijaye and other towns
formerly belonging to the Gbaguras. Idode has ceased to be the
dhief town, that position now properly belongs to Iwo, being a
royal city. But Ibadan which was originally an Egba village
then the military station of the confederate army which destroyed
the city of Owu and the Egba villages, and afterwards a settled Oyg
town, has by means of its mihtary force assumed the lead not only
C



14 THE HISTORY OF THE YORUBAS

over the Epo district, but also over a large area of the country as
well. It has a mixed population including every tribe of the
Yorubas.

Ijaye formerly an Egba town became peopled by Qyos chiefly
from the 5kun Osi (Ikoyi) districts.

All these including hundreds of important towns within the
area are peopled by Yorubas proper or Oyos as they are generally
called, and constitute the more important portion of Yoruba proper.

The Egbas, who were for the most part off-shoots of these, and
formerly Uving in hamlets and villages independently of one another
have through the exigencies of these wars collected themselves
from 153 hamlets or " townships " to form one town, Abeokuta.
A further account of this will be given in its place. All these
are reckoned as descendants of Orariyan.

By the advent also of the white men from the coast, the centre
of light and civilization has removed to the south, so that the
Epos may soon cease to be the " weeds " of the country, as they
may receive the inspiration of civilization from the south instead
of from the north as hitherto. 

Chapter II 

THE ORIGIN OF THE TRIBES 

All the various tribes of the Yoruba nation trace their origin 

from Oduduwa and the city He If§. In fact He Ife is fabled as 

the spot where God created man, white and black, and from 

whence they dispersed all over the earth. We have seen in the 

previous chapter which are the principal tribes that sprang from 

Oduduwa's seven grandchildren, viz. : The Yorubas proper from 

Orafiyan, the Benins, Has, Owns, Ketus, Sabes, and the Popos. 

Some of the other tribes were offshoots of one or other of these, as 

we shall see further on. Some authentic tradition will be given 

relative to the formation of some of them. 

An important fact which must also be borne in mind is, that the 

country was not altogether unpeopled when Oduduwa and his 

party entered it from the East ; the probabiUty is, that the abori- 

ginal inhabitants were conquered and absorbed, at least at the 

central if not at the remote provinces of the Yoruba kingdom. 

In ancient patriarchal times, the king of a country was 

regarded as the father or progenitor of his people. This view will 

to some extent explain what would otherwise appear to be a 

marvellous (if not impossible) instance of fecundity in any one 

king, e.g., Orafiyan peopling so vast a region as that attributed 

to him, in so short a time — the more warlike the king, the more 

extensive his dominion, and the more numerous, it would seem, his 

progeny. 

In fact we may almost take it as proved that as Orafiyan and 

his army, as well as his brothers', pushed on their conquests in 

every direction, the princes and the war-lords were stationed in 

various parts to hold the country, and from them sprang the many 

provincial kings of various ranks and grades now existing. 

This also accounts for the tradition that the Yoruba sway once 

extended as far as Ashanti and included the Gas of Accra, for the 

Gas say that their ancestors came from He Ife ; and the constitution 

of the Ga language is said to be more like Yoruba than hke Fanti, 

the language of the Gold Coast, and the area in which that language 

is spoken is strictly hmited. And, certainly, until comparatively 

recent times the Popos and Dahomians paid tribute regularly to 

Oyo as their feudal head ; it is certain, therefore, that the generals 

and war-lords of Orafiyan pushed on far beyond the Umits of the 

Yoruba country as now known, and although in places remote from 

»5 

l6 THE HISTORY OF THE YORUBAS 

the centre, as the Benins and Sekiris in the east and the Popos, 

Dahomians and Gas in the west, the Yoruba language is not 

spoken, yet the knowledge of it exists among the ruling chiefs 

and the priestly caste who still maintain their connection with He 

Ife, the place of their common origin. This view will also to some 

extent explain the mutual understanding and bond of sympathy 

existing between the Ifes, Ekitis, and allied families as remnants 

of the largely diluted aboriginal elements still having many things 

in common, and their natural antipathy — more or less — to the 

Oyos or Yorubas Proper. 

It is also worthy of remark that all the principal rulers of the 

country, to show the validity of their claims, must trace their 

relationship by one way or another to the AlAfin of Oyo, who is the 

direct descendant of Orafiyan, son and successor of Oduduwa, the 

founder ; which simply impHes that the children and offspring of 

the conqueror are the chief rulers over the different parts of the 

conquered territories. 

Yoruba Proper 

Oranyan was already distinguished as a brave and war-like 

prince during his father's lifetime, and he probably owed his 

succession to this fact, as was usual in those stormy times. On 

his accession to the throne, when he set out from lie Ife on his 

famous expedition to " Mecca " to avenge the death of his great 

grandfather, he was certainly accompanied by his conquering 

hordes ; and if we trace his route from He Ife northwards to the 

banks of the Niger, whence he turned westward to the borders of 

the Baribas, and then to the ancient Oyo (Eyeo) which he founded, 

and where he settled, and from whence he spread southwards 

towards the coast, we shall see that the people embraced in this 

vast region, viz., with the Ifes in the east, the Niger on the north, 

the Baribas on the west as well as the Dahomians, and the 

Egbados on the south, are those known as the Yorubas Proper, 

or as they are generally termed by the other tribes the Oyqs, 

and are the so-called descendants of Orafiyan, and the cream of 

his conquering army. These then constitute Yorubas Proper. 

We have stated in a previous chapter how they are divided 

into four distinct provinces, but there has always been among them 

a bond of sympathy and union, apart from what they have in 

common with the other tribes. They have always retained 

their loyalty — more or less — to the successors of Orafiyan, their 

common father, even when the revolutionary wars left the country 

no longer united under one head as in the days of Sango down to 

those of Abiodun 

THE ORIGIN OF THE TRIBES I7 

7

The Egbas 

The Egbas are a small offshoot of the Yorubas Proper, who 

occupy the south-eastern districts of that province. They origin- 

ally occupied the area bounded by certain imaginary lines drawn, 

say, from Ijaye to meet the Ogun River at Olokemeji, and along 

it to its mouth, and another from the same point via Ibadan to 

the west of Jebu Remo down to the coast. They lived in hamlets 

and villages for the most, part independently of one another, and 

never under one rule. All the principal families of the Egbas trace 

their origin from Oyo, hence the common saying " Egbas who have 

not their root in Oyo are slaves," i.e., belong to the conquered 

aboriginal population. Most of the chiefs sprang from the Esos 

of Oyo. It would seem then that during the wars of conquest, a 

number of these warhke Esgs, under the leadership of the King's 

half-brother, was detached from the main army, carrying their 

arms to those regions where they subsequently settled, in the 

immediate neighbourhood of the Owns. Abeokuta, as we now know 

it, of course had no existence then. Each of what is now called 

the " townships " was a separate village or hamlet with its own 

chief ; they were loosely grouped into three divisions, but rather 

independent of one another, but all acknowledging the King's 

brother (the Alake) as their Primus. They were : 

1. Egba Agbeyin. These were the Egbas proper, and nearest 

the I jebu Remos. The principal towns were : Ake, the chief town, 

Ijeun, Kemta, Iporo, Igbore, etc. 

2. Egba Oke Ona, i.e., those situated near the banks of the 

River Odo Ona. Oko the chief town, Ikereku, Ikija, Idomapa, 

Odo, Podo, etc. Their chief is called the Osile. 

3. Egba Agura or Gbagura : these were situated near the Oyo 

districts, and indeed they contain genuine Oyos in large numbers, 

and generall}'^ they partake of their characteristics largely, hence 

they are nick-named " Oyos among Egbas." The principal towns 

were : Agura the chief, Ilugun, Ibadan, Ifaye, Ika, Ojo, Ilawo, 

etc. 

The Egbas were on the whole few in number, and occupied a 

limited territory ; this can very well be proved by the fact, that 

after a period of more than half a century, they have been 

compelled by stress of circumstances to live together within one 

wall, and in spite of large accessions from other tribes, they still 

form but a single large town. Situated, as they were then, far from 

the centre of life and activity, they were little thought of. They 

had no separate king because all the principal chiefs and 

distinguished personages were office bearers of the AlAfin, hence 

l8 THE HISTORY OF THE YORUBAS 

the common saying, " Egba ko I'olu, gbogbo nwon ni nse hi Oba " 

(Egbas have no King, they are all of them like masters) " Olu wa' 

rOyo " (The King is at Oyo). It may be noted, that every child 

born to a reigning Alake must have an Oyo facial mark ; and that 

is so to this day. In early times the Alake ranks among the 

junior members of the Royal Family ; for that reason there has 

never been a distinct royal family arnong the Egbas. The chief 

rulers in each division were usually elected (by divination) from 

any one of the 153 townships ; an Ikija man for instance has been 

" king " of Itesi, an Ijeun man an Alake, etc., as we shall see in the 

Appendix. In this respect also the Gbaguras differ from the 

others. 

In later times, at Abeokuta, one Jibode, a wealthy trader and 

traveller, who vainly endeavoured to obtain the Primacy of Ake, 

left children and grandchildren who eventually attained the 

coveted position, which was a singular instance of more than one 

member of a family becoming an Alake, ^ but then they were 

all born in different townships. 

The Osile is said to be an unfortunate title because, more than 

any of the other divisions, the Oke Ona people were more ptone to 

slaughter human victims ; everytime the Osile entered the Ogboni 

house, he must walk on the blood of a male victim, and when he 

comes out on that of a female ! Also that Osiles never die a natural 

death ; when their excesses became unbearable they were usually 

stoned to death ; hence the appellation of their chief town, " Oko " 

— i.e., a pelting stone. For that reason the Egbas were reluctant 

to resuscitate the title at Abeokuta until Governor McCallum 

of Lagos in 1897 on the occasion of the Queen's Diamond Jubilee 

ordered the Egbas and others to reorganise their government, and 

fill up vacant titles. 

Since the destruction of the City of Owu (as we shall see below) 

and the unification of the Egba villages, the Owus have domiciled 

amongst them. Hence the so-called Four United Kings of the 

Egbas : although Owu is not Egba. 

The Ijebus 

The origin of the Ijebus has been variously given ; one account 

makes them spring from the victims offered in sacrifice by the 

King of Benin to the god of the ocean, hence the term Ijebu 

from Ije-ibu, i.e., the food of the deep. The Ijebus themselves 

'The case of Gbadebo, son of Okukenu, occurred subsequently to 

the estabhshment of the British Protectorate. 

6

THE ORIGIN OF THE TRIBES I9 

claim to have descended from Oba-nita, as they say of themselves, 

" Ogetiele, eru Obanita," i.e., Ogetiele/ servants of Obanita. 

But who was this Oba-nita ? Tradition says he also was a victim 

of sacrifice by the Olowu or King of Owu. It was said that the 

Olowu offered in sacrifice a human being where two roads cross ; 

this was termed " Ebo-ni-ita," a sacrifice on the highway, the 

victim being mangled and left for dead ; he, however, revived at 

night, and crawled away into the forest, where he subsequently 

recovered and survived. He lived on fruits, on the chase, and 

then did a bit of farming. With an access of population, being 

the oldest man met in those parts, he was regarded as the father, 

and subsequent generations call him their ancestor, and so the 

Ijebu tribe was formed, and the term " Ebonita " (a sacrifice on 

the highway) was converted to " Obanita " (a king on the high- 

way). There was really nobody of that name. A forest is still 

shown near the village of Aha where he is annually worshipped, 

from whence he was supposed to have ascended into heaven. 

It is rather curious that both accounts should have made them 

descended from victims of human sacrifices. This latter account 

is reconcilable with the former, which says they are " the food of 

the deep," for the population of which Ebonita was the head may 

have been largely augmented by the victims of the ocean so as to 

give the name Ije-ibu to the whole of them. 

There are also other important facts and curious coincidences 

connected with the Ijebus which have strong bearings on this 

tradition of their origin. 

1. Of all the Yoruba tribes, with the exception of the Ifes 

they were the most addicted to human sacrifices, which they 

practised up to 1892 when the country was conquered by the 

Enghsh. The \'ictim also usually offered to " Obanita " annually 

was always a human being, but this was never killed ; he was, 

however, always acted upon in some way or other unknown (by 

magic arts) that he always became demented, and left to wander 

about sheepishly in the Aha Forest, until he perished there. This 

is, no doubt, due to the fact that the ancestor " Ebonita " himself, 

when a victim, was not killed outright. 

2. They were, before the conquest, the most exclusive and 

inhospitable of the whole of the tribes. Very few, if any, out- 

siders were ever known to have walked through the country with 

impunity under any circumstance whatever ; not a few of those 

who attempted to do so were never seen nor heard of any more ! 

^An untranslatable word, an onomatopoeic expression for 

whatever is immense and magnificent. 

20 THE HISTORY OF THE YORUBAS 

Commercial transactions with outsiders were carried on in the 

frontier or in the borders of neighbouring towns. 

3. And if the latter account of their origin from the Owu 

victim be the correct one, it is very singular indeed that it was 

mainly due to the Ijebus with their firearms that the Owns owed 

their fall and complete annihilation as an independent state to 

this day. A full account of this will be given in due course. 

The King of the Ijebus is known as the Awujale. His origin 

was thus given by authentic tradition, the event with which it is 

connected having occurred within authentic history : 

There were formerly two important towns called Owu Ipole 

and Iseyin Odo in a district between the Owns and If §s ; they were 

settlements from the city of Owu and Iseyin respectively. A 

quarrel once arose between them on the matter of boundaries, 

and the dispute having been carried on for many years, developed 

into an open fight, and both the Olowu and the Owoni of Ife 

(both being interested parties) were unable to put an end to the 

strife. Messengers were now sent to the King at Oyo who sent out 

a special Ilari and a large number of attendants to put an end to 

the strife. The person of an Ilari being inviolable, he came and 

settled down between the two contending parties, in the midst of 

the disputed plot, and thus compelled them to keep, the peace. 

The Ilari was named " Agbejaile or Alajaile " (an arbiter of landed 

dispute). This term was subsequently sof termed, down to Awujale.^ 

This event occurred during the reign of King Jayin. 

As it was customary to pay royal honours to the King's mes- 

sengers out of courtesy, this Ilari was accorded royal honours 

in due form, and he remained there permanently and became the 

King of that region over the Ijebus who up to that time had 

no tribal " king " of their own and rather held themselves aloof 

from their neighbours. Subsequently he removed to Ode. 

The Awujale ranks after the Oyo provincial kings such as the 

Onikoyi, Olafa, Aresa, Aseyin. 

Origin of the Ijesas and Ekitis 

Two accounts are given of the origin of the Ijesas ; both may 

practically be regarded as in the main correct, so far as they are not 

really contradictory ; for it would appear that the Ijesas of the 

present day are not the same people or, rather, not the descendants 

of the aboriginal inhabitants of that province. 

The first account relates to the earUest period when the Yorubas 

have just entered into, and subdued, the country, and the AlAfins 

^An Ilari title at Oyo to this day.

THE ORIGIN OF THE TRIBES 21 

then resided at He lie, i.e., prior to the reign of Sango. Human 

sacrifices were common in those days, and in order to have victims 

ready to hand, it is said that a number of slaves were purchased 

and located in the district of Ibokun ; there they were tended as 

cattle, under the care of Owaju, and from them selections were 

made from time to time for sacrificial purposes ; hence the term 

Ijesa from Ije Orisa (the food of the gods). They are described as 

stumpy, muscular, and sheepish-looking, with a marked want 

of intelhgence : they never cJffered any resistance to this system, 

hence the saying "Ijesa Omo Owaju ti ife opo iyk " (Ijesas children 

of Owaju, subject to much sufferings). There is also a legend 

that when the nations began to disperse from He Ife and members of 

the Royal Family were appointed kings and rulers in divers places, 

a young and brave scion of the house was appointed the first 

Owa or king over the Ijesas, but that he returned to the AlAfin 

and complained that his territory was tocv small, and his subjects 

few, the sire thereupon ordered a large bundle of sticks to be 

brought to him, and these sticks he converted into human beings 

for the Owa, in order to increase the number of his subjects. Hence 

to this day the Ijesas are often termed by their neighbours " Qmo 

igi " (offspring of sticks !) 

This, of course, is a pure myth invented by their more wily 

neighbours to account for the notorious characteristics of the Ijesas 

generally, who are as proverbially deficient in wit as they are 

remarkably distinguished for brute strength. 

But one fact holds good down even to our days, viz., that up 

to the recent total abohtion of human sacrifice by the British 

Government (1893) the Ifes, who, far more than any other, were 

addicted to the practice, always preferred for the purpose to have 

an Ijesa victim to any other ; such sacrifices were considered more 

acceptable, the victims being the " food of the gods." 

This preference was the cause of more than one threatened rupture 

between the Ifes and their Ijesa aUies during the recent 16 years' 

war, and would certainly have developed into open fights, but 

for the Ibadan army vis-d-vis threatening them both. 

The other account relates chiefly to the present day Ijesas of 

Ilesa (the home of the gods) the chief town. According to this 

account, they hailed from the Ekitis ; or as some would more 

correctly have it, they were the Ijesas from the neighbourhood of 

Ibokun who first migrated to Ipole near Ondo, and thence back 

to Ilesa. It appears that a custom then prevailed of going out 

hunting for their king three months in the year, and on one such 

occasion they found game so plentiful in the neighbourhood of 

Ilesa, the chmate very agreeable, the country well-watered, and 

22 THE HISTORY OF THE YORUBAS 

the Ijesas there extremely simple, peaceful, and unwarhke (probably 

the remnants and descendants of the old sacrificial victims) whilst 

at home they endured much oppression from their Owa, that 

they there and then conceived and carried out the idea of settling 

on the spot at once, making it their home, and of reducing into 

subjection the aboriginal inhabitants. 

These objects were easily enough accompHshed ; but they spared 

the principal chief, a kindly old gentleman who had an extensive 

garden plantation. He was called " Oba Ila," i.e., Okra king, 

from his Okra plantation, and he was placed next in rank to the 

chief of the marauders. That nickname is continued to the present 

time as a title Oba'la^ and is conferred on the most distinguished 

chief after the Owa of Ilesa. It would appear then that although 

the term Ijesa is retained by the people of that district, and those 

who are ignorant of the origin of the term take some pride in it, 

yet it is evident that the present inhabitants are not all of them 

the descendants of the aboriginal settlers, the " food of the gods," 

but are largely from the Ekitis by admixture ; the pure type 

Ijesas are now and again met with at Ilesa and neighbourhood. 

This fact is fuither shown by the want of homogeneity amongst 

the principal chiefs of Ilesa at the present day, for when the town 

was growing, the settlers did cast about for help ; they sought for 

wiser heads to assist them in the building up and the management 

of their country, e.g., from the Oyos or Yorubas Proper they had 

the Odgle from Irehe, the Esawe from Ora, the Saloro from Oyo 

(the ancient city), and the Sorundi also from the same city — all 

these came with a large number of followers ; from the Ondos, the 

'Loro, and the Salosi from I jama in the Ondo district ; from the 

Ekitis, the Arapate from Ara, the Lejoka from Itaje ; and 

lastly, the Ogboni from the white cap chiefs of Lagos, the 

only one privileged to have on his headgear in the presence of the 

Owa. The Owa himself is as we have seen, a junior member of 

the royal house of Oyo. 

It is also said that when the town of Ilesa was to be laid out a 

special messenger was sent to the AlAfin to ask for the help of 

one of the princes to lay out the town on the same plan as the 

ancient city of Oyo. That prince ruled for some years at Ilesa. 

The Ekitis 

The Ekitis are among the aboriginal elements of the country 

absorbed by the invaders from the East. The term Ekiti denotes 

a Mound, and is derived from the rugged mountainous feature of 

^Often miscalled Obanla by young Ije§as outside Ilesa. 

THE ORIGIN OF THE TRIBES 23 

the country. It is an extensive province and well watered, includ- 

ing several tribes and families right on to the border of the Niger, 

eastward. They hold themselves quite distinct from the Ijesas, 

especially in pohtical affairs. The Ekiti country is divided into 

i6 districts, each with its own Owa or King (Owa being a generic 

term amongst them) of which four are supreme, viz. : — 

1. The 6w6re of Otun 3. The Elewi of Ado 

2. The Ajero of Ijero 4. The Elekole of Ikole 

The following are the minor Ekiti kings : — 

5. Alara of Ara it. Qlgja Oke of Igbo Odo 

6. Alaye of Efon Ahaye 12. Oloye of Oye 

7. Ajanpanda of Akure 13. Olomuwo of Omuwo 

8. Alagotun of Ogotun 14. Onire of Ire 

9. Olojudo of Ido 15. Arinjale of Ise 

10. Ata of Aiyede 16. Onitaji of Itaji 

The Orangun of Ila is sometimes classed among them, but he is 

only Ekiti in sympathy, being of a different family. 

An Ijesa account of the Owa ot Ilesa and some of the principal 

Ekiti kings : 

The Olofin (? Alafin) king of Ife had several children, grand- 

children, and great grandchildren ; amongst them were, the king 

of Ado or Benin, the King of Oyg, the Osomowe of Ondo (from a 

daughter), the Alara of Ara, the Ajero of Ijero, the Alaye of Efon, 

the Owore of Otun, the Orangun of Ila, the Aregbajo of Igbajo, 

the Owa Ajaka of Ilesa. When the Olofin became bhnd from old 

age he was much depressed in mind from this cause ; efforts were 

put forth to effect his cure, all of which proved fruitless, when a 

certain man came forward and prescribed for him a sure remedy 

which among other ingredients contained salt water. He put the 

case before his children, but none made any effort to procure some 

for him save his youngest grandson. This was a very brave and 

warlike prince who bore the title of Esinkin amongst the King's 

household warriors, a title much alHed to that of the Kakanfo, 

He was surnamed Ajaka, i.e., one who fights everywhere, (on 

account of his procHvities) being fond of adventures. He volun- 

teered to go and fetch some wherever procurable. 

Having been away for many years and not heard of, the aged 

sire and every one else despaired of his ever coming back ; so the 

King divided his property amongst the remaining grown-up 

children. Although the Alado (king of Benin) was the eldest yet 

the Oloyg was the most beloved, and to him he gave the land, and 

told him to scour it all over, and settle nowhere till he came to a 

24 THE HISTORY OF THE YORUBAS 

slippery place, and there make his abode ; hence the term Oyg 

(shppery) and hence Oyos are such shppery customers ! 

After they had all gone and settled in their respective locaHties, 

all unexpectedly, the young adventurer turned up with water from 

the sea ! The monarch made use of it as per prescription and 

regained his sight ! Hence the Ijesas who subsequently became his 

subjects are sometimes termed " Omg Obokun," children of the 

brine procurer. 

Having distributed all his property he had nothing left for Ajaka 

he therefore gave him a sword lying by his side with leave to attack 

any of his brothers, especially the Alara or Alado, and possess 

himself of their wealth, but should he fail, to retire back to him ; 

hence the appellation " Owa Ajaka Onida raharaha " (Owa the 

ubiquitous fighter, a man with a devastating sword). 

The Owa Ajaka settled a Uttle way from his grandfather, and on 

one occasion he paid him a visit, and found him sitting alone 

with his crown on his head and — out of sheer wantonness — he cut 

off some of the fringes with his sword. The old man was enraged 

by this act, and swore that he would never wear a crown with 

fringes on.^ 

The Aregbajo was one of those who had a crown given to him, 

but the Owa Ajaka, paying him a visit on one occasion, saw it, 

and took it away, and never returned it : hence the kings of Igbajo 

never wear a crown to this day. 

The Owa also attacked the Olojudo and defeated him, and took 

possession of his crown ; but he never put it on. On every public 

occasion however, it used to be carried before him. This continued 

to be the case until all the tribes became independent. 

The Owa's mother, when married as a young bride, was placed 

under the care of the mother of the Qloyo, hence the AlAfin of 

Oyo often regarded the Owa as his own son. 

The Orangun of Ila, and the Alara of Ara were his brothers of 

the same mother. 

The Ow6ni of Ife was not a son of the Ololin, but the son of a 

female slave of his whom he offered in sacrifice. The Olefin kept 

the boy always by him, and when he sent away his sons, this httle 

boy took great care of him and managed his household affairs well 

until his death : hence the Oloyo on succeeding the father authorised 

the boy to have charge of the palace and the city, and he sent to 

notify his brothers of this appointment. So whenever it was 

asked who was in charge of the house the answer invariably was 

^Only those with fringes on are really crowns. 

THE ORIGIN OF THE TRIBES 25 

" Omo Oluwo ni " (It is the son of the sacrificial victim). This 

has been contracted to the term Ow6ni. 

The Owa and his brothers used to pay the AlAfin annual visits, 

with presents of firewood, fine locally-made mats, kola nuts and 

bitter kolas ; the Ow6re of Otun with sweet water from a cool 

spring at Otun — this water the AlAfin first spills on the ground 

as a Ubation before performing any ceremonies. The other Ekiti 

Kings used also to take with them suitable presents as each could 

afford, and bring away lavish presents from their elder brother. 

This Ajaka subsequently became the Owa of the Ijesas. 

The Ondos 

The custom of killing twins prevailed all over the country in 

early times ; it has died out all over the greater part ot it so long 

ago, that no one can say precisely when or by whom a stop was put 

to it. But it happened once upon a time when the practice still 

prevailed that one of the wives of the AlAfin (King Ajaka) gave 

birth to twins, and the King was loth to destroy them, he thereupon 

gave orders that they should be removed — with the mother — to a 

remote part of the kingdom and there to remain and be regarded 

as dead. 

So she left with a large number of friends and retinue to the site 

of the present Ode Ondo, then sparsely peopled by a tribe named 

Idoko, and there settled, hence the term " Ondo," signifying the 

" Settlers." The people of the district knowing who the strangers 

were, yielded them ready obedience, and the strangers became rulers 

of the district. 

Probably it was from this time infanticide received its death 

blow — in Yoruba Proper at least. It is said to hnger still at Akure 

and the adjacent regions, but as a rule, in ancient times, whatever 

the custom set or discountenanced at the Metropohs, the effect 

thereof was rapidly felt all over the country. 

The Ondos are sometimes classed among the Ekitis but that is 

hardly correct ; although lying at the border of the Ekitis, they 

are really a mixture of Qyos and Idokos, and their sympathy is 

with all. 

THE ORIGIN OF THE TRIBES 25 

" Omo Oluwo ni " (It is the son of the sacrificial victim). This 

has been contracted to the term Ow6ni. 

The Owa and his brothers used to pay the AlAfin annual visits, 

with presents of firewood, fine locally-made mats, kola nuts and 

bitter kolas ; the Ow6re of Otun with sweet water from a cool 

spring at Otun — this water the AlAfin first spills on the ground 

as a Ubation before performing any ceremonies. The other Ekiti 

Kings used also to take with them suitable presents as each could 

afford, and bring away lavish presents from their elder brother. 

This Ajaka subsequently became the Owa of the Ijesas. 

The Ondos 

The custom of killing twins prevailed all over the country in 

early times ; it has died out all over the greater part ot it so long 

ago, that no one can say precisely when or by whom a stop was put 

to it. But it happened once upon a time when the practice still 

prevailed that one of the wives of the AlAfin (King Ajaka) gave 

birth to twins, and the King was loth to destroy them, he thereupon 

gave orders that they should be removed — with the mother — to a 

remote part of the kingdom and there to remain and be regarded 

as dead. 

So she left with a large number of friends and retinue to the site 

of the present Ode Ondo, then sparsely peopled by a tribe named 

Idoko, and there settled, hence the term " Ondo," signifying the 

" Settlers." The people of the district knowing who the strangers 

were, yielded them ready obedience, and the strangers became rulers 

of the district. 

Probably it was from this time infanticide received its death 

blow — in Yoruba Proper at least. It is said to hnger still at Akure 

and the adjacent regions, but as a rule, in ancient times, whatever 

the custom set or discountenanced at the Metropohs, the effect 

thereof was rapidly felt all over the country. 

The Ondos are sometimes classed among the Ekitis but that is 

hardly correct ; although lying at the border of the Ekitis, they 

are really a mixture of Qyos and Idokos, and their sympathy is 

with all. 

z

RELIGION 27 

praises of the ancient god Kori. In this way they parade the 

market places, and sellers before whom they halt to sing, make 

them presents of money (cowries) or whatever they may happen to 

be seUing, usually articles of food. Thus the httle children 

perpetuate the memory and worship of this deity, hence the ditty : 

Iba ma si ewe, Kori a ku o." 

(But for Httle children Kori had perished). 

In later times heroes are venerated and deified, of these Sango, 

Oya, Orisa Oko, may be mentioned as the chief. The origin of 

their worship will be noted hereafter. 

2. Orisala. — To Orisala are ascribed creative powers. He is 

regarded as a co-worker with Olorun. Man is supposed to have 

been made by God in a lump, and shaped as he is by Orisala. Its 

votaries are distinguished by white beads worn round the neck, 

and by their using only white dresses. They are forbidden the 

use of palm wine. Sacrifices offered by them are not to be salted. 

Albinoes, dwarfs, the lame, hunchbacks, and all deformed persons 

generally are regarded as sacred to this god ; hence they are 

designated " Eni Orisa" (belonging to the god), being regarded as 

specially made so by him. 

Orisala is the common name of the god known and worshipped 

by different townships under different appellations, e.g., it is 

called Orisa Oluofin at Iwofin ; Orisako at Oko ; Orisakire at Ikire ; 

Orisagiyan at Ejigbo ; Orisaeguin at Eguin ; Orisarowu at Owu 

Orisajaye at Ijaye ; and Obatala at Oba. 

3. Ori. — The Ori (head) is the universal household deity 

worshipped by both sexes as the god of fate. It is believed that 

good or ill fortune attends one, according to the will or decree of 

this god ; and hence it is propitiated in order that good luck might 

be the share of its votary. The representing image is 41 cowries 

strung together in the shape of a crown. This is secreted in a 

large coffer, the Hd of which is of the same form and material. 

It is called "He Ori" (Ori's house), and in size is as large as the owner 

can afford to make it. Some usually contain as much as 6 heads 

(12,000) of cowries, and the manufacturer who is generally a worker 

in leather receives as his pay the same amount of cowries as is 

used in the article manufactured. 

As the Kori is the children's god so the Ori is exclusively 

worshipped by the adults. After the death of its owner, the image 

of Ori with the coffer is destroyed, and the cowries spent. 

4. Ogun. — This is the god of war, and all instruments made of 

iron are consecrated to it, hence Ogun is the blacksmiths' god. 

The representing image is the silk cotton tree specially planted, 

28 THE HISTORY OF THE YORUBAS 

beneath which is placed a piece of granite on which palm oil is 

poured and the blood of slain animals — generally a dog. 

5. Esu or Eleghara. — Satan, the Evil One, the author of all 

evil is often and specially propitiated. Offerings are made to it. 

The representing image is a rough lateritic stone upon which 

libations of palm oil are poured. It is superstitiously believed that 

the vengeance of this god could be successfully invoked upon an 

offender by the name of the person being called before the image 

while nut oil is being poured on it. The image of a man, with a 

horn on its head curving backwards, carved in wood and orna- 

mented with cowries, is often carried by its devotees to beg with 

on pubUc highways. Passers-by who are so disposed may give 

each a cowry or two, or handfuls of corn, beans, or any product 

of the field at hand, as he or she may choose. This curved headed 

figure is called " Ogo Eliggbara "—the devil's club. 

6. Sgpona or the small pox is generally believed to be one of 

the demons by which this lower world is infested, and has its special 

devotees. The representing image is a broom- made from the 

branches of the bamboo palm, stripped of its leaves, and besmeared 

with camwood. To invoke its vengeance parched corn or beniseed 

is usually thrown hot upon the image, and then it is beUeved the 

epidemic will spread,. But they certainly have a more direct 

means of spreading the disease. 

Persons dying of this plague are buried only by the devotees of 

this god, who account it as their special right to bury such corpses, 

being victims of the vengeance of their god. For a propitiation, 

they often demand from the relatives of the victims 5 head {i.e., 

10,000) of cowries, a tortoise, a snail, a fowl, a pigeon, a goat, an 

armadillo, a ground pig, camwood, shea butter, a quantity of 

palm oil, two kinds of beads, green and yellow, called respectively 

Otutu and Opon, together with all the effects of the deceased, 

which are regarded as theirs by legitimate right. The corpse is 

buried either in the bush, or by the side of a river. 

The following anecdote was related by a devotee. He was 

confirmed — said he — in his belief in the existence of the gods and as 

helpers in the government of the world from the following incident. 

Said he, " A young man once fell into a swoon, and having revived, 

he related the vision which he had seen. He said he saw the Great 

God sitting on a throne, covered with a flowing garment, attended 

on His right and left by Orisala and Ifa his counsellors : behind 

him was a pit into which the condemned were cast. Ogun and 

Sopona were ministers of his vengeance to execute justice upon 

offenders. Ogun armed with 4,000 swords (or daggers) went out 

daily to slay victims, his food being the blood of the slain. Sopona 

RELIGION 

29 

also had 4,000 viols hung about his body. His also was the work 

of destruction as he disappeared immediately for another victim 

after presenting one. Sango also appeared, a mighty destroyer 

who, when about to set forth on his journey to earth, used to be 

cautioned by both Orisala and If a to deal gently with their 

respective worshippers." 

It is with such stories as this that the credulity of the simple folk 

is usually wrought upon with a view to strengthen their behef in 

the so-called gods. 

7. Egugnn. The period when the worship of spirits or the 

souls of departed relatives was introduced into the Yoruba country 

will be noted in a future chapter. The representing forms are 

human beings of the exact height and figure of the deceased, covered 

from head to foot with cloths similar to those in which the said 

deceased was known to have been buried, completely masked and 

speaking with an unnatural tone of voice. This feigned voice is 

said to be in imitation of that of a species of monkey called Ijimere. 

That animal is regarded with superstitious reverence, the power 

of walking erect and talking being ascribed to it and is esteemed 

a clever physician. Some professed " medicine men " usually 

tame and keep one of these creatures, and pretend to receive 

instructions and inspirations from it. 

In these later times, the Egiigun worship has become a national 

religious institution, and its anniversaries are celebrated with 

grand festivities. The mysteries connected with it are held 

sacred and inviolable, and although little boys of 5 or 6 years of 

age are often initiated, yet no woman may know these mysteries 

on pain of death. 

The dress of the Egugun consists of cloths of various colours 

or the feathers of- different kinds of birds, or the skins of different 

animals. The whole body from head to foot is concealed from view ; 

the Egugun seeing only from the meshes of a species of network 

covering the face, and speaking in a sepulchral tone ot voice. The 

women believe (or rather feign to believe) that the Eguguns came 

from the spirit world. An Egiigun (the Agan) is the executor of 

women accused of witchcraft, and of those who are proved guilty 

ot such crimes as murder, incendiarism, etc. 

The high priest of the Egiigun is called the Alagb&, and next 

to him is the Alaran, and after this the Esorun, and then the 

Akere whose insignia of office are a bundle of Atori whips. These 

officials are higher in rank than all the Eguguns under the mask, 

and hence the common saying : — " Egugun baba Alagba, Alagba 

baba Egiigun " (The Egiigun is the father of the Alagba, the 

Alagba the father of the Egugun). 

6

30 THE HISTORY OF THE YORUBAS 

It is considered a crime to touch an Egugun dress in public, 

and disrespectful to pass him by with the head uncovered. Even 

a boy Egugun is considered worthy of being honoured by his 

(supposed) surviving parents, he salutes them as elderly people 

would do, and promises the bestowal of gifts on the family. 

In every town there are several Alagbas or head priests of Egiigun 

out of them a president is elected, at whose house all the others 

meet on special occasions. 

The individual who fills the highest rank in the Egugun worship 

is the Alapini, one of the seven great noble men of Oyo (the Oyo 

Mesi). He resides always in the royal city of Oyo. There can 

be but one Alapini at a time, and by virtue of his office he must be 

a monorchis. Thus qualified, he shares with the eunuchs in all 

their privileges, and at the same time enjoys the lion's share in the 

Egugun department. 

In a large town, every quarter has its own Alagba in whose 

house a special apartment is dedicated to the Egugun worship, 

where all the Egugun dress in that part of the town are kept until 

required for use on special occasions or at the annual festivals. 

Eguguns are generally worshipped with a kind of cake made 

of beans and palm oil (Olele) in the month of February, after the 

beans harvest in January ; and the Egugun anniversary is usually 

held in the month of May or Jane. These festivals are lucky 

times for the men, for on these occasions, the women are made to 

spend largely to feast " deceased relatives," while the food is 

consumed by the men in the Alagba' s department. The number 

of fowls and goats killed and devoured at such times is simply 

prodigious. Such is the force of habit engendered by blind 

superstition, that although in reality the women are no longer 

deceived, as regards these alleged visits of their dear departed, 

yet they make their offerings with cheerfulness, and with a sure 

expectation of blessings. 

It has already been noted above that the Yorubas believe in a 

future state. It cannot be considered too far fetched to say that 

this periodical re-appearance of the dead as symbohzed in the 

Egugun " mystery " is an embodiment of the idea of the Resur- 

rection, although that doctrine as taught by Christianity cannot 

be said to be identical with what they hold and practise ; but this 

festival is usually observed with all the zeal and fervour with which 

Christians celebrate the Christmas and Paschal festivals. 

This anniversary is the time of reunion among absent friends 

and relatives. The town then puts on its best appearance, the 

streets are everywhere cleaned and put under repairs, and the 

citizens appear abroad in their holiday dress. 

3

RELIGION 31 

The celebration is usually preceded on the eve of the festival by a 

vigil termed in Yoruba " Ikunle " or the kneeling, because the 

whole night is spent in kneeHng and praying in the grove set apart 

for Egugun worship, invoking the blessings and the aid of the 

departed parent. The blood of fowls and animals offered in 

sacrifice is also poured on the graves of the ancestors. 

On the morning of the festival the whole of the Eguguns, 

including all the principal forms accompanied by the Alagbas 

and minor priests form a procession to the residence of the chief 

ruler of the town ; they there receive the homage of the chief, 

and in turn give him and the other chiefs and the whole town their 

blessings ; they then spend about three hours doing honours 

to the chief, playing and dancing to theii* peculiar music ; and after 

receiving presents they disperse to continue the play all over the 

town, each confining himself more or less to his own quarter of the 

town. 

The festival is continued for seven days, and on the eighth day, 

there is another gathering at the Chief Alagba's and the festivities 

are brought to a close with games, sports, and a display of magic 

tricks. 

For three weeks to a month, lesser Eguguns may still be seen 

making their appearance ; these as a rule, belong to poorer districts 

which weie backward in their preparations for the annual feast. 

Everyone, however, still keeps to the same rule of seven days' 

appearance and disappearing likewise on the eighth day after a 

grand display. 

The Adamuorisa and the Gelede. 

In imitation of the Eguguns, some littoral tribes adopt similar 

forms of representation of their departed dead ; such are the 

Adamuorisa among the Aworis, and the Gelede among the Egbado 

tribes. 

The Adamuorisa is sometimes called Eyg ; the former term 

signifies the god with the nasal twang — on account of the arti- 

ficial voice they affect, and the latter, Eyg, simply means Oyg 

being an imitation or parody of the Oyg system of Egugun worship. 

But whereas the Egiiguns appear annually, at a fixed period of 

the year, viz. at the feast of the first fruits in June, these are used 

as a part of the funeral obsequies of a chieftain, or well-to-do citizen 

who can afford a carnival in connection with his funeral rites. The 

effigy of the departed is set up in state in the house, the immediate 

relatives are dressed in their very best, and all hold horse-tails in 

their hands to dance with. The play lasts for one day only and 

generally ends with a big feast. 

32 THE HISTORY OF THE YORUBAS 

The Geledg is also a human being in a mask the head of which 

is exquisitely carved in wood, and made to represent that of a 

man or woman with all their tribal marks and sometimes any of 

the lower animals such as the alligator. They are more generally 

of a female form, with carvings of plaited haii, and magnificent 

busts ; they are elaborately or fantasticall}^ dressed, bedecked 

with a wealth of female ornaments of native manufacture, such as 

ear-rings, bangles, beads, etc., with jingles on their ankles ; they 

dance and move majestically, treading heavily to the rhythmic 

sound of drums and other musical instruments. 

They are much besmired with chalk and camwood, presenting 

rather a frightful (if harmless) appearance. 

8. Orb. The Oro system is also said by some to have been 

borrowed from the red monkey called tjimerh. It consists of a 

fiat piece of iron or stick, with a long string, attached to a pole. 

This when whirled swiftly in the air produces a shrill sound which 

is called " Aja Oro" (Oro's dog). A larger kind whirled with 

the hand gives a deep bass tone. This is the voice of the Oro 

himself. Amongst the Ijebus and the Egbas, Oro is much more 

sacred and important than the Egiigun, and is the executor of 

criminals. The Egbas pay homage also to another god called 

Ologboijeun, who is personated by a man under a mask with a 

drawn sword in his hand. 

Other gods of the same class are the Igis (trees) also personified 

by human beings, masked and carrying an image on the head. 

Some of these are male figures with branching horns, on which 

are carved figures of monkeys, snakes and other animals. Others 

are female figures which are called Efun-gba-roku. 

Amongst the Oyos (Yorubas Proper) the people of Iseyin 

and Jabata are the principal Oro worshippers. Seven days are 

set apart annually for its worship. Except for a few hours during 

which they are permitted to procure provisions, women are kept 

indoors throughout the day. On the seventh day even this small 

indulgence is not allowed, but they are rigidly shut up the entire 

day. It is certain death for any one of them to be found without 

and this penalty is exacted whatever may be the title, or wealth, 

or position of respectability of any woman who ventures to have 

a peep at the Oro. 

9. tfa. — This is the great consulting oracle in the Yoruba country 

and was introduced at a late period by King Onigbogi, who was 

said to have been dethroned for having done so. 

Another tradition says it was introduced into the Yoruba country 

by one Setilu, native of the Nupe country, who was born blind. 

This was about the period of the Mohammedan invasion. 

 33 

Setilu's parents regretting their misfortune in having a Wind son, 

were at first of doubtful mind as to what course they should 

pursue, whether to kill the child, or spare its life to become a burden 

on the family. Parental feehngs decided them to spare the child. 

It grew up a peculiar child, and the parents were astonished at his 

extraordinary powers of divination. At the early age of 5, he 

began to excite their wonder and curiosity by foretelling who 

would pay them a visit in the course of the day and with what 

object. As he advanced in age, he began to practise sorcery and 

medicine. At the commencement of his practice, he used 16 small 

pebbles and imposed successfully upon the credulity of those who 

flocked to him in their distress and anguish for consultation. From 

this source, he earned a comfortable liveUhood. Finding that the 

adherents were fast becoming Setilu's followers, and that even 

respectable priests did not escape the general contagion, the 

Mohammedans resolved to expel Setilu out of the country. This 

being effected, Setilu crossed the river Niger and went to Benin, 

staying for a while at a place called OwQ, thence to Ado. Subse- 

quently he migrated to He Ife, and finding that place more suitable 

for practising his art, he resolved to make it his permanent residence. 

He soon became famous there also, and his performances so 

impressed the people, and the reliance placed in him was so 

absolute, that he had little difficulty in persuading them to abolish 

the tribal marks on their faces, such marks of distinction not being 

practised in Nupe, Setilu's own country. 

In process of time palm nuts, pieces of iron and ivory balls 

were successively used instead of pebbles. At the present day, 

palm nuts only are used as they are considered more easily pro- 

pitiated, the others reqairing costly sacrifices and even human 

blood. 

Setilu initiated several of his followers in the mysteries of 

Ifa worship, and it has gradually become the consulting oracle 

of the whole Yoruba nation. In order to become an Ifa priest, 

a long course of serious study is necessary. To consult Ifa, in the 

more common and ordinary way, 16 palm nuts are to be shaken 

together in the hollow of both hands, whilst certain marks are 

traced with the index linger on a flat bowl dusted with yam flour, 

or powdered camwood. Each mark suggests to the consulting 

priest the heroic deeds of some fabulous heroes, which he duly 

recounts, and so he goes on with the marks in order, until he hits 

upon certain words or phrases which appear to bear upon the matter 

of the applicant before him. Very often answers are given much 

after the rnanner of the ancient oracle at Delphi. 

Ifa was really met in this country by the Yorubas, for Oduduwa 

34 THE HISTORY OF THE YORUBAS 

met Setilu at He Ife, but the worship of it was officially recog- 

nized by King Ofiran son of Onigbogi. 

10. Sango. — Sango was the fourth King of the Yorubas, and 

was deified by his friends after his death. Sango ruled over all the 

Yorubas including Benin, the Popos and Dahomey, for the worship 

of him has continued in all these countries to this day. 

It is related of him, that being a tyrant he was dethroned by his 

people, and expelled the country. Finding himself deserted not 

only by his friends, but also by his beloved wife Oya, he committed 

suicide at a place called Koso. His tragic end became a proverb 

and a by-word, and his faithless friends were ashamed on account 

of the taunts cast upon the name and fame of the unfortunate 

King. To atone for their base action in deserting him, as well as 

to avenge the insults on his memory they went to the Bariba 

country to study the art of charm-making, and also the process 

of attracting lightning upon their enemies' houses. 

On their return home they put to practice with a vengeance the 

lessons they had learnt. From the too frequent conflagrations 

which were taking place, as well as deaths from lightning strokes, 

suspicions were aroused, and enquiries were set on foot. Then 

Sango's friends said that the catastrophe was attributable to the 

late King taking vengeance on his enemies on account of the 

indignities they had heaped upon his memory. Being appealed 

to, to propitiate the offended King in order that he may stay his 

vengeance upon the land, his friends offered sacrifices to him as 

god, and hence these intercessors became the " Mogba " (advocate) 

and priests of Sango ; and to this day their descendants hold the 

same office. 

The emblems of worship representing Sango are certain smooth 

stones shaped like an axe head commonly taken for thunder bolts. 

They are supposed to be hurled down from the heavens when the 

god would kill any one who has incurred his displeasure. 

The following is the process to be gone through at the initiation 

of any one into the mysteries of Sango worship : — The priests 

demand a ram, a water bird called Osin, a tortoise, a snail, an 

armadillo, a large rat called Okete, a toad, a tadpole, the Otutu 

and Opon beads, the red tail of a parrot, a guinea fowl, shea butter, 

salt, palm oil, the flesh of an elephant, venison, the ihih (greens) 

the leaves of the evergreens called Etiponola, Odudun, and iperegun 

tree ; a small knife called " abe-esu " (the devil's razor) a white 

country cloth of lo breadths, a mat called fafa (mats made of the 

pith of bamboo palm branches) together with 7 heads of cowries 

(14,000 cowry shells) as carriage fee. 

The leaves are bruised in a bowl of water, and with the infusion 

RELIGION 35 

the candidate is to purify himself. He is then seated on a mortar 

and shaved. The birds and tortoise are killed and their hearts 

taken out, and these with slices of the flesh of all the animals 

above-mentioned are pounded together with the evergreens, 

and a ball is made of the compound. The candidate now submits 

to incisions on his shaven head and the ball of pounded articles 

is rubbed into the wounds. The neophyte now becomes a recog- 

nised devotee of Sango. 

Important ceremonies are performed when a house is struck 

by lightning. The inmates are not allowed to sleep in any house,, 

but in booths or blacksmith's shops, until the so-called thunder- 

bolt is dug up and removed from the premises. A garland of palm 

leaves is generally hung up at the entrance of the devoted house to 

forbid any but Sango priests to enter. A watchman is kept on 

the premises at the expense of the sufferers from the divine visita- 

tion, and it is the duty of this man to ward off trespassers from 

what is now regarded as sacred ground, till the ceremonies shall 

have been performed, and the offended god appeased. With the 

sole exception of the great King, the AlAfin of Ovo, all the pro- 

vincial kings and ruling chiefs in whose town the catastrophe 

happens to take place, are bound to repair to the spot to do 

homage to Sango, who is said to pay a visit to earth. 

Such occasions are greatly prized by the worshippers who swarm 

to the place in numbers with their Bayani, a sort of crown made of 

cowries, and they are all to be entertained at the expense of the 

sufferers and also by the neighbours. 

The king or chief coming to pay his respects to Sango is to 

receive ii heads of cowries, a goat, and a slave in three payments. 

In the case of a poor house, a member of the family is seized 

if not quietly given up, and has to be ransomed at a considerable 

sum, which must be paid and the above mentioned articles pro- 

cured, before the ceremony can be performed. Then all being ready 

the priests having now assembled, the tete (greens) etipgnQla, 

together with the evergreens Odudun and peregun are bruised in 

a bowl of water, and with this they purify themselves before 

entering the house. They are preceded by one holding an iron 

instrument (the divining rod) with which a search is made for the 

spot where the bolt is believed to have entered the ground. After 

some pretence they arrive at a spot in which one of their number 

had previously buried one of these sharp stones. Here the ground 

is ordered to be dug, with a show of solemnity, and, of course, the 

thunder-bolt is found and exhumed with well-sustained marks of 

piety and reverence. 

Thus the common people are deceived and imposed upon, and 

36 THE HISTORY OF THE YORUBAS 

very few besides the priests are aware of the tricks systematically 

played upon their credulity. 

The concluding ceremony stiU bears hardly on the poor sufferers. 

They are required to give over a son to the priests to be initiated 

in the mysteries of the cult, and further they are to pay something 

in order to obtain permission to rebuild their houses. Hence an 

accident of this kind means great calamity to any one, and heavy 

debts are incurred. The unfortunate sufferers already deprived 

of their all (much or little) by this sudden stroke of ill-fortune are 

often obliged to put their children to service in order to raise 

money sufficient to meet the demands of the greedy worshippers 

of this heartless god. The fines obtained are shared between the 

king or head chief, and the town authorities ; but the articles 

purchased for the performance of the ceremonies are perquisites 

which are appropriated by the priests alone. 

This " descent of Sango " on earth is never done but with a view 

to show his displeasure on persons who are guilty of perjury 

and lies. The town for a while is as it were placed under an 

interdict, and during that brief period the worshippers of the god 

are allowed to seize with impunity whatever they can come at in 

the public streets in the vicinity of the catastrophe, such as 

sheep, goats, poultry and things of greater oi less value. 

Sango worshippers are forbidden to touch the large white beans 

called Sese, because it is used for counteracting the evil effects 

of the agencies employed in attracting lightning on people's 

houses. 

II. Qya. This was the name of Sango's faithful and beloved 

wife. She alone of all his wives accompanied him in his flight 

towards the Tapa (Nupe) country his maternal home. But courage 

failed her at a place called Ira, her native town which she was 

never to see any more should love for her husband prevail to 

make her resolve to share with him in his destiny. B ut the prospect 

of making her home among entire strangers in a strange land among 

a people speaking a strange tongue, and of leaving parents and 

home for ever, so overpowered her that she hesitated to proceed. 

As she could not for very shame return to Oyq she remained at 

Ira ; and hearing that her husband had committed suicide, 

she summed up sufficient courage to follow his example. 

She also was deified. The river Niger is sacred to her, and 

hence that river is called all over Yoruba land Odo Oya after 

her name. As thunder and lightning are attributed to Sango 

so tornado and violent thunderstorms, rending trees and levelling 

high towers and houses are attributed to Oya. They signify her 

displeasure. 

RELIGION 37 

Deified heroes and heroines are never spoken of as dead, but as 

having disappeared. Thus the saying : — 

" Oya wole ni ile Ira 

Sango wgle ni Koso." 

(Oya disappeared in the town of Ira 

Sango disappeared at Koso). 

Two naked swords and the horns of a buffalo are the representa- 

tive image of Oya. Her followers are forbidden to touch mutton, 

they are distinguished by a particular kind of red beads which are 

always tied round their necks. 

12. Erinle. Erinle was originally a hunter, native of Ajagbusi. 

He was poor and unmarried. Having no home, he dwelt in a booth 

erected under a large gbinghin tree by the river side, whence he 

made his expeditions to shoot monkeys for sale by which he earned 

his livelihood. He is said to have been accidentally swept down 

the river by a strong current and was drowned. A river flowing 

by the present town of Ilobu, which empties itself into the Osun 

river was named after him. The representing image consists of 

black smooth stones from that river, and an image of iron sm- 

mounted by the figure of a bird. The followers are distinguished 

by wearing a chain of iron or brass round their necks, and bracelets 

of the same material. 

13. Orisa Oko. Orisa Oko was also a hunter, a native of 

Irawo. He us

13. Orisa Oko. Orisa Oko was also a hunter, a native of 

Irawo. He used to entrap guinea fowls in nets set in the farm of 

one Ogunjeiisowe, a wealthy farmer, and bj^ this means he gained 

his livelihood. He kept a dog and a fife, and on several occasions 

when lost in the bush his whereabouts were discovered by his dog 

at the sound of the fife. He lived to a good old age, and when 

infirm and unable to pursue his calling as a hunter, he practised 

soothsaying and numbers flocked to him. 

It may be observed that in countries where letters are not known 

and the language not reduced to writing the aged are the reposi- 

tories of wisdom and knowledge, hence the younger generation 

regard their seniors as guides and prophets, and their vast stores 

of experience serve as keys to unlock many a doubtful point in 

the affairs of the young. The latter used to regard the foresight 

displayed by the elders as a marvel ; it is easy, therefore to under- 

stand how it came about that extraordinary powers are attributed 

to them. It is only thus that one can account in a way for the 

success of those who are often styled " medicine men " " sorcerers " 

" soothsayers," etc. 

As witchcraft was punished with death, persons accused of it 

were taken to Orisa Oko for trial. He was accustomed to lead 

FYI

38 THE HISTORY OF THE YORUBAS 

the accused to a cave supposed to be inhabited by a demon called 

Polo. In this cave Orisa Oko practised his sorcery. In cases 

where an accused was innocent, he would return with him ; if 

otherwise, then his head is thrown out to those awaiting a decision. 

Polo the demon executed the guilty. The fame of Orisa Oko 

spread and numbers resorted to him in taking oaths. His oracle 

was regarded as infaUible, and appeals to him were final. 

After his death, his followers practised his methods taking 

the precaution to secrete a strong man in the cave to act the part 

of the supposed Polo. 

But a striking exposure soon brought the practice into disrepute, 

and it was aboHshed. It happened thus. A man was accused 

and as usual, was taken to the cave ; but he proved to be a far 

stronger man than the supposed Polo, and the result was that he 

killed the counterfeit demon, and threw his head out of the cave 

to those who were eagerly waiting for the decision of the god. 

The representing image is a fife made of ivory or a flat piece of 

iron 5 or 6ft. in length similar to what is given as a sign of 

acquittal to those in whose favour the god had decided. 

The Erugun mystery is of a kind similar to that of the Orisa Oko 

worship. It also was practised in a cave by the side of a mount 

called the Erugun mount. 

The above are the principal gods worshipped by the Yorubas. 

There are besides many inferior divinities to whom offerings 

are made. In fact the whole number of gods and goddesses 

acknowledged is reckoned at 401. Propitiatory sacrifices are 

also offered to whatever in nature is awe inspiring or magnificent 

such as the Ocean, huge rocks, tall trees, and high mountains. To 

the last named especially offerings are made for the procreation 

of children. 

Mohammedanism as was observed above, was introduced 

towards the close of the eighteenth century ; it numbered very 

few adherents up to the time when the Fulanis by stratagem, 

seized Ilgrin and overran the northern provinces, as we shall 

find related in the second part of this history. The towns in 

the plain were swept with fire and the sword, with the alternative 

of the acceptance of the Koran, and submission to the Fulanis ; 

the southward progress of the conquerors, however, was stopped 

at Osogbo, where the Ibadans met and crushed them, and in the 

direction of the Ijesa and Ekiti provinces, the forests and mountain 

fastnesses offered insurmountable obstacles to these intrepid 

horsemen, who could neither fight on foot nor engage in a bush 

warfare ; hence Mohammedanism prevailed chiefly in the north, 

but latterly it spread southwards by peaceful means, chiefly by 

RELIGION 39 

traders and itinerant mendicant preachers. It is now embraced 

by thousands, as it appears to be a superior form of rehgion to the 

paganism of their ancestors. 

Christianity. Christianity was introduced by the Church 

Missionary Society in 1843, first into Abeokuta via Badagry, 

and from thence to Ibadan in May 1851, and also to Ijaye. On 

January 10, 1852, the C. M.S. removed their base from Badagry 

to Lagos. From Abeokuta, mission stations were planted at the 

Oke Ogun and Egbado districts, from Ibadan missions were planted 

at Iwo, Modakeke, Ife, Osogbo and Ilesa. Missions were established 

also at Oyo and Ogbomoso before the Ijaye war broke out in i860, 

which put a stop to the progress of missions all over the country. 

The intertribal wars which followed and which convulsed the 

greater part of the country, and devastated large areas, prevented 

its growth northwards, but at Abeokuta where it was first planted, 

it grew so rapidly that at the time of the British occupation, 

Christian adherents could be numbered by thousands ; schools 

had been established, and evangelistic work among the surrounding 

kindred tribes systematically undertaken and was being vigorously 

carried on. 

The Bible in the vernacular was the most potent factor in the 

spread of the religion. The sincerity of the converts, and the 

firm hold the religion has attained, have been fully tested by 

several bloody persecutions endured for the faith, through which 

they came out triumphant. 

The forces organized for home defence chiefly against the 

Dahomian attacks contained a compact body of Christians under 

their own captain, the esprit de corps existing among them, and the 

invariable success which always attended their arms, won for them 

the respect and admiration, of their pagan rulers and countrymen. 

This contributed not a little to the cessation of persecutions and the 

increase of their number. 

The establishment of the British protectorate saw the mission, 

established at Ijebu, where it has since been spreading phenomenally 

and also in the Ijesa and Ekiti provinces. It is self propagating 

by means of the people learning to read the Bible in their own 

tongue. To God be the praise. 

Chapter IV 

GOVERNMENT 

The entire Yoruba country has never been thoroughly organized 

into one complete government in a modern sense. The sj^stem that 

prevails is that known as the Feudal, the remoter portions have 

always lived more or less in a state of semi-independence, whilst 

loosely acknowledging an over -lord. The king of Benin was one 

of the first to be indepei dent of the central government, and was 

even better known to foreigners who frequented his ports in early 

times, and who knew nothing of his over-lord in the then unexplored 

and unknown interior. 

Yoruba Proper, however, was completely organized, and the 

descriptions here given refer chiefly to it. With some variations 

most of the smaller governments were generally modelled after it, 

but in a much simpler form, and solely in their domestic affairs ; 

foreign relations so far as then obtained, before the period of the 

revolution were entirely in the hands of the central government 

at Oyo (Eyeo or Katunga). It should be remembered that the 

coast tribes were of much less importance then than now, both 

in population and in intelhgence ; light and civilization with the 

Yorubas came from the north with which they have always 

retained connection through the Arabs and Fulanis. The centre of 

Hfe and activity, of large populations and industry was therefore 

in the interior, whilst the coast tribes were scanty in number, 

ignorant and degraded not only from their distance from the 

centre of light, but also through their demoralizing intercourse 

with Europeans, and the transactions connected with the oversea 

slave trade. 

This state of things has been somewhat reversed since the latter 

half of the XlXth century, by the suppression of the slave-trade, 

and the substitution therefor of legitimate trade and commerce : 

and more especially through the labours of the missionaries who 

entered the country about the same time as the springing up into 

being of the modern towns of Lagos, Abeokuta, and Ibadan, 

through which western light and civiUzation beam into the interior. 

The government of Yoruba Proper is an absolute monarchy ; 

the King is more dreaded than even the gods. The office is 

hereditary in the same family, but not necessarily from father to 

son-. The King is usually elected by a body of noblemen known 

as Qyo Mesi, the seven principal councillors of state. 

40 

GOVERNMENT 4I 

The vassal or provincial kings and ruling princes were 1060 

at the time of the greatest prosperity of the empire which then 

included the Popos, Dahomey, and parts of Ashanti, with portions 

of the Tap^s and Baribas. 

The word " king " as generally used in this country includes 

all more or less distinguished chiefs, who stand at the head of a 

clan, or one who is the ruler of an important district or province, 

especially those who can trace their descent from the founder, 

or from one of the great leaders or heroes who settled with him in 

this country. They are of different grades, corresponding some- 

what to the different orders of the English peerage (dukes, 

marquises, eails, viscounts and barons), and their order of rank is 

well-known among themselves. The Onikoyi as head of the 

Ekicn Osi 01 metropohtan province was the first of these " kings " 

and he it was who used to head them all to Oyo once a j'ear to pay 

homage to the AlAfin or King of the Yorubas. 

The AlAfin 

The AlAfin is the supreme head of all the kings and princes 

of the Yoruba nation, as he is the direct lineal descendant and 

successor of the reputed founder of the nation. The succession as 

above said is by election from amongst the members of the royal 

family, of the one considered as the most worthy, age and nearness 

to the throne being taken into consideration. It might be 

mentioned also in passing that the feelings and acceptance of 

the denizens of the harem towards the king-elect are often 

privately ascertained and assured of previously. 

In the earliest days, the eldest son naturally succeeded the father, 

and in order to be educated in all the duties of the kingship which 

must one day devolve upon him, he was often associated more or 

less with the father in performing important duties and thereby 

he often performedroyal functions, and thus gradually he practically 

reigned with his father under the title of Aremo (the heir appaient) 

having his own official residence near the palace ; but as the age 

grew corrupt, the Aremo often exercised sway quite as much as or 

more than the King himself, especially in the course of a long reign, 

when age has rendered the monarch feeble. They had equal powers 

of life and death over the King's subjects, and there are some 

cases on record of the Aremo being strongly suspected of termin- 

ating the father's Hfe, in order to attain full powers at once. It 

was therefore made a law and part of the constitution that as the 

Aremo reigned with his father, he must also die with him. 

This law had the effect at any rate of checking parricide. It 

continued to take effect up to the last century when (in 1858) 

s

42 THE HISTORY OF THE YORUBAS 

it was repealed by Atiba one of the later Kings in favour of his 

Aremq Adelu. The Aremo may now succeed if found worthy, 

but he must be elected in the usual way ; but if passed over or 

rejected by the king-makers he must leave the city and resort 

to a private retirement in the provinces. This however, is not 

really obhgatory, but as he must be superseded in his office, 

such a course is inevitable, unless he chooses of his own accord 

to die with the father. 

The choice may sometimes fall upon one of the poorer princes, 

in the quiet pursuit of his trade, with no aspiration after the 

throne ; such a one is sent for, and unnecessarily ill-used for the 

last time to his own surprise ; this was done probably for the 

purpose of testing his temper and spirit. He may not be aware 

of the intentions of the Oyo Mesi until he is being admonished 

by them as to the duties and responsibilities of the exalted position 

he is soon to fill. 

The nominators are three titled members of the royal family, 

viz., the Ona-Isokun, the Ona-Aka, and the Omo-Ola, uncles 

or cousins of the King, but generally entitled the " King's fathers." 

These have to submit or suggest the names to the noblemen for 

election, but the Basorun's voice is paramount to accept or to 

reject. 

Curious and elaborate ceremonies precede the actual accession 

to the throne. After all arrangements have been made, the 

ceremonies begin by a sacrifice brought from the house of the 

Ona-Isokun by a body of men called Omg-ninari ; these belong 

to a family specially concerned in carrying out all menial duties 

connected with the offering of sacrifices and in waiting upon the 

King and the priests. As soon as they enter the house where 

the King-elect is, he is called out, and he has to stand up with an 

attendant by his side. He is touched on the chest, and on the 

right and left shoulders with the bowl of sacrifice, the attendant 

in the mean time uttering some form of words. This is the signal 

that he has been called to the throne. On the evening of the same 

day, he is conducted quietly into the house of the Ona-Isokun 

where he spends the first night. In order to avoid the crowd, the 

attention of the populace is usually diverted by a procession of the 

Kings' slaves and others with much noise and ado, as if escorting 

him, whilst the king-elect accompanied by the Aregbe'di, a titled 

eunuch, and a few of the Omo-ni-nari come up quietly a long way 

behind. 

At the Ona-Isokun' s house, he is attended solely by the Omo- 

ni-nari. He is admonished and advised by those who stand to 

him in place of a father. Some ceremonies of purification are gone 

GOVERNMENT 43 

through, propitiatory sacrifices are again offered which are carried 

to various quarters of the city by the Onto-ni-nari. 

The next night he passes at the house* of the Otun-Iwefa (the 

next in rank to the chief of the eunuchs). This official being a 

priest of Sango, it is probable that the king-elect spends the night 

with him in order to be initiated into the sacerdotal part of his 

office, the Alafin having as much spiritual as well as secular 

work to perform, being at once King and Priest to his people ; 

and probably' he learns there also the usages and doings of the 

huge population in the inner precincts of the palace with which 

the eunuchs are quite conversant. After this, he is conducted 

into one of the chambers in the Outer Court of the palace (Omo ile) 

where he resides for three months, the period of mourning, until 

his coronation. 

The main gateway to the palace being closed at the demise of 

the King, a private opening is made for him in the outer wall 

through which he goes in and out of his temporary residence. 

During this time he remains strictly in private, learning and 

practising the style and deportment of a King, and the details of 

the important duties and functions of his office. During this period 

he is dressed in black, and is entitled to use a " cap of state" 

called " Ori-k6-gbe-ofo." (The head may not remain uncovered). 

The affairs of state are at this time conducted by the Basorun. 

The Coronation 

The coronation takes place at the end of three months, really 

at the third appearance of the new moon after the late King's 

death. The date is generally so fixed as to have it if possible 

before the next great festival. It is attended with a great public 

demonstration. It is a gala day in which the whole city appears 

in holiday dress. Visitors from the provinces and representatives 

of neighbouring states also flock into the city in numbers. 

This day is generally known as " The King's visit to the BarA." 

It is the first but most important act of the ceremonies. 

The Bara or royal mausoleum is a consecrated building in 

the outskirts of the city, under the care of a high-priestess named 

Iyamode ; there the Kings were formally crowned, and there 

buried. The King enters it but once in his lifetime, and that is 

^ Tradition says that in the early times while the King -elect 

is in the Otun'efa's house among other dishes brought to 

him to partake of is one prepared from the heart of the late King 

which has been extracted and preserved. After partaking of 

this he is told he has " eaten the King." Hence the origin of the 

word Je Oba, to become a King (ht. to eat a King). 

44 THE HISTORY OF THE YORUBAS 

at the coronation with marked pomp and ceremony. The 

actual crowning does not now take place in the Bar A as it seems 

to have been, but at Koso the shrine of Sango, but the visit to 

the Bara is so important and indispensable a preliminary that it 

has become more closely identified with the coronation than that 

to the other shrines visited on that occasion. 

Leaving the Ipadi — his temporary chambers — there are two 

stations at which the King elect has to halt before reaching the 

sacred building ; the' first is the Ahdtd or area in front of the palace 

where a tent of beautiful cloths has been erected tor him. Here 

he has to change his mourning dress for a princely robe. He then 

proceeds to the second station at the Alapini's midway on his 

route where a large tent and an enclosure have been erected for 

his reception. Here he is awaited by a vast concourse of people 

and welcomed with ringing cheers. Here he receives the congratu- 

lations and homage of the princes, the nobles, the chiefs and the 

people and is hailed as the King. Some ceremonies are here gone 

through also which include distribution of kola nuts, etc., to 

the princes and chiefs without. 

After this he proceeds to the Bara accompanied by the whole 

concourse of people who have to remain outside. He enters the 

sacred precincts attended by the Magaji lyajin (his official elder 

brother) the princesses, the Ona-Onse-awo (an official) , the Otun- 

wefa (the next to the chief of the eunuchs) who is a priest and 

the Omo-ni-nari, a set of servants. These last are to slaughter 

and skin the animals to be offered in sacrifice. 

At the Bara he worships at the tombs of his fathers, a horse, 

a cow, and a ram being offered at each tomb ; portions are sent 

out to each of the noblemen, princes, and chiefs waiting outside, the 

Basorun receiving the first and the lion's share oi the whole. 

He invokes the blessings of his deceased fathers and is hereby said 

to receive authority to wear the crown. The visit to the BarA 

then is for the purpose of receiving authority or permission from 

his deceased ancestors to wear the crown, hence it is spoken of as 

the coronation. It is a fixed rule that the whole of the meat is 

to be totally consumed at the BarA ; under no circumstance should 

any be taken home. 

This over, the King returns hence with great pomp and show 

to his temporary chambers, amid the firing of feu de joie, the 

bleating of the Kakaki trumpet, drumming, etc. 

On the fifth day after this he proceeds to Koso, the shrine of 

Sango, for the actual crowning. Here he is attended by the 

Otun-wefa who has the charge of the shrine, the Bale (mayor) 

of Koso a suburban village, the Omo-ni-naris, and the Isonas. 

6

GOVERNMENT 45 

[The Isgnas are a body of men whose sole employment is to do 

all needle and embroidered work for royalty. They are also the 

umbrella-makers. The crown, staff, robes, and all ornamental 

beadworks, and workings in cotton, silk, or leather are executed 

by them]. 

Surrounded by the principal eunuchs and princes the great 

crown is placed on his head with much ceremony by the lykkere. 

Who the ly^kere is, for whom is reserved this most important 

function will be seen below. The royal robes are put on him, 

the Ejigba* round his neck, the staff and the Sword of Mercy 

are placed in his hands. 

On the fifth day after this, he proceeds to the shrine of Orafiyan, 

here the Great Sword or Sword of Justice brought from Ile Ife 

is placed in his hands, without which he can huve no authority to 

order an execution. 

After another interval of five days, he proceeds to the shrine 

of Ogun the god of war, and there offers a propitiatory sacrifice 

for a peaceful reign. The offerings consist of a cow, a ram, and 

a dog ; this last being indispensable in any sacrifice to the god of 

war. 

From the shrine of Ogun, the procession goes straight on to the 

palace, entering now for the first time by the main gate opened for 

him, the former opening through the outer wall to the temporary 

chambers being quickly walled up. Thus he enters the palace 

proper as The King. 

But a new opening is made for him at the Kohi Aganju through 

which he enters the inner precincts of the palace. This entrance is 

tor his exclusive use in and out of the Kgbi during his reign : at 

his death it is closed up. At this entrance they offer in sacrifice a 

snail, a tortoise, an armadillo, a field mouse (emo) a large rat (okete) 

a toad, a tadpole, a pigeon, a fowl, a ram, a cow, a horse, a man and 

a woman, the last two being buried at the threshhold of the 

opening ; on the blood of the victims and over the grave of the 

two last, he has to walk to the inner court. 

Human saciifices however (now totally abolished) were not 

commonly practised amongst the Oygs, but such immolation 

was always performed at the coionation and at the burial of the 

sovereign. By these sacrifices he is not only crowned King with 

^ The Ejigba is a string of costly beads reaching down to the 

knees. Beads are used for precious stones. This represents the 

chain of office. Chains — they say — are for captives, hence they use 

beads instead. 

D 

46 THE HISTORY OF THE YORUBAS 

power over all, man and beast, but he is also consecrated a priest 

to the nation. His person, therefore, becomes sacred. 

All this having been performed, it is now formally announced 

to the assembled pubUc, that King " A " is dead (or rather has 

entered into the vault of the skies — O wo Aja) and King "B " 

now reigns in his stead. 

During the interval of the late King's illness, up to the time of 

his death, the business of state is carried on normally by the palace 

ofl&cers, the Osi-'wefa personating the King, even to the extent of 

putting on his robes and crown, and sitting on the throne when 

such is required ; but as soon as it is known that he is dead the 

Basgrun at once assumes the chief authority, and nothing can 

be done without him. 

The King having been crowned, he is henceforth forbidden to 

appear in public streets by day, except on very special and extra- 

ordinary occasions ; he is, however, allowed evening strolls on 

moonhght nights when he may walk about incognito. 

This seclusion not only enhances the awe and majesty due to 

a sovereign, but also lends power and authority to his commands, 

and is the best safe-guard for public order at their present 

stage of civiUzation. Besides, it would be very inconvenient 

to the citizens it the King were always coming out, for according 

to the universal custom of the country, whenever a chief is out, 

all his subordinates must go out with him. It is an inviolable 

law and custom of the country, and is appHcable to all, whatever 

their rank : thus, if the Basorun is out, all the Oyo Mesi must be 

out also. If the Bale of any town is out, all the chiefs of the town 

must be out also, and if the King is out, the whole city must be 

astir and on the move, all business suspended, until he returns 

into the palace. 

Igba Iwa 

At the commencement of every reign, the Igba Iwa or Calabashes 

of divination are brought from Ile Ife to the new King to divine 

what sort of reign his will be. 

Two covered calabashes, of similar shape and size but with 

quite different contents are brought, one containing money, 

small pieces of cloth and other articles of merchandize, denoting 

peace and prosperity ; the other containing miniature swords and 

spears, arrows, powder, bullet, razor, knives, etc., denoting wars 

and trouble for the country. The King is to choose one of them 

before seeing the contents, and according as he chooses so will be 

the fate of the Yoruba country during his reign. 

GOVERNMENT 47 

The Aremo 

The very first official act of the new King after his coronation 

is to create an Aremg, and a Princess Royal or an eqmvalent. 

The Aremo is the Crown Prince. The term simply denotes an 

heir, but it is used as the title of the Crown Prince of Oyo. 

The title is conferred upon the eldest son of the sovereign in a 

formal manner, the ceremony being termed the "christening" 

as of a newly born child, hence he is often termed " Qmo " (child) 

by way of distinction The title of Princess Royal is at the same 

time and in the same manner conferred upon the eldest daughter 

of the sovereign as well ; this, however, is of much less importance 

than the other. When the King is too young to have a son, or his 

son is a minor, the title is temporarily conferred upon a younger 

brother, or next of kin that stands to him in place of a son, but 

as soon as the son is of age, he must assume his title and begin to 

act under the guardianship of the eunuchs who are his guardians. 

The method is as follows : — Both of them must have a Sponsor, 

or " father " as he is called, chosen by divination from among the 

titled eunuchs ; this done, the Aremo repairs to the house of the 

Ona-Isokun to worship at the graves of the deceased Aremos, who 

were all buried there, and the princess to that of her deceased pre- 

decessor in her mother's house ; the King supplying them with a 

bullock each. The whole day is thus spent in festivities. On their 

return in the evening they both proceed direct to their sponsor's 

house where they must reside four days, each day being marked 

with festi\'ities, the king supplying two bullocks every day, and 

this is further supplemented by the Aremo himself. The feasts 

are open to the general public, whoever Hkes to repair to the house 

is a welcome guest, portions are also sent out to the princes, the 

noblemen, and other distinguished personages. At the end of the 

fourth day the Aremg, invested with the robes of his office and 

with a coronet, is conducted to his official residence where he takes 

up his permanent abode, and the princess suitably clad hkewise 

repairs to her own home. 

Public Appearances of the King 

The King generally appears in public on the three great annual 

festivals of Ifa, Orun, and the Bere. In two at least of these 

festivals (that of the Orun and the Bere), the Basorun is equally 

concerned with him. 

These festivals have certain features in common, although each 

has its own marked characteristics. They are all preceded by the 

d

48 THE HISTORY OF THE YORUBAS 

worship of Ogun (the god of war) and on the third day after, the 

firing of a royal salute, and the sound of the ivory trumpet announce 

to the public, that the King may now be seen in state, sitting on 

his throne, and all loyal subjects who wish to have a glimpse of 

his majesty now may repair to the palace. 

The festival of I fa or Mole takes place in the month of July, 

nine days after the festival of Sango. The Ifa is the god of divin- 

ation. One day in the week is generally given to the consultation 

or the service of Ifa, but an annual festival is celebrated in its 

honour at Oyq. 

The Orun festival takes place in September. At this festival 

the King and the Basorun worship together the Ori or god of fate. 

The Orun from which it appears the Basorun derives his name 

and title is a curious if not rather a mystical rite. The word 

" Orun " signifies heaven. The title in lull is Iba Osorun i.e. 

the lord who performs the Orun or heavenly mysteries. 

The King and his Osorun are often spoken of as " Oba aiye " 

and " Qba Orun " i.e.. King terrestrial and King celestial. In 

what way His Supernal Highness performs the Orun, or what 

position he assumes towards the sovereign in this ceremony, is 

not generally known, because it is always done in private. But the 

rite seems to deal with affairs connected ■s\'ith the King's life. It 

is to him a periodic reminder of his coming apotheosis, and the 

emblem of worship is said to be a coffin made of or paved with 

clay in which he is to be buried. It is kept in charge of the " lya 

Oba " (the King's official mother) in a room in her apartments, 

visited by no one, and the ceremonies are performed in private 

once a year by the King himself, his " mother " and his Osorun, 

the latter taking the chief part ; consequently very little is actually 

known of the doings of these three august personages. But this 

much is allowed to be known, that the Basorun is to divine with 

kola nuts, to see whether the King's sacrifices are acceptable to 

the celestials or not, if the omen be favourable the Alafin is 

to give the Basorun presents of a horse and other valuables ; if 

unfavourable, he is to die, he has forfeited his right to further 

existence. But there can be no doubt that under such circum- 

stances, it can always be managed between them that the omens 

be always favourable. 

From this and other circumstances, it would appear that the 

King on this occasion occupies a humiliating position as one whose 

conduct is under review, hence the great privacy observed, for 

it is a cardinal principle with Yorubas that the Alafin, as the 

representative of the founder of the race, is to humble himself 

before no mortal ; if such a contingency were to occur, he is to die. 

GOVERNMENT 

49 

Hence, no doubt, that his natural mother (if then living) is to make 

way for her son ascending the throne, so there will be no occasion 

to violate any filial duty imperative on a son who is at the same 

time the King. His majesty must be supreme. Even in per- 

forming reverential duties before the priests of Sango, when such 

are required, some privacy must be observed. 

The Bere festival takes place in January, towards the end of 

the year, the new year commencing in March. It is the most 

important and the grandest of the three. It is primarily the harvest 

home festival, symboUzed by ceremoniously setting the fields 

on fire to indicate that it has been cleared of the fruits of the earth. 

It is an important one at Oyo, not only because it closes the 

civil year, but also because by it the King numbers the years of 

his reign. 

The Bere itself which seems to be the symbol of so many cere- 

monies, is a common grass which grows only in the plain country 

and is used mainly for thatching houses. It is considered the most 

sumptuous of all other materials used for covering houses : it is 

the coolest, the neatest, the most durable, and lends itself best 

for ornamental purposes ; consequently it is highly thought of. 

The festival proper is always preceded by two important 

ceremonies, the Pakudirin indicating the beginning, and the 

Jelepa the end of the ingatherings. 

The Pakudirin is performed by the Ona-'wefa or chief of the 

eunuchs, by the Basorun or his representative and the Ab'obaku 

or master of the horse. 

The King in semi-state appears in the Kobi Aganju to witness 

the same, with several of the ladies of the palace around him, 

and at the entrance of the Aganju, the musicians making the 

occasion very lively. 

The King is supposed not to have seen the new Bere grass of the 

year, the Ona-'wefa first steps forwards before him with a scythe 

made of brass or copper, performing in the air a mimic act of 

mo\ving the grass, and one of the ladies of the palace deputed for 

the purpose, extending her wrap as it were to receive the same, 

hugging it as something precious. This is done two or three 

times, the Basorun then follows and goes through the same forms, 

and then the master of the horse. Each of these chiefs now makes 

a short speech congratulating the King on the advent of a new 

year, wishing him a long life and prosperous reign. 

After this, about half-a-dozen men with small bundles of the 

Bere grass, neatly done up, enter the palace, with measured steps 

to the sound of music, and come dancing before the King in front 

of the Aganju. His Majesty is supposed to see the grass now for 

50 THE HISTORY OF THE YORUBAS 

the first time that year. This ceremony is brought to a close 

by presents given to the men, and then all spectators disperse. 

From nine to seventeen days are now allowed for harvesting 

before the fields are set on fire. 

The Jelepa is the ceremony of setting the fields on fire. This 

is performed by the Basorun outside the city walls. Booths and 

enclosures of palm leaves having been erected for the purpose, 

the Basorun with a princely train repairs thither on the day 

appointed. He is met there by a number of women from the 

palace bringing a large calabash draped with a white cloth and 

containing 01^1^ (a sort of pudding made of white beans and 

palm oil) and Eko (a kind of blanc -mange made of soaked corn 

flour), corn and beans being taken as the staples of Hfe, the 

principal products of the field. 

His Supernal Highness first offers a morsel of these in sacrifice 

as a harvest thank-offering for the Yoruba nation, after which 

both himself and those with him partake of the rest accompanied 

with palm wine or beer made from guinea corn, thanking God for 

the blessings of the field. This over he orders the fields to be 

set on fire : but if by an accident the fields have already been fired, 

a bundle of dry grass brought from home is used instead, for the 

purpose of the ceremony. 

The firing of a feu de joie now serves to show that the ceremony 

is over and the parties are returning to the city. This is done 

in state. The Basorun robes in one of the enclosures : he is 

attended by hundreds of horsemen and footmen, horsemen gallop- 

ing backwards and forwards before him, the firing and the fifing 

and drumming are quite deafening. With such a right royal pro- 

cession His Supernal Highness re-enters the city. On the evening 

of the same day, the King worships the Ogun which is a prehminary 

to every annual festival. 

The following day is a very busy one at Oyq. It is a day of 

paying tributes of Bere grass. The whole of the Oyo Mesi first 

send theirs to the King, the Basorun alone would send about 

200 bundles, the subordinate chiefs send to the senior chiefs, every 

one to his feudal lord or chief, each man according to his rank 

and position and so on to the lowest grades, the young men to the 

heads of compounds, so that it is usual to see loads of Bere passing 

to and fro all over the town the whole day. From the provinces 

also tributes of Bere come to Oyo later on ; e.g. from the Aseyin 

of Iseyin, the Oluiwo of Iwo, the Bale of Ogbomoso and other 

cities of the plain where the Bere grows. 

This being the recognized principal festival of the AlAfin other 

towns in lieu of Bere send congratulatory messages with presents, 

GOVERNMENT 5I 

or tributes ; the Ibadans in their marauding days used to send 

slaves ; from the Ij§sas and Ekiti countries come kola nuts, alligator 

pepper, firewood and other forest products. Towns nearer the 

coast send articles of European manufacture, and so on during this 

season. 

The day after, being the third day of the ceremony of Jglepa and 

the worship of Ogun, the public festival takes place. 

The King in State 

The King generally appears in state on these three festive 

occasions. 

Facing the large quadrangle of the outer court are the six 

principal Kobis, that in the centre is what is known as the Kqbi 

Aganju or throne room where the AlAfin always appears on 

state occasions. It is always kept closed, and never used for any 

other purpose but this. 

On such occasions, the floor is spread all over with mats, and the 

front . of the throne overspread with scarlet cloths ; the posts 

all around are decorated with velvet cloths, and the walls with 

various hangings. 

The throne or chair of state was made of wood at a time when 

the knowledge of carpentry was not common in this country ; 

it cannot boast of any artistic merit, but it is highly valued for 

its solidity, hoary age, and tr?.dition. It is of a large size and 

covered over with velvet. 

The crown is made of costly beads such as coral, agra, and the 

like, which in this poor country stand to the people instead of 

precious stones. It is artisticsdly done up by experts, with fringes 

of small multi-coloured beads depending from the rim, which serve 

to veil the face. 

The robes are usually silks or velvets, of European manufacture, 

which were of much greater value in earlier days when inter- 

course with the coast was not so common or easy as it now is. 

The Ejigha is the " chaiYi of office." This is made of a string of 

costly beads going round the neck and reaching as far down as 

the knees. 

The Opa Ileke is the staff or sceptre artistically covered all over 

with small multi-coloured beads. 

The Iru here is a specially prepared cow's tail of spotless white 

which the King generally holds in front of his mouth when speaking 

for it is considered bad form to see him open his mouth in public. 

He makes his speech sotto voce, and it is repeated to the assembly in 

a loud voice by the chief of the Eunuchs. The white tail is more- 

over an emblem of peace and grace. 

52 THE HISTORY OF THE YORUBAS 

The State Umbrellas. Umbrellas in this country are part and 

parcel of state paraphernalia. In fact there was a time when 

private individuals dared not use an umbrella ; that was in the 

days before cheap foreign ones were obtainable. The prohibition 

was first done away with at Ibadan, where the war boys were 

allowed to enjoy themselves in any way they liked, and use any 

materials of clothing and ornament they could afford, as it might 

be for only a few days before they laid down their lives on a 

battlefield. 

However, those of a chief are easily distinguished now by their 

size and quality. They are almost always of bright colouring 

usually of damasks. The size and number are in proportion to 

the rank of the chief, usually of European manufacture now, 

though there is a distinct family of royal umbrella makers kept at 

Oyo who make those of the largest size. Most of the umbrellas 

foreign or locally made are decorated with certain emblems indica- 

tive of rank. About two dozen or more are used on these festive 

occasions. 

Music. The Kobi, third or fourth to the Agahju is occupied 

by the musicians. The musical instruments consist of almost 

every description of fifes, trumpets and drums, of which the ivory 

and Kakaki trumpets and Ogidigbo drum are peculiar to the 

sovereign. 

The King enthroned is surrounded by his favourite wives, one 

of whom, the Are-ori-ite, holds a small silk parasol over his head 

from behind as a canopy. 

About 30 or 40 female Ilaris with costly dress and velvet caps 

on, are seated on the scarlet cloth on the right and on the left in 

front of the throne, but in the open air, under two large umbrellas, 

one on either side, a wide space being left between them. 

Then there is a row of about ten large umbrellas each on the 

right and the left, both rows facing each other, leaving a wide 

avenue between from the throne to the main entrance gate ; under 

those on the right are seated the Crown Prince supported by all 

the princes and the principal eunuchs : under those on the left 

are the younger eunuchs, the Ilaris, the Tetus, and other palace 

officials. Behind these on either side are the crowds of 

spectators. 

At a considerable distance in front of the throne, in the avenue 

left between the two groups, stand the Basorun and the rest 

of the Oyo Mesi to do homage. This is done by taking off their 

robes, wrapping their cloths round their waists, leaving the body 

bare ; three times they have to run to the main entrance gate, 

sprinkle earth on their heads and on their naked bodies, and run 

GOVERNMENT 53 

back half way towards the throne, prostrating themselves on the 

bare ground, on the stomach and on the back ! 

Then follows the customary oration from the throne, the King 

speaking in an undertone with the iru kere in front of his mouth, 

and the chief of the eunuchs, who with his lieutenants the Otun and 

the Osi'wefa is standing midway between the throne and the 

noblemen in the avenue between the spectators, acts as his spokes- 

man, repeating his message in a loud voice to the Basorun and his 

colleagues. The Basorun replies first, congratulating His Majesty, 

wishing him long life and prosperity, the other noblemen follow 

in regular order, the Asipa being the last. The chief of the eunuchs 

in like manner repeats the congratulatory address to their lord. 

That over, the sacrificial feast is now brought forward for 

distribution. About 40 dishes of stewed meat, 40 baskets of 

eko, 15 pots of beer, a bowl or two of boiled yam, a large quantity 

of boiled corn (maize) to these is added in later years a demijohn 

of rum. 

The Add-hd or king's taster now steps forward with a rod in 

his right hand, and a shield on his left, accompanied by his drummer. 

He first dances before the King and then retreats taking with him 

his own portion, a basket of eko, a plate of meat, a pot of beer, one 

yam, a head of corn ; he is to have a taste of each of these in the 

presence of the king, and the concourse of spectators present, after 

which his followers make away with the rest of his portion. 

Next comes the Olosa or king's robber, plajang the clown. 

He is dressed in a flowing garment, creeps about on all fours, 

performing mimic acts of robbery for the amusement of the 

spectators. After a few more amusements, the curtain drops. 

The rest of the dishes are cleared away into the dining hall where 

the Asipa by virtue of his office subsequently distributes them 

among the noblemen and their followers according to their 

rank, that of the Basorun being one half of the whole. When 

the curtain rises again, the King appears in a more gorgeous 

robe, with another crown on his head. His Majesty now steps 

out of the Kobi with his staff in hand, and walks towards 

the Ogidigbo drum, stately and majestic, and the Basorun comes 

dancing to meet him ; all at once the drums, fifes, and trumpets 

strike up in concert, the two rows of umbrellas move forward 

meeting in the centre to form a shady avenue for the two august 

personages, the King stepping forward with measured treads 

to the sound of the music, and the Basorun, dancing, and meeting 

him, receives from him one head of stringed cowries. This however 

is expected to be returned the next day, the apparent gift being 

merely a part of the ceremony. 

54 THE HISTORY OF THE YORUBAS 

This usually ends the show, but on the B§re festival the King 

continues his walk right on to the great entrance gate, then half 

round the quadrangle giving the spectators a full view of himself, 

then by a side door disappears into the inner precincts of the palace. 

The spectators thereupon disperse. 

These three festivals are concluded by a few male Ilaris carrying 

sacrifices to certain quarters in the outskirts of the city in a state of 

perfect nudity, which is rather a trying time for them ; there is 

always a rush of the women clearing out of their way, on the 

approach of them ; the performance being symbolic of some 

religious rite. If it is violated by any show of natural excite- 

ment, it must be atoned for, and there is but one penalty, 

viz., decapitation ! But there is no record of any such case 

occurring within living memory. Their reward for this trying ordeal 

is, that after their return, being properly dressed, they are admitted 

into the King's presence, who, sitting in state, receives them with 

marks of honour. 

This ends the ceremonies of the festivals. 

But at the Bere season, one more ceremony remains, that known 

as the ceremony of " Touching the grass." About 5.30 p.m. on 

a day appointed, the King issuing from the palace is accompanied 

by his slaves who have been engaged in piling into two or three 

heaps the bundles of bere grass scattered about in the area in front 

of the palace, including those brought from the provinces. The 

piles are done up in an artistic manner, 8 or loft. high in an open 

space away from any risk of fire. His Majesty now steps forward, 

and lays both hands upon each of the heaps, making a short speech, 

invoking blessings on the Yoruba nation, congratulating himself 

for being spared to see another year. This brings the Bere festival 

to a close. 

The Funeral of the King 

Although the funeral of the King cannot properly he said to be 

one of his public appearances, yet it is considered more convenient 

to describe it in this place along with other public ceremonies of 

which he is the centre. 

The Kings are buried in the Bard. The funeral usually takes 

place at night. It is notified to the public by the sounding of the 

Okinkin (a musical instrument Uke the bugle), the ivory trumpet, 

and the Koso drum, a drum which is usually beaten every morning 

at 4 a.m. as a signal for him to rise from his bed ; to beat it at night 

therefore, is to indicate that he is retiring to his final resting place. 

The body is removed to the Bard on the back of those whose 

office it is to bury the Kings the chief of whom is a titled personage 

GOVERNMENT 55 

known as the Ona-onse-awo, and his lieutenants. At certain 

stations on the route between the palace and the Bard, eleven in 

all, they halt and immolate a man and a ram, and also at the Bard 

itself, four women each at the head and at the feet, two boys on 

the right and on the left, were usually buried in the same grave 

with the dead monarch to be his attendants in the other world, 

and last of all the lamp-bearer in whose presence all the ceremonies 

are performed. 

All these practices, however, have long been aboUshed, a horse 

and a bullock being used instead of human beings. 

The King is buried in black and white dress ; but the crown 

on his head, the gorgeous robe with which he was laid out in 

state, and with which his corpse was decked to the Bard, and 

the bracelets on his wrists and ankles are never buried with him, 

these become the perquisites of the Ona-ofise-awo and his 

lieutenants. 

The Bard in which the Kings are buried is distinguished by its 

aloof situation from public thoroughfares in the outskirts of the 

city, and having to it as many kohis as there are Kings lying there, 

one being erected over each. The present Bard enshrines the bones 

of King Oluewu the last of ancient Ovg with those of the late 

Kings of the present city. It is not open to the pubHc ; several 

of the late King's wives are secluded here (as in a convent) and 

charged with the sole duty of taking care of the graves of their 

departed husbands. 

Their mother superintendent is the lyamgde generally styled 

" Baba " (father). She is thus styled because being entirely 

devoted to the worship of Sango, one of the earliest deified Kings, 

she is often " inspired " or " possessed " by the god, and thus came 

to be regarded as the embodiment of that famous King. 

Additions are made to their number at every fresh burial, 

usually from among the favourites of the deceased husband. 

These women must all be celibates for life, unfortunately among 

the number are usually found some who are virgins and must 

remain so for life : any misbehaviour is punished with the death of 

both culprits, the man on the day the crime is detected, and the 

woman after her confinement. 

Besides those who are immolated at the death of the sovereign 

there used to be some " honourable suicides " consisting of certain 

members of the royal family, and some of the King's wives, and 

others whose title implies that they are to die with the King when- 

ever that event occurs. With the title they received as a badge a 

cloth known as the " death cloth," a beautiful silk damask wrapper, 

which they usually arrayed themselves with on special occasions 

56 THE HISTORY OF THE YORUBAS 

during the King's lifetime. Although the significance of this was 

well-understood both by themselves and by their relatives, yet it 

is surprising to see how eager some of them used to be to obtain the 

office with the title and the cloth. They enjoyed great privileges 

during the King's lifetime. They can commit any crime with 

impunity. Criminals condemned to death and escaping to their 

houses become free. These are never immolated, they are to die 

honourably and voluntarily. 

Of the members of the royal family and others to die were : — 

1. The Aremo or Crown Prince who practically reigned with his 

father, enjoyed royal honours, and had equal power of life and death. 

2. Three princes with hereditary titles viz., the Magaji lyajin, 

the Agunpopo, and the Olusami. 

3. Two titled personages not of royal blood viz., the Osi'wefa 

and the Olokun-esin (master of the horse) who is generally styled 

" Ab'obaku," i.e. one who is to die with the King. 

4. The female victims were : — 

lya Oba, the king's official mother ; lya Naso, lyalagbon 

(the Crown Prince's mother) ; lyale Mole (the If a priestess), the 

Olgrun-ku-mefun, the lyamonari, the lya'-le-ori (these are all 

priestesses) and the Are-ori-ite the chief favourite. 

It will be observed that all the above-mentioned are those who 

by virtue of their office are nearest to the King at all times, and 

have the easiest access to his person ; to make their hfe dependent 

on his, therefore, is to ensure safety for him against the risk of 

poisoning, or the dagger of the assassin. 

The custom is that each should go and die in his (or her) own 

home, and among his family. The spectacle is very affecting. 

Dressed in their " death cloth," they issue from the palace to their 

homes surrounded by their friends, and their drummers beating 

funeral dirges, eager crowds of friends and acquaintances flocking 

around them, pressing near to have a last look at them or to say 

the final farewell as they march homewards. The house is full 

of visitors, mourners and others, some in profuse tears ; mournful 

waitings and funeral odes are heard on all sides enough to break 

the stoutest heart. While the grave is digging, the coffin making, 

a parting feast is made for all the friends and acquaintances ; and 

as they must die before sunset, they enjoy themselves as best they 

can for that day by partaking of the choicest and favourite dishes, 

appearing several times in changes of apparel, distributing presents 

with a lavish hand around, and making their last will disposing 

of their effects. When everything is ready, the grave and the 

coffin approved of, they then take poison, and pass off quietly. 

But if it fails or is too slow to take effect, and the sun is about to 

GOVERNMENT 57 

set, thelast office is performed by the nearest relatives (by strangling 

or otherwise) to save themselves and the memory of their kin 

from indelible disgrace. The body is then decently buried by the 

relatives and the funeral obsequies performed. 

In many cases voluntary suicides take place. Some of the 

King's favourite slaves who are not required to die often 

commit suicide in order to attend their master in the other world 

expecting to enjoy equally the emoluments of royalty in the other 

world as in this. 

But these customs are now d5dng out with the age especially 

since King Atiba in 1858 abolished that of the Crown Prince 

dying ; the loss of experienced princes like the lyajin around 

the throne is also felt irreparable. With the exception of the 

women, all the men now refuse to die and they are never forced 

to do so, but are superseded in their office if the next King wills 

it ; they must then retire quietly from the city to reside in any 

town in the country in order to prevent the confusion of two 

individuals bearing the same title. As for the Crown Prince, 

he expects to succeed his father on the throne but if he is rejected 

by the king-makers, he also has to retire from the city. 

Courtiers and Household Officers of the Crown 

The palace officials consist of : — 

I. Titled officers. II. The Eunuchs. III. The Ilaris. 

Some reside in the palace, others attend at regular hours every 

day for duty. 

I. The principal officers having duties in the palace are : — 

1. The Ona-Olokun-esin or Ab'Oba-ku i.e. the master of the 

horse, i.e. one who is to die with the King. This officer resides 

in his own house but repairs to the palace daily on duty. He has 

free access equally with the Eunuchs to all the apartments. The 

title is hereditary. As his name implies he is to die with the 

King to be his attendant in the other world, and consequently 

he is granted unrestricted liberty to live as he likes, and to do what- 

ever he likes, and, like all other officials who must die with the 

King, his house is a sanctuary of safety and reprieve for all 

criminals condemned to death, if they can escape thither. 

2. The Ona-ile-mole is the Ifa priest or chief diviner, a kind of 

domestic chaplain. He has for his assistants the Are-awo and 

others. They are to consult the Ifa oracle for the King every 

fifth day called Ojo-Awo i.e. the day of the mysteries. 

3. The Ona-Onse Awo. The daily duties of this officer are not 

so well-defined, but he has to attend daily at the palace. He has 

58 THE HISTORY OF THE YORUBAS 

his lieutenants to the sixth grade. But their chief duty is to carry 

the jemains of the deceased monarch from the palace to the 

Bard for interment. 

4. The Qna-modekh. This is the civil counterpart of the mihtary 

title of Seriki. This officer is the head, or leader of all the youths 

in the city and country, capable of bearing arms, whoever may be 

their father or master. He forms a band of them all, and is sup- 

posed to train them in manly sports and civic duties. It is his 

prerogative to shield members of his band from the penalties of 

the law whenever they have become liable to such, by any rash 

act. 

5. The Isugbins. These are members of the palace orchestra. 

They number about 210 per.sons, playing on fifes, the Okinkin 

and the Ivory trumpets, and the special drums Koso and Gbedu, 

etc. 

(«) The Ahikoso or Koso drummer's chief duty is to wake 

up the King every morning at 4 a.m. with his drum. 

(b) The Aludundun or the Dundun drummer. He has to 

attend at the palace every day within certain hours, 

including the \dsiting or business hours. He has one of 

the front Kobis assigned to him, where he sits discoursing 

events with his drum, all during his office hours. With 

it, he pre-announces the presence of any visitor in the 

palace, so that in whatever part of the palace the King 

may be, he can tell by the sound of the drum who has 

entered the court yard before the personage is actually 

announced. This is one of the peculiarities of the Yoruba 

language, and the art of the drummers. The names, 

praises and attributes of every family of note are known 

to all drummers, and musicians, and they are experts 

in eulogizing and enlarging on the praises of any one they 

wish to honour, speaking it with their drums. If for 

instance a white man enters the palace, the drummer 

would strike up : " Oyinbo, Oyinbo, afi okun se gnk " 

(the white man, the white man who makes of the ocean a 

high way). In strains like this he would continue for a 

while enlarging upon his praises. 

6. The Arokins. These are the rhapsodists or national historians, 

an hereditary title ; they have an apartment to themselves where 

they repeat daily in songs the genealogy of the Kings, the principal 

events of their lives and other notable events in the history of the 

Yoruba country. 

7. The lie tndle is the palace surveyor. He has charge of all 

GOVERNMENT 59 

the buildings within that vast compound, especially of the Kgbis. 

He is to see that every part is kept in good repair. He is also 

to attend to the drains and the grounds, especially after a heavy 

fall of rain. He is said to be the principal officer who is to wash 

the corpse of the King and dress it before it is placed in the coffin. 

8. The Tetus. These are the sheriffs or King's executioners. 

They are about 19 in number, each one of them with his 

subordinates has specified duties to perform e.g., it is the duty 

of the 15th with his subordinates to clear the grounds and dishes 

after the King has entertained the Oyq Mesi. They number 

about 150 in all. 

II. The Eunuchs. The Eunuchs are called Iwefa or Iba-afin 

(contracted to Baafin) i.e. lordlings of the palace. The principal 

are : — The Ona'efa or chief of the Eunuchs, the Otun'efa and the 

Osi'efa his principal Ueutenants, and others to the sixth grade. 

Besides these are the untitled ones, and boys. 

The Ona'efa is a high legal personage ; he hears and decides 

suits and appeals brought to the King whenever His Majesty 

cannot sit in person, and his decision is as good as the King's 

whose legal adviser he is. We have seen above the principal part 

he plays in public festivals and state ceremonies. 

The Otun'efa has the charge of the suburban town of Koso, 

built in honour of the national god Sango. It is his duty to worship 

at the shrine at stated periods on behalf of the Yoruba people. 

He sometimes helps to decide cases. He is also one of the chief 

guardians of the King's children. 

The Osi'efa or Olosi although the least of the three yet is the 

most honoured. He represents the King on all occasions and in 

all matters civil as well as military. He sometimes acts as 

commander-in-chief in military expeditions, he is allowed to use 

the crown, the state umbrellas, and the Kakaki trumpet, and to 

have royal honours paid to him . On such occasions he is privileged 

also to dispense the King's prerogatives. His ordinary duties 

are : to be near the King's person at all times, having free access 

to every part of the palace including the harem ; to see that the 

King's bed is properly made, before he retires every night ; to 

visit him at midnight and at cock-crow to see if he has had a 

restful night, and to call him up at 4 a.m. before the Koso drum 

begins to sound. He is to head those of the King's wives who 

are to dance at the Akesan market once a year, after the deity 

presiding over markets has been propitiated. With Eni-gjk one 

of the titled ladies of the palace, he has charge of the King's market 

and enjoys in part the emoluments accruing therefrom. 

Why these exceptional honours are bestowed upon the third 

6

6o THE HISTORY OF THE YORUBAS 

ih rank among the Eunuchs, will be told hereafter in the history 

of one of the early kings. 

The Eunuchs are a grade higher than the Ilaris and must be 

respected by them ; however young a Eunuch may be, he must be 

addressed as " Baba " (father) by any Ilari even the oldest. 

The custom of castrating a man is said to have originated from 

the punishment inflicted for the crime of incest or ot beastiaUty. 

The Eunuchs are distinguished by the manner they wear their 

gowns gathered on the shoulders, leaving their arms bare. They 

are now generally chosen from boys bought with money, and 

employed first as pages to the King, or attendants on one of his 

wives. The custom of choosing boys was introduced by one of 

the later Kings ; his reason for it was, that before the age of 

puberty, boys will hardly be cognizant of their loss, and he would 

thus spare himself the remorse of conscience which would follow 

the mutilation of an adult, and also save his victim from a Ufe-long 

mortification. 

Emasculation of an adult is now only resorted to instead of 

capital punishment in cases of adultery with the wife of a king ; 

but in order that the system may not be abused, provincial kings 

are not allowed to resort to this mode of punishment, nor even to 

keep Eunuchs ; any one really guilty must be sent to the capital 

where a special surgeon is kept for the purpose who is skilful in 

the art. 

The Eunuchs are the guardians of the King's children, the 

princes and princesses as a rule are born in the house of one of the 

principal Eunuchs for as soon as any of the King's wives becomes 

a mother, she is separated from the other women, and placed 

under the guardianship of one of them, and she is not to return 

to the palace until the child is weaned. 

The titled ones among them are masters of large compounds, 

and they also keep their own harems as well ; their wives are called 

" Awewo," i.e. one with hands tied ; because they are doomed to 

be for ever childless. In cases of adultery disclosed by pregnancy 

both the defaulters in early days were to suffer capital punishment ; 

the man on the day the crime was proved against him, and the 

woman with the issue on the day she is delivered. These extreme 

measures, however, have been allowed to die out, in favour of 

fines or other less severe punishments. 

The Eunuchs have the exclusive right of seizing anything in 

the market with impunity. They have also the unenviable 

privilege of mingling with the King's wives either in the harem 

or whenever they appear in public on any festive occasion. 

Ill The Ilaris. The term Ilari denotes parting of the head, 

GOVERNMENT 

6i 

from the peculiar way the hair of the head is done. They are 

of both sexes, they number some hundreds, even as many as the 

King desires to create. 

The individual to be created an Ilari is first shaved completely, 

then small incisions, are made on the occiput (if a male) and on 

the left arm, into both of which a specially prepared ingredient is 

rubbed, supposed to be a charm capable of giving effect to whatever 

the name given to the individual at the same time signifies. Their 

names generally signify some attributes of the King, or are 

significant of his purpose, intention or will, or else the preservation 

of his life, e.g. Oba I'olu, the King is supreme ; Oba-ko-se-tan, 

the King is not ready ; S'aiye ro, the upholder of the world (i.e. 

the kingdom) ; Oba gb'ori, the King the overcomer ; Madarikan, 

do not oppose him. The following are the names of some of the 

principal Ilaris, all of which will be seen to be significant. 

I Kafiaiye f ' Oba 

30 

Ote d'afo 

2 Madarikin 

31 

Aiye-gbemi 

3 Ikudefun 

32 

Magb'orimipete 

4 Ilugbenka 

33 

Kutiya 

5 Obajuwonlo 

34 

Kape laiye 

6 Opaykkata 

35 Agbasa 

7 S'aiyero 

36 Ilugbohun 

8 Mob'oludigbaro 

n 

Oba gb'aiye 

9 Obagbeiile 

38 Agbelegbiji 

10 Obagbori 

39 

Oba diji 

II Ayunbo 

40 

Kosiku 

12 Ote o lowg 

41 

Olu orin-kkn 

13 Kotito 

42 

Kosiji 

14 Obakosetan 

43 

Enu f'oba 

15 Ori§a fetu 

44 

Oba I'agba 

16 Oba d'origi 

45 

Mako'hun 

17 Sunmo-Oba 

46 

Osan 

18 Olukobinu 

47 

Oba gbede 

19 Kafilegbgin 

48 

Oba femi 

20 Obadirere 

49 

Oba gba-iyo 

21 Makobalap§ 

50 

fkufo 

22 Mab'obadu u 

51 

Orikunkun 

23 Temileke 

52 

Mako'hun 

24 Oba-ni yio jilo 

53 

Olufowoti 

25 Ori-ehin 

54 

Img kojo 

26 Oba-tun-wa-se 

55 

Ilusinmi 

27 Agbklk 

56 

Ododun 

28 Agbkro 

57 

Eni-iran 

29 Kutenlo 

58 Agbe defun 

62 THE HISTORY OF THE YORUBAS 

59 Oba-li-a-isin 64 Madawo t'gba-lori 

60 Emi-mo rOba-mi 65 Ma-ni-Oba lara 

61 Igba-abere 66 Maro-Oba-lohun 

62 Oba I'olu 67 Oridagogo 

63 Akegbe 68 Apeka 

Every male Ilari has a female counterpart who is called his 

companion. The Ilaris themselves by courtesy call them their 

" mother." They are both created at one and the same time and 

they are supposed to seek each other's interest, although there 

must be no intimacy between them ; the female Ilaris being 

denizens of the King's harem ; the only attention they are allowed 

to pay each other is to make exchange of presents at the yearly 

festivals. 

Each Ilari has a representative image made of clay called 

" Sugudu," having incisions on its head and arm similar to his own, 

with the same ingredient rubbed into them. 

The Ilaris are to keep the head shaved, one half being done 

from the middle line downwards alternately every fifth day except 

the circular patch on the occiput where the incisions were made ; 

there the hair is left to grow as long as possible being always plaited 

and sometimes dyed black with indigo. 

The male Ilaris are the King's body guard or " The keepers of 

his head." They are of different grades including high-placed 

servants, messengers, and menials. Some of the favoured ones 

are made masters of large compounds, the King supplying them 

with horses and grooms, and assigning to them certain gates where 

they collect tolls, the proceeds being divided between their master 

and themselves for their maintenance ; they are also feudal lords 

of some masters of large compounds in different parts of the city 

who serve them in various capacities in war or in time of 

peace. 

All the inmates of their houses are for the most part the King's 

slaves, and every newly made Ilari is handed over to the charge 

of one or other of these highly-placed ones. 

These favoured ones ride upon the tallest horses whenever the 

King goes out in public, forming his body guards ; others are 

servants to these ; but their chief work one and all is that of house 

repair year by year. 

On any festive occasion when the King appears in state, as 

many of the male Ilaris as are required to be present must each 

one take his " sugudu " with him to his seat. They are on such 

occasions to be without a headgear or breeches with only a cloth 

over the body, passed under the right aim, and knotted on the left 

shoulder, the arms being left bare. 

GOVERNMENT 63 

It is the especial privilege of the Ilaris, male or female, to carry 

nothing on the head save their hats or caps. 

Ladies of the Palace 

The ladies of the palace consist of eight titled ladies of the 

highest rank, eight priestesses, other ladies of rank, besides Ilaris 

and the Ayabas or King's wives. 

The whole of them are often spoken of loosely as " the King's 

wives," because they reside in the palace, but strictly speaking the 

titled ladies and the priestesses at least should not be included 

in the category. Again, all the ladies of rank are often spoken 

of as Ilaris, but there is a marked difference between them. 

The following are the ladies of the highest rank in their due 

order : — 

1 lya Oba 5 lya-fin-Iku 

2 lya kere 6 lyalagbgn 

3 lya-Naso 7 Orun-kumefun 

4 lya-monari 8 Are-orite 

I. The lya Oba is the King's (official) mother. For reasons 

stated above (vide p. 48) the King is not to have a natural mother. 

If his mother happens to be living when he is called to the throne, 

she is asked to " go to sleep," and is decently buried in the house 

of a relative in the city. All the inmates of that house are accorded 

special piivileges and enjoy marked deference as " members 

of the household of the King's mother." 

The King sends to worship at her grave once a year. One of the 

ladies of the palace is then created lya-Oba, and she is supposed 

to act the part of a mother to him. It is her privilege to be the 

third person in the room where the King and the Basorun worship 

the Orun in the month of September every year. 

She is the feudal head of the Basorun. 

2 The lya kere. Next to the King's mother, the lya kere holds 

the highest rank. Greater deference is paid to the lya Oba indeed, 

but the lya kere wields the greatest power in the palace. She has 

the charge of the King's treasures. The royal insignia are in 

her keeping, and all the paraphernalia used on state occasions, 

she has the power of withholding them, and thus preventing the 

holding of any state reception to mark her displeasure with the 

King when she is offended. We have seen above that she is the 

person entitled to place the crown on the King's head at the 

coronation. 

She is the " mother " of all the Ilaris male and female, for it is 

in her apartment they are usually created ; she keeps in her custody 

64 THE HISTORY OF THE YORUBAS 

all the " sugudus " bearing the marks of each Ilari in order to 

ensure the safety of the King's life. 

Great and honourable as is the Olosi, she exercises full power 

over even him, and can have him arrested and put in irons if he 

offends. She is the feudal head of the Aseyin, Oluiwo, and the 

Bale of Ogbomgso. With the assumption of this office, she is, of 

course, to be a celibate for life. 

3. The lya-Naso has to do w^th the worship of Sango generally 

and is responsible for everything connected with it. 

The King's private chapel for Sango worship is in her apartment, 

and all the emoluments and perquisites arising therefrom are 

hers. She has also to do with the same at Koso. 

4. The lya-monari is the first lieutenant and assistant to the 

lya-Naso. It is her office to execute by strangling any Sango 

worshipper condemned to capital punishment, as they are not to 

die by the sword, and hence cannot be executed by the T^tus, 

5. The lya-fin-Ikii is the second lieutenant and assistant 

to the lya-Naso. She is the King's " Adosu Sango," i.e. the King's 

devotee to the Sango mysteries. As all Sango worshippers are 

to devote one of their children to the worship of the god, she stands 

in place of that to the King. She has the charge of the sacred 

ram which is allowed to go everywhere and about the market 

unmolested, and may eat with impunity anything from the 

sellers. 

6. The lyalaghon. — The mother of the Crown Prince is always 

promoted to the rank of lyalaghon. In case she is not living 

whoever is promoted to that office acts like a mother to him. She 

enjoys great influence, and controls a portion of the city. 

7. The Orun-kumefun is also connected with the Aremo. 

8. The Are-orite. This official is the King's personal attendant. 

She is to see that his meals are properly prepared, and his bed 

properly made, and also to see him comfortably in bed before 

retiring to her own apartment. She is to hold the silken parasol 

over his head as a canopy when enthroned, and is constantly 

by his side to perform small services for him on state and other 

occasions. 

These eight ladies holding responsible positions are each of 

them the head of a small compound within the palace walls.

The Priestesses 

1. lya'le Ori 5. lya Olosun 

2. lyale Mole 6. lyafin Osun 

3: lya Orisanla 7. lyafin Eri 

4. lya Yemaja 8. lyafin-Orunfumi 

GOVERNMENT 65 

(i) lya le Ori is the priestess of the god Ori or god of fate. 

In her apartment is the King's Ori and she is the one to propitiate 

it for him. 

(2) lya' le mole has in her keeping the King's If a god, and when 

the If a priests come every fifth day to worship and to consult 

it, she takes an active part in the ceremonies. She is the head of 

all the Babalawos (Ifa priests) in the city. 

(3) — (S) ^s their names denote, are priestesses of the gods indicated 

by the title. 

Other Ladies of High Rank 

1. The Iyamod§ 5. The Eni-Oja 

2. The lya'le Oduduwa 6. The lya'le-Agbo 

;-]. The Ode 7. The lya-Otun 

4. The Obaguntg 

(i) The lyamode. — This high official resides in one of the out- 

houses of the palace, but her duties are not specially in the palace. 

She is the superior of those celibates living in the Bard and is 

styled by them " Baba " i.e. father. 

Her office is to worship the spirits of the departed Kings, calling 

out their Eguguns in a room in her apartments set aside for 

that purpose, being screened off from view with a white cloth. 

The King looks upon her as his father, and addresses her as such, 

being the worshipper of the spirits of his ancestors. He kneels 

in saluting her, and she also returns the salutation kneeling, never 

reclining on her elbow as is the custom of the women in saluting 

their superiors. The King kneels for no one else but her, and 

prostrates before the god Sango, and before those possessed with 

the deity, calling them " father." These are among those set 

apart for life-long service at the Bard. When any one of them 

is thus " possessed " by the spirit of deceased monarchs (it is said 

of them " Oba wa si ara won ") and comes raving from the Bara 

to the palace, she is im.mediately placed under the charge of the 

lyamode ; the possessed on such occasions prognosticates, and 

tells the people what sacrifice they are to offer to avert impending 

evils. The ceremony on such occasions is to pour some water 

into a mortar, covering it with a wide calabash, and this the other 

women in the palace beat vigorously as a drum ; the possessed 

and others infected with the excitement dancing to the sound of 

this drumming. 

The Akunyungbas (the King's bards) are instructed in her 

apartments, their teacher comes there three times daily for three 

months or more until the learners are perfect in their studies. 

Small corporal punishments, twitchings, of the ears, and cracks on 

66 THE HISTORY OF THE YORUBAS 

the head are not spared on these occasions, if they are not quick 

at catching the words or if their memory fails them. 

With the assumption of this office, the tyamgde is, of course, 

to be a celibate for hfe. 

(2) The lya'le-Oduduwa is the priestess, of Oduduwa the supposed 

founder of the Yoruba nation. A special temple is built in the 

palace for him where his image is enshrined and worshipped. She 

is the head of all Oduduwa worshippers in the city. She resides 

in one of the out houses, and does not rank with the eight priestesses 

mentioned above. 

(3) The Ode is the head of all the worshippers of the god Os6si. 

On state occasions she appears dressed as a hunter (hence her name) 

wearing on her shoulder a bow ornamented with strings of cowries 

neatly strung. 

(4) The Obagunte is not regarded as having a very high position, 

although she represents the King in the Ogboni house on ordinary 

occasions, her work being strictly connected with that fraternity. 

She enters the Ogboni chamber on all occasions and acts in the 

King's name, reporting to his majesty the events of each day's 

sitting. Whenever the King wishes to entertain the Ogbonis, 

she has to undertake that duty. 

(5) The Eni-ojd is at the head of all the devil-worshippers in the 

town. She also has charge of the King's market, and enjoys all 

the perquisites accruing therefrom. She wears a gown like a 

man, on her arms the King leans on the day he goes to worship 

at the market, i.e. to propitiate the deity that presides over 

markets. She has under her (i) the Olosi who has joint responsi- 

bility with her for the market, and (2) the Aroja or market keeper, 

an officer whose duty it is to keep order, and arrange the manage- 

ment of the market, and who actually resides there. 

(6) The lya'le-agbo is a private attendant on the King, having 

charge of his private pharmacy. His agunmu (powders) and agho 

(infusions) are all in her care : she is to see that they are in a 

condition fit for use when required. 

All these ladies, except the Qhagunte and lya'le niQle although 

generally styled " Ilaris " are not really so, and that is known from 

the manner their hair is done up. They are really above the 

Ilaris. 

The lya-Oba, and lya mode are always shaven, the others plait 

their hair in small strips from the forehead to the top of the head 

and gather the rest from the back to the top, tying all into one knot 

with a string. This style is termed the Ikokoro. 

The Ode, Eni-ojk, lyafin-Iku, lya-Olosun and the lya'le 

Oduduwa adorn theirs with the red feathers of the parrot's tail. 

GOVERNMENT 

67 

The Ilaris. — The female Ilaris are somewhat differently shaved 

from the male, their incisions being made from the front to the 

back of the head along the middle line ; the hair is allowed to 

grow along the same line, and it is plaited into two horns front and 

back, being twined with a string or thread, and the sides of the 

head shaved alternately every fifth day. 

The following are the names of the principal female Ilaris, 

every one of which is significant : — 

I 

Obaloyin 

2 

Maje-Oba-koye 

3 

Didun-l'Obafe 

4 

Ire-l'Oba-ise 

5 

Igba-ewe 

6 

Ire k'aiye 

7 

Ori-ogbo 

8 

Arosin 

9 

Ajinde 

10 

Oju're 

II 

Alosin 

12 

Akosin 

13 

Omi-su-yarin 

14 

Bam wo wo 

15 

Afeka 

16 Awoda 

17 Irebe 

18 Agbejo ^ 

19 Awujale 

20 Ori're 

21 Oju're 

22 Awigba 

23 Alogbo 

24 Oridijo 

25 Tijotayo 

26 Aiye f'obase 

27 Aji gbohun 

28 Iwadero 

29 Omuye 

30 Ajigbore 

31 Obadaro 

33 Aronu 

34 Apa-6-ka 

35 Ina-Oba-koku 

36 Agbala 

37 Ota-ko-ri-aye 

38 Ma-dun-mi-de-inu 

39 Oledetu 

40 Madajo-l'Oba 

41 Ajijofe 

42 Olu-f'oba 

43 Iwapgle 

44 Ohungbogbo 

45 Aiyedero 

46 Ehin-wa 

47 Maha-ro-t'oba 

48 Onjuwon 

32 Alanu 

These female Ilaris have the exclusive privilege of using the 

female head ties, or men's caps, the ordinary Ayabas or King's 

wives are distinguished by carrying their heads bare, always 

shaved, and their head ties used as a belt round the breasts. 

At the demise of the King the whole of the Ilaris male and female 

go into mourning by dropping their official (Ilari) names, and 

letting their hair grow. At a new accession, the whole of them 

shave their heads. One of the earliest acts of the new sovereign 

after the coronation and the investiture of the Aremo (Crown 

Prince) and just before the next great festival is to create all 

the Ilaris afresh by batches every 5 days, giving a new name 

to each and adding a new set of his own ; only the lances of the 

head are re-done, not those of the arm. Each batch is to remain 

seven days at the He Mol|. This " distribution of honours" is 

eagerly sought after. 

Members of the Royal Family Occupying Responsible 

Positions 

As a rule, distinguished members of the Royal Family except 

those holding responsible positions do not reside in the metropolis, a 

68 THE HISTORY OF THE YORUBAS 

great number of them may be found scattered all over the provinces 

especially in the Ekicn Osi or Metropolitan province, where each 

one resides as a lord of the town or village. They may take no 

part in the administration of affairs in the town, lest they over- 

shadow the chief of the town who is generally the founder or his 

descendant, but due deference is loyally accorded them, and certain 

privileges are granted them as befitting their rank. One such was 

Atiba the son of King Abiodun who resided in the town of Ago 

with Oja the foundet, after whose death Atiba became practically 

the master of the town before he was subsequently elected King. 

Some of the princes with a large family and a large following 

build their own town and become lord of the town. Such was 

Ayeijin who built the town ot Surii near the ancient Oyo popularly 

known as He Gbager^ from the attributive of the founder. 

There are those however, who hold high positions in the govern- 

ment such as the following : — 

I. The OxNA Isokun. 2, The Ona Aka. 3. The Omo-Ola. 

These are known as thejathers of the King, hence the saying : — 

" Ona-Isokun baba Oba, 

Ona-Aka, baba Isokun." i.e. 

The Ona-Isokun the King's father, the Ona-Aka, father to the 

Isokun. That is to say that they stand in the relation of a father 

to the King, who naturally cannot have a father living. To them 

it appertains to advise, admonish, or instruct the King, especially 

when he comes to the throne at a very early age, and as such lacks 

the experience indispensable for the due performance of his all- 

important duty. The titles are hereditary. 

We have seen above that the nomination to the throne is in 

their hands. The Ona I§okun seems to be the most responsible 

of the three. We have seen that the King-elect is to sleep in his 

house the first night after his election, as the formal call to the 

throne comes from him. Lustrations, divinations, and propitiations 

for the new King are done in his house. Part also of the ceremony 

of creating the Aremg is periormed in his house ; there all the 

princes are entertained in festivities, and there also all crown princes 

are buried if they die in that position. 

Next to the above are those who are termed " brothers " to the 

King, they are : — 

1. The Magaji lyajin 4. The Atingisi 

2. The Olusami 5. The Agunpopo 

3. The Arole Oba 6. The Arole lya Oba. 

GOVERNMENT ^9 

Officially, the Aremg takes his rank among these princes, 

especially in public assemblies and is generally reckoned as the 

last of them in official order. 

As the king must have official " father " and " mother " so also 

must he have official " brothers." Of these the Magaji lyajin is 

the most distinguished. He is known as the King's elder brother, 

whose duty is to perform the part of an elder to a younger brother 

by defending his interests. 

The term " Magaji " is the natural title of every heir to a great 

estate and is usually borne by the eldest son (or anyone in that 

relation) in the family. In this official royal circle the lyajin 

is the eldest son. The term " lyajin " impUes the repelling of insults 

and indignities. The title therefore means the elder brother, 

who wards off insults and indignities. 

This will often be found necessary when the King is young and 

inexperienced, and too conscious of his power, or sometimes rash. 

It is the Magaji's place to let the consequences of his action fall 

on himself rather than on the King who is the embodiment of 

the nation. 

The Ar-ole Ob.\ is the official in whose house all the princes are 

to be buried, and in the month of July every year the whole of 

the princes and princesses, from the Ona-Isokun downwards 

including the Ar§mg repair to his house to worship the spirits 

of their deceased ancestors. A horse is usually offered in sacrifice, 

and all have to feed on the flesh of the same. The lyajiu's portion 

is the head. 

The Aremo as we have seen above is the Crown Prince. The term 

signifies an heir apparent, lit. Chief of the sons. How the title is 

formally conferred has been seen above. 

The Aremo practically reigns with his father, having nearly 

equal power, especially when the monarch is old and feeble. 

From the period of the greatest prosperity of the nation to the 

time of the intertribal wars, the Aremgs v/ere almost invariably 

tyrannical, and given to excess : they contributed largely to the 

disloyal explosion that caused the civil wars and the breaking up 

of the unity of the Yoruba kingdom ; they were.therefore, required 

to die with the father at his demise. Otherwise they expect 

to succeed to the throne as in earliest times, but they had to be 

elected thereto by the constitutional king-makers who would 

never elect one who has been infamous. 

Since King Atiba in 1858 disallowed the practice in favour of 

his Ar§mo Adelu, the custom has died out both for the Aremo 

and the other princes. 

70 the history of the yorubas 

The Nobility 

There are two classes of noblemen at Oyo ; in the first, the 

title is hereditary ; the second which is strictly military is the 

reward of merit alone, and not necessarily hereditary. In both, 

each member is styled " Iba " which means a lord being a dimuni- 

tive of " Oba " a king. 

A. The Oyo Mesi 

The first class of noblemen consists of the most noble and most 

honourable councillors of state, termed the Oyq Mesi. They are 

also the king-makers. They are seven in number and of the 

following order : — 

(i) The Osorun, (2) Agbakin, (3) Samu, (4) Alapini, {5) Laguna, 

(6) Akiniku, (7) A§ipa. 

The title of each (as above said) is hereditary in the same 

family but not necessarily from father to son ; it is within the 

King's prerogative to select which member of the family is to 

succeed to the title or he may alter the succession altogether. 

They represent the voice of the nation ; on them devolves the 

chief duty of protecting the interests of the kingdom. The King 

must take counsel with them whenever any important matter 

affecting the state occurs. Each of them has his state duty 

to perform, and a special deputy at court every morning and 

afternoon and whom they send to the AlAfin at other times when 

their absence is unavoidable ; they are, however, required to 

attend court in person the first day of the (Yoruba) week, for the 

Jakuta (Sango) worship and to partake of thakuta (Sango) worship and to partake of the sacrificial feast. 

(i) The OsQrtm or Iba Osorun (contr. to Basorun i.e., the lord 

that performs the " Oran ") may be regarded as the Prime Minister 

and Chancellor of the kingdom and something more. He is not 

only the president of the council but his power and influence are 

immeasurably greater than those of the others put together. His 

is the chief voice in the election of a King, and although the King 

as supreme is vested with absolute power, yet that power must be 

exercised within the limit of the unwritten constitution, but if 

he is ultra-tyrannical and withal unconstitutional and unacceptable 

to the nation it is the Basorun's prerogative as the mouth-piece 

of the people to move his rejection as a King in which case His 

Majesty has no alternative but to take poison and die. 

His Highness being a prince is practically as absolute as a King 

in his own quarter of the town. 

Next to the AlAfin in authority and power, he often performs 

the duties of a King. He takes precedence of all provincial 

GOVERNMENT 71 

kings and princes. There were times in the history of the nation 

when the Basoruns were more powerful than the Alafin himself. 

During the long course of history there have been several alliances 

between the two families so that, in the older line of Basoruns 

at any rate, the blood of the royal family runs also in their veins. 

Several points of similarity may be noted between the AlAfin 

and his Basorun The AlAfin is Oba (a king) he is Iba (a lord). 

The AlAfin' s wives are called Ayaba, the Basorun's Ayinba. 

They are similarly clothed, carrying their heads bare and shaven, 

and their head- bands used as belts ; but the Ayinbas are not equally 

avoided by men as the Ayabas are. 

The Iha Osorun has kgbis to his palace as well, but a limited 

number ; those of the AlAfin being unlimited. He too has a 

number of Ilaris as a king, but they must be created for him by the 

AlAfin. 

The AlAfin has his crown, his throne, his Ejigba round his 

neck. The Osorun has a specially made coronet of his own, a 

specially ornamented skin called the Wabi on which he sits, and a 

string of beads round his neck also like the Ejigba. 

We have seen that at the principal festivals of the AlAfin, the 

Basorun also has minor festivals to observe in conjunction and 

has his part to plaj' at the main observance also. 

When the AlAfin reigns long and peacefully enough to celebrate 

the Bebe, a festival akin to the royal jubilee, the Basorun must 

follow with the Owark. 

But it is a peculiarity of theBasorun's children that the boys are 

never circumcised. 

Although the title is hereditary in the same family yet it is 

within the King's power to change the line of succession when 

necessity demands that course. 

Thus the whole unwritten constitution of the Yorubas seems to 

be a system of checks and counter-checks, and it has on the 

whole worked well for the country. 

There have been five different families of the Basorun line, 

each one with its distinctive cognomen. The first and oldest 

belonged to the family totem of Ogun (the god of war) and have 

for appellatives Moro, Ma§o, Mawd, Maja, Ogun. This was the 

original line contemporary with the earh'est Kings. It covers 

the reign of i8 Kings and ended with Basorun Yamba, in the reign 

of King OjiGi. 

With the long lease of power and influence enjoyed by this 

family, it became as wealthy and great as, or even greater than the 

sovereign himself, especially as some of the Basoruns out-lived 

two or three successive Kings. Therefore King Gberu the successor 

72 THE HISTORY OF THE YORUBAS 

of Ojigi transferred the succession to his friend Jambu of another 

line, whose appellatives were Maja Maro. This hne embraced 

the reign of seven Kings and ended with Asamu in Abiodun's 

reign. 

The third began with Alobitoki in Aole's reign, having the 

appellatives of Maja Majo of the totem of Agan. 

This line was not allowed to continue, it flourished during the 

reign of one King only, for Ojo Abuiumaku the son of Onisigun 

and grandson of Basorun Ga was of the older line. The fourth 

line began with Akioso in King MaJOTU's reign, and also ended 

with himself in the reign of Oluewu, the last of ancient Oyo. 

This family was rather insignificant. 

Oluyole the first Basorun of the new city was the grandson of 

Basorun Yamba, and therefore of the older Ogun Hne. 

The fifth and last line commenced with Gbenla in the reign of 

King Atiba, the totem is Aye and is the family now in office 

and has already lasted through the reign of three kings. 

The Basoruns of Ibadan after Oluyole are only honorary with 

no national duties attached to the office. 

A Synopsis of the Basorun Family 

Ba§oruns. Appellatives. Family Totems. 

1. Efufukoferi to Yamba Moro, Maso, Maja Ogun 

2. Jambu to Asamu Maja Maro (?) 

3. Alobitoki Maja Majo Agan 

4. Akioso (?) Ese 

5. Gbenla to Layode (?) Aye 

(2) The Aghakin. — The duties of this official are not so well- 

defined, but the present Agbakin has the charge of the worship of 

Oraiiyan. 

(3) Satnu. The duties of the Samu are not clearly known. 

(4) The A lapini. — He is the head of the Egugun mysteries, and 

as such he is at the head of religious affairs in general. He has 

the charge of the famous Jenju, who is the head Egugun of the 

country, and who executes witches ! He is at once a religious 

and a secular personage ; he shares with the priests all rehgious 

offerings, and in secular matters with the noblemen of his class. 

By virtue or his peculiar office he must be a monorr.his. 

(5) The Laguna is the state ambassador in critical times. 

^6) The Akiniku. — The real duties of this officer are not known. 

(7) The Asipa as the last of them performs the duties of the 

junior. He is called the " Ojuwa," i.e. the one who distributes 

whatever presents are given to the Oyo Mesi. The Basorun in 

GOVERNMENT 73 

these cases has always the lion's share viz., one half of the whole, 

the other half being equally divided between the rest of them. 

The Asipa of the present Oyo being the son of Oja the founder 

of the town, has the chief voice in all municipal affairs. He is 

thereby acknowledged to be the master of the town. 

The provincial kings and ruhng princes rank also as the noblemen 

of the first-class. 

B. The E§qs 

Next in importance to the Oyo Mesi and of a rank below them 

are the Esos or guardians of the kingdom. These constitute the 

noblemen of the second class. They also are addressed as " Iba." 

It is a military title, not necessarily hereditary. It is the reward of 

merit alone, and none but tried and proved soldiers are selected 

for that rank. 

First and foremost among them and apart by himself stands the 

Kakanfo, an Esq of the Esos. Then the 70 captains of the guard 

ten of whom are under each of the seven councillors. Each wears 

an Akoro (or coronet) and carries in his hand no weapon, but a baton 

or staff of war known as The Invincible. 

There is a common saying which runs thus : — 

" Ohun meji I'o ye Eso 

Esg ja O le ogan 

Esq ja O ku si ogun." 

One of two things befits an E§g 

The 5so mast fight and conquer (or) 

The E§o must fight and peiish (in war). 

He is never to turn his back, he must be victorious or die in war. 

There is another saying : — 

" Esq ki igba Oik lehin 

Afi bi o ba gbogbe niwaju gangan." 

An Esq must never be shot in the back 

His wounds must always be right in front. 

Also another saying : — 

" Alakoro ki isa ogun." 

One who wears a coronet must never flee in battle. 

They are of two ranks 16 superior and 54 inferior, 70 in all 

and they all must reside in the capital. 

are 

The following 

are the titles 

of the former, 

all of which 

significant : — 

GbQnka 

Esq Qraiiyan 

Sagbedo 

Obago 

Esiel§ 

Kogbonk 

Ole 

Orunt^ 

Owdta 

Sakin 

Odigbon 

Sagbua 

Sadoe 

Erukii 

GbQingboin 

Adaha 

74 THE HISTORY OF THE YORUBAS 

So much is this title thought of by military men and others 

and so great is the enthusiasm it inspires, that even the children 

and grandchildren of an Esq hold themselves bound to maintain 

the spirit and honour of their sires. The Eso is above everything 

else noble in act and deed. 

" Emi omo Eso " (me born of an Eso) is a proud phrase generally 

used even to this day by any ot their descendants to show their 

scorn for anything mean or low, or their contempt tor any difficulty, 

danger, or even death itself. 

Most of the Egba chiefs sprang from the Esgs of Qyq, Okukemu 

the first " king " of Ab§okuta was a Sagbua, 

A special notice must now be taken of the Kakanfo who stands 

at the head of the Esos. 

The Kakanfo. The title given in full is Are-Ona-Kakanfo. 

It is a title akin to a field-marshal, and is conferred upon the 

greatest soldier and tactician ot the day. 

This title was introduced into the Yoruba country by King 

AjACBO, one of the earliest and most renowned of Yoruba Kings. 

Like the Ilaris, at the time of his taking office, he is first to 

shave his head completely, and 201 incisions are made on his 

occiput, with 201 different lancets and specially prepared ingredi- 

ents from 201 viols are rubbed into the cuts, one lor each. This is 

supposed to render him fearless and courageous. They are always 

shaved, but the hair on the inoculated part is allowed to grow 

long, and when plaited, forms a tuft or a sort of pigtail. 

Kakanfos are generally very stubborn and obstinate. They 

have all been more or less troublesome, due it is supposed to the 

effect of the ingredients they were inoculated with. In war, they 

carry no weapon but a baton known as the " King's invincible 

staff." It is generally understood that they are to give way to 

no one not even to the King, their master. Hence Kakanfos are 

never created in the capital but in any other town in the kingdom. 

There can be but one Kakanfo at a time. By virtue of his office 

he is to go to war once in 3 years to whatever place the King named, 

and, dead or aUve, to return home a Victor, or be brought home a 

corpse within three months. 

The ensigns of office are : — 

1. The Ojijiko. This is a cap made of the red feathers of the 

parrot's tail, with a projection behind reaching as far down as the 

waist. 

2. An apron of leopard's skin, and a leopard's skin to sit on 

always. 

3. The Asis6 or pigtail as above described. 

4. The Staff Invincible. 

GOVERNMENT 75 

The following are the Kakanfos who have ever borne office 

in the Yoruba country : — 

1. Kokoro gangan of Iw6ye 

2. Oyatope ,, 

3. Oyabi ,, Ajase 

4. Adeta ,, Jabata 

5. Oku ,, Jabata 

6. Aignja I'aiya I'ok^ ,, Ilorin 

7. Toyeje ,, Ogbomoso 

8. Edun ,, Gbogun 

9. Amep6 ,, Abem6 

10. Kurumi ,, Ijaye 

11. Ojo Aburumaku „ Ogbomoso (son of Toyej§) 

12. Latosisa ,, Ibadan the last to hold office. 

Nearly the whole of them were connected with stirring times and 

upheavals in the country. Afonja of Ilorin, Toyeje of Ogbomoso 

Kurumi of Ijaye, and Latosisa of Ibadan being specially famous. 

Ojo Aburumaku of Ogbomo.so fought no battles, there being no 

wars daring the period ; the change that has taken place in the 

country left the Ibadans at this time masters of all warlike oper- 

ations. But in order to keep his hand in, he fomented a civil 

war at Ogbomoso wliich he also repressed with vigour. 

Provincial Governments and Titles 

Every town, village or hamlet is under a responsible head, 

either a provincial " king" or a Bale (mayor). In every case 

the title is hereditary (excepting at Ibadan) as such heads are 

invariably the founder or descendants ot the founder of their town. 

The provincial kings are styled the lords of their town or district, 

and from it they take their title, e.g. : — 

The Onikoyi, lord of Ikoyi ; Aseyin, lord of Iseyin ; Alake, 

lord or Ake ; Olowu, lord of Owu ; Oluiwo, lord of Iwo ; Alakija, 

lord of Ikija, etc. There are a few exceptions to this rule, where the 

first ruler had a distinctive name or title before he became the 

head of the town or district, e.g. : — 

Timi of Ede, Atawoja of Osogbo, Awujadg of Ijebu, Okere of 

Saki, Onibode of Igboho, etc., in which case the distinctive name 

becomes the hereditary title of the chief ruler. 

A provincial king is, of course, higher than a Bale as a duke or 

an earl is higher than a mayor. They are privileged to build 

kobis to their palaces, and to create Ilaris which Bales are not 

entitled to do. They are also allowed an Akoro (coronet) which 

Bales are not allowed to have ; but few of them indulge in large 

76 THE HISTORY OF THE YORUBAS 

state umbrellas. They are invested originally with power from 

Oyo whither they usually repair to obtain their titles, the sword 

of justice being given them by the AlAfin at their installation. 

Every one of them as well as every important Balg has an official 

at Oyo through whom they can communicate with the crown. 

They are also invested with an Qpaga by which they are em- 

powered to make and keep an Ilari. The Qpaga is an iron instru- 

ment of the shape of an Osain, but taller and is surmounted with the 

figure of a bird. This is the Qsain worshipped b}' Ilaris. To be 

deprived of it is equivalent to being deprived oi one's rank. 

To dethrone a kingling, he is publicly divested of his robe 

and sandals and the announcement is made that XYZ having 

forfeited his title, he is deprived of it by AB his suzerain or teudal 

lord. 

The following are the kinglings in the Oyo provinces. 

1. In the Ekun Osi or Metropohtan province : — • 

The Onikoyi of Ikoyi ; Olugbon of Igbon ; Aresa of Iresa ; 

the Ompetu of Ijeru ; Olofa of Ofa. 

2. In the Ekun Otun province : — 

Sabigana of Igana ; Oniwere of Iwere ; ^Alasia of Asia ; Onjo 

of Oke'ho ; Bagijan of Igijan ; Okere of Saki ; Alapata of Ibode ; 

Ona Onibode of Igboho ; Elerinpo of Ipapo ; Ikihisi ol Kihisi ; 

As§yin of Is§yin ; Alado of Ado ; Eleruwa of Eruwa ; Qloje of 

Qje. 

3. In the Ibolg province : — 

The Akirun ot Ikirun ; Olobu of Ilobu; Timi of Ede. the Ata- 

woja of Osogbo ; Adimula of Ife Odan. 

4. In the Epo province : 

The Oluiwo of Iwo ; Ondese of Idese. 

Of these vassal kings the Onikoyi, Olugbon, the Aresa and the 

Timi are the most ancient. 

Since the wave of Fulani invasion swept away the first 

three, those titles exist only in name. The Onikoyi has a 

quarter at Ibadan, the bulk of the Ikoyi people being at Ogbomoso, 

the family is still extant and the title kept up.* The same may be 

said of the Aresa at Ilorin. But wherever the representative head 

of the family may be, he is completely subject to the ruler of the 

town, be he a Bale or a king. Thus the Olugbon at Ogbomoso 

is subject to the Balgof Ogbomoso, the Aresa to the king or Emir 

^ The Alasia is the only man privileged not to prostrate before 

the Alafin in salutation according to the custom ot the country. 

He sits on a stool with his back turned towards him. 

* The town has been rebuilt and the Onikoyi returned home in 

1906. 

GOVERNMENT 77 

of Ilorin, and similarly the Olowu at Abeokuta is nominally subject 

to the Alake, the primus of the Egba chiefs. 

In the Ekun Osi and Ekun Otun provinces, no special remarks 

are called for in the arrangement of the titles in the government ; 

they are for the most part a modified form of the Oyo titles. 

IbglQ titles. — Amongst the Ibglgs the royal family is called 

Omolaisin. The title next to that of the king which answers to the 

Basorun is the Osa, next to the Osa comes the Aro, then the 

Odofin and then the Ejemu. These are the principal councillors. 

The other subordinate titles are chiefly military viz., the Jagun 

and his heutenants the Olukotun and Olukosi. Then the Agbakin, 

Gbonka, Asipa which are Oyo titles that have been borrowed. 

Then the Saguna, Sakgtun, Sakosi, Asape, Oladifi Esinkin, and 

the Ar'oguny6. 

The Elesije is the chief physician. 

Smaller towns are governed by the Bale, and the Jagun (or 

Balogun) is the next to him. In time of war, the Bale appoints 

the Jagun to go with the Kakanfo to any expedition to which the 

AlAfin may send the latter ; but if it is a great expedition to which 

he appoints the Onikoyi, all the other vassal kings, and the Bales 

of every town were bound to go with him. The affairs of the town 

are then left to be administered by the Bale Agbe, i.e. the chief of 

the farmers. The duties of the Bale Agbe on ordinary occasions 

are to superintend the tax collectors, and to assist the Jagun who 

superintends the cleaning ot the roads. 

The Iy.\lode, i.e. the queen of the ladies is a title bestowed 

upon the most distinguished lady in the town. She has also 

her lieutenants Otun, Osi, Ekcrin, etc., as any of the other principal 

chiefs of the town. Some of these lyalodes command a force of 

powerful warriors, and have a voice in the council of the chiefs. 

Through the lyalode, the women of the town can make their 

voices heard in municipal and other affairs. 

The King's civil officers judge all minor cases, but all important 

matters are transferred to the AlAfin of Oyo whose decision and 

laws were as unalterable as those of the ancient Medes and Persians. 

The Egba Province 

" Egba k6 I'Olu, gbogbo won ni nse bi Oba (i.e. Egbas have 

no king all of them act like a king), is a common saying. That 

is to say, they have no king that rules. The king is acknowledged 

as the head of the government, but only as a figure head. More 

marked was this when they lived in separate townships before 

their concentration at Abeokuta. The Ogbonis constitute the 

town council, and they are also the executive, and even the 

E 

78 THE HISTORY OF THE YORUBAS 

" king" was subject to them. The same rule holds good even 

at Abeokuta for each township. 

Amongst the highest Ogboni titles are : — 

The Aro, Oluwo, Apena, Ntowa, Bala, Basala Baki, Asipa, 

Asalu, Lajila, Apesi, Esinkin Ola, Bayimbo, Odgfin. 

The warriors rank next after the Ogbonis, the Balogun and the 

Seriki being the most important. 

The Ijebu Province 

Among the Ijebus the civil authorities are of three divisions, 

viz., the Osugbos or Ogboni, 2, the Ipampa, and 3 the Lamurin. 

Without these acting in concert, no law can be enacted or repealed. 

Of these bodies, the Osugbos are the highest for even the king him- 

self must be of that fraternity. The Lamurins are the lowest. 

Amongst the Egbas and Ijebus, the Ogbonis are the chief 

executive, they have the power of life and death, and power to 

enact and to repeal laws : but in the Oyo provinces the Ogbonis 

have no such power ; they are rather a consultative and advisory 

body, the king or Bale being supreme, and only matters involving 

bloodshed are handed over to the Ogbonis for judgment or for 

execution as the king sees fit. 

The actual executioners at Oyo are the Tetus, amongst the 

Ibglos, the Jagun, and in the Epo districts the Akgdas or sword 

bearers of the principal chiefs, acting together. 

The Ijesa and Ekiti Provinces 

In the Ijega and Ekiti provinces the form of government is 

more or less alike, with slight modifications. The tendency is to 

adopt the Oyo forms ; but they have some admirable systems of 

their own. The municipal arrangements of the Ijesas are quite 

excellent. 

It has been mentioned above that there are 16 provincial 

kings recognised in the Ekiti province under four principal ones. 

The title of Owa is a generic term for them all, including that of 

Ilesa. The Owa of Ilesa stands by himself, for the Ekitis hold the 

Ijesas separate from themselves. 

The Orangun of Ila is sometimes reckoned amongst the Ekitis ; 

but he is not an Ekiti although his sympathies are with them. 

He aims at being the head of the Igbomina tribes, but Ila seems 

to stand by itself. 

Titles in ancient times may be obtained by competition, and it 

was not always the most worthy but the highest bidder that 

often obtained them. 

Chapter V 

YORUBA NAMES 

The naming of a child is an important affair amongst the 

Yorubas ; it is always attended with some ceremonies. These of 

course differ somewhat, amongst the different tribes. 

The naming usually takes place on the 9th day of birth if a 

male, or on the 7th if a female ; if they happen to be twins of 

both sexes, it will be on the 8th day. Moslem children of either 

sex are invariably named on the 8th day. 

It is on that day the child is for the first time brought out of 

the room, hence the term applied to this event — Ko omg jade 

(bringing out the child). The mother also, is supposed to be 

in the lying-in room up to that day. 

The ceremony is thus performed : — The principal members 

of the family and friends having assembled early in the morning 

of the day, the child and its mother being brought out of the 

chamber, a j ugf ul of water is tossed up to the roof (all Yoruba houses 

being low-roofed), and the baby in the arms of the nurse or an 

elderly female member of the family, is brought under the eaves 

to catch the spray, the baby yells, and the relatives shout for joy. 

The child is now named by the parents and elderly members of 

the family, and festivities follow ; with presents, however trifling, 

for the baby from every one interested in him. 

This is evidently an ancient practice, a form of baptism which 

the ancestors of the Yorubas must have derived from the eastern 

lands, where tradition says they had their origin, and is another 

proof of the assertion that their ancestors had some knowledge 

of Christianity. 

In some cases there is also the offering of sacrifice and 

consultation of the household oracle on the child's behalf. 

For the sake of convenience we call this the Christening of the 

child. There are three sets of names a child can possibly have, 

although not every child need have the three ; one at least will 

be inapplicable. 

1. The Amutorunwa i.e. the name the child is born with. 

2. The AhisQ i.e. the christening name. 

3. The Oriki i.e. the cognomen or attributive name. 

A few remarks on each of these sets of names will serve to 

elucidate their meanings. 

79 

80 THE HISTORY OF THE YORUBAS 

I. The Amutqrunwa 

r A child is said to be "born with a name" {lit. brought from 

heaven) when the peculiar circumstance of its birth may be 

expressed by a name which is apphcable to all children born under 

like circumstances. The most important of these is twin-births. 

No condition is invested with an air of greater importance, or has 

a halo of deeper mystery about it, than that of twin-births ; 

the influence is felt even upon children that may be born after 

them. Twins in Yoruba are almost credited with extra-human 

powers, although among some barbarous tribes they are regarded 

as monsters to be despatched at once. 

Taixvo or Eho. — The name of the first born of twins, applicable 

to either sex. It is a shortened form of To-aiye-w6 (have the 

first taste of the world). The idea is that the first born was sent 

forward to announce the coming of the latter, and he is considered 

the younger of the two. [Compare the stories of Esau and Jacob, 

and of Pharez and Zarah,in both of which the first born of the twins 

virtually became the younger of the two.] 

Kehinde " He who lags behind," i.e. the second born. 

tdowu. The child born after twins, male or female, Idowus 

are cdways considered heady and stubborn, hence their usual 

appellation " J)su lehiu ibeji " (the d 1 after twins). There is 

also a current superstition that the mother who has had twins 

and fails to get an Idowu in due course, may likely go mad ; the 

wild and stubborn Idowu " flying into her head " will render her 

insane ! Hence all mothers of twins are never at ease until in 

due course the Idowu is born. 

Idogbe. — The child after Idowu if male. 

Alaba, — The child after Idowu if female. 

Thus we see the influence of the twins affecting the second and 

third births after themselves. 

Eia Okd. — The name given to the third of triplets. 

The next to twins in importance is the child named Oni Oni. 

This name is given to a small neurotic child which at its birth 

cries incessantly day and night. The child after Oni is called 

Ola, the next O^^^nla, and so on. 

These names signify to-day, to-morrow, the day after to-morrow, 

etc. With a small tribe termed the Isih people, it is carried on 

as far as Ijgni i.e. the 8th day, if the mother have as many. 

Asa or Oroyh are names applied under conditions similar to 

those of Oni by some clans. The latter is generally preferred 

by worshippers of the god Orisa Oko. 

Igh is a child born with breech or footling presentation. 

YORUBA NAMES 8l 

llgri is a child who was conceived during absence of menstru- 

ation. 

Qtnope signfies " the child is late " that is, a child born later 

than the normal period of utero-gestation. 

Ojo or Aina is a child born with the cord twined round its neck. 

The choice of name is a matter of preference partly clannish or 

by the decision of the family Oracle. Ojo, however, is never 

given to females, Aina may be male or female. 

Ajayi is a child born "with face downwards" it is styled 

Adojude, that is to say, when rotation is absent during the exit 

of the shoulders. 

Oke is a name given to a child which faints away on being fed 

in a horizontal position as is the custom of the country. 

Oke (a bag) is a child born with membranes unruptured. 

Salako (male), Talabi (female), a child born with the head and 

body covered with the caul, or ruptured membranes. 

Dada is a curly-headed child styled " Olowo Ori." 

Olugbodi is a child born With supernumerary digits. 

Abigna means " born by the way side." i.e. a child born when the 

mother is on a journey, or away from home. 

Abiodun born at the new year or any annual festival. 

Abiose born on a holy day. 

Babatunde means " father comes again," a name given to 

a male child born soon after the death of its grandfather. The 

sire is supposed to re-appear in the newly born. 

Abiba is applied to a female under similar circumstances. 

Yetunde means " mother comes again " a name given to a female 

child born soon after the death of its grandmother. The granny 

is supposed to re-appear in the newly born. 

Babarimisa (father fled at my approach) is the name given to a 

posthumous child. 

Jg'hdJQ a child whose mother died at its birth (Ichabodlike) 

or during the puerperium. 

II, — The Abiso or Christening Name 

All children need not be " born with a name " but all must 

be named. Names are not given at random because of their 

euphony or merely because a distinguished member of the family 

or of the community was so named, but of a set purpose from 

circumstances connected with the child itself, or with reference 

to the family fortunes at the time etc. Hence the saying : — " He 

la iw6 kia to so omo I'oruko (the state of the house must first be\ 

considered before naming a child). The names then are always 

B2 

THE HISTORY OF THE YORUBAS 

significant of something, either with reference to the child itself 

or to the family. 

A child may have two or more christening names given it 

one by each parent or grandparents if living or by any elderly 

member of the family. Whichever is most expressive of the present 

circumstances of the family will be the one to stick. 

(a) Names having reference to the child itself directly and indirectly 

to the family : — 

Ayodele Joy enters the house. 

Onipede The consoler is come. 

Morenike I have some one to pet. 

Moseb'olatan Joy hitherto despaired of. 

Omoteji A child big enough for two. 

Akinyele A strong one befits the house. 

Ibiyemi Good birth becomes me. 

Ibiyinka Surrounded by children. 

Ladipo Increase honour (of children born). 

(b) Names having reference to the family directly and indirectly 

to the child itself : — 

Ogundalenu Our home has been devastated by war. 

Otegbeye Warfare deprived us of our honours. 

Ogunmola The river Ogun took away our honour, 

lyapib Many trials. 

Olabisi Increased honours. 

Laniyonu Honour is full of troubles, 

Kurumi Death has impoverished me. 

Oyebisi Increased titles. 

(c) Names compounded of Ade, Ola, Olu, Oye originally belonged 

to one of high or princel}^ birth, but are now used more or 

less indiscriminately : — 

Adebiyi The crown has begotten this. 

Adegbite The crown demands a throne. 

Olaleye Honour comes fittingly, or is full of dignity. 

Olubiyi A chief has begotten this. 

Oyeyemi Title becomes me. 

Oyewole Title enters the house i.e. where the parent 

has a title. 

N.B. — Ade does not always signify a crown, it may be taken 

from the verb de to arrive, it may then mean coming, e.g., 

Adebisi or I ., 

. , . t My commg causes an increase. 

Adesina My coming opens the way. 

Adepeju My coming completes the number (of births) 

Adepoju The coming has become too much. 

YORUBA NAMES 83 

(d) Some names are compounded with fetish names showing the 

deity worshipped in the family : — 

Sangobunmi Sango (the god of thunder and Hghtning) 

gave me this. 

Ogundipe Ogun (the god of war) consoles me with this. 

Ogunseye Ogun has done the becoming thing. 

Omi yale The god of streams visits the house. 

Oba-bunmi The King (i.e. god of small pox) gave me this 

Fabunni Ifa has given me this. 

Fatosin Ifa is worthy to be worshipped. 

Fafumke Ifa gave me this to pet. 

Osuntoki Osun is worthy of praise or honour. 

It msLy be noted that names compounded with Ifa are very 

common amongst the Ijesas which shows that they are devoted 

Ifa worshippers. 

(<;) Compounds of Ode shows that the father is a worshipper of 

Ogun or Erinlc : — 

Odewale Ode comes to the house i.e. visits the family. 

Odemuyiwa Ode has brought me this. 

These names are often confounded with Adewale and 

Ademuyiwa. 

(/) Compounds of Oso or Efun shows that the family is a 

v/orshipper of Orisa Oko i.e. the god of the fields : — 

Osodipe Oso has granted a consolation. 

Osodeke Oso has become a roof i.e. shield and shelter. 

Efunsetan Efun has done it (by granting the child). 

Efunlabi Efun is the one born. 

(g) Compounds of Oje are peculiar to the children of Elewi of Ado. 

Names pecuUar to the royal family of Oyo : — 

Male : Afgnja, Tela, Ajuan. 

Female : — Ogboja, Siye, Akere. 

Yoruba names are with few exceptions common to both genders. 

Ojo and Akerele, however, are never applied to females. Also 

names compounded oi Akin which means strength ; and, of course, 

such names as Babatunde, Babarimisa can only apply to males, 

and Yetunde to females. 

Abiku Names 

There are some peculiar names given to a certain class of children 

called " Abiku " i.e. born to die. These are supposed to belong 

to a fraternity of demons living in the woods, especially about and 

within large Iroko trees ; and each one of them coming into the 

84 THE HISTORY OF THE YORUBAS 

world would have arranged beforehand the precise time he will 

return to his company. 

Where a woman has lost several children in infancy, especially 

after a short period of illness, the deaths are attributed to this 

cause, and means are adopted to thwart the plans of these infants 

in order that they may stay ; for if they can only tide over the 

pre-arranged date, they may go no more, and thus entirely forget 

their company. 

Besides charms that are usually tied on them and ugly marks 

'they are branded with, in order that their old company may 

refuse the association of disfigured comrades which must oblige 

them to stay, certain significant names are also given to them in 

order to show that their object has been anticipated. 

Such are the following names : — 

Malomo Do not go again. 

Kosokg There is no hoe (to dig a grave with). 

Banjoko Sit down (or stay) with me. 

Durosinmi Wait and bury me. 

Jekiniyin Let me have a bit of respect. 

Akisatan No more rags (to bury you with). 

Apara One who comes and goes. 

Oku The dead. 

Igbek6yi Even the bush wont have this. 

Enu-kun-onipe The consoler is tired. 

Akuji Dead and awake. 

Tiju-iku Be ashamed to die. 

Duro-ori-ike Wait and see how you will be petted. 

Periodical feasts are usually made for these children of which 

beans and a liberal quantity of palm oil must form a principal 

dish. To this children of their age and others are invited, and their 

company of demons, although unseen are supposed to be present 

and partake of these viands. This is supposed to appease them 

and reconcile them to the permanent stay of their comrade, so 

that they may always have such to feed upon. 

This superstition accounts for a rather high rate of infant 

mortality, for parents are thereby led away from the proper treat- 

ment of their ailments, while occupying themselves in making 

charms to defeat the purpose of imaginary demons ! 

It is fair, however to add that thoughtful men have begun to 

perceive the absurdity of this superstition, for many have been 

heard to say " There is really no such thing as Abiku ; disease and 

hereditary taints are the true causes of infantile mortahty." 

YORUBA NAMES 85 

III. — The Oriki or Cognomen or Pet Names 

This is an attributive name, expressing what the child is, or 

what he or she is hoped to become. If a male it is always expressive 

of something heroic, brave, or strong ; if a female, it is a term of 

endearment or of praise. In either case it is intended to have a 

stimulating effect on the individual. 

Yorubas are always particular to distinguish between the 

Oruko (name) and the Oriki (cognomen or attributive). 

Male attributive names :-=— 

Ajamu One who seizes after a fight. 

Ajagbe One who carries off after a contest. 

Akunyun One who buzzes to and fro 

Ajani One who possesses after a struggle. 

Alawo One who divides and smashes up. 

Ak h' I ^"^ conceived after a single touch. 

Alabi or ) Is a male that comes after several female 

Alade ) births. 

Female attributive names : — 

Amoke Whom to know is to pet. 

Aygka One who causes joy all around. 

Abebi One born after a supplication. 

Apinke To be petted from hand to hand. 

Akanke To meet whom is to pet. 

Asabi One of select birth. 

Aw^ro One to be washed and dressed up. 

Alake One to be petted if she survives. 

The use of the attributive name is so common that many children \ 

are better known by it than by their real names. Some do not ^^ 

even know their own real names when the attributive is popular. 

But there is a method in the use of it ; as a rule, only children 

are addressed by their Oriki by their elders, especially when they 

wish to express a feeling of endearment for the child. It is con- 

sidered impertinent for a younger person to call an elder by his 

Oriki or pet name. 

Certain names carry their own attributive with them e.g. 

Adeniji (the crown has a shadow), the attributive to this is Apata 

.(a rock). Hence Adeniji Apata, Apata ni iji i.e. Adeniji is a rock, a 

rock that casts out its shadow. 

IV. — The Orile or Totem 

This is about the best place to take note of this singular system. 

The term Orile denotes the foundation or origin ; and is of an 

immense importance in the tracing of a pedigree. Each one 

86 THE HISTORY OF THE YORUBAS 

denotes a parent stock. The Orile is not a name, it denotes the 

family origin or Totem. The real meaning of this is lost in obscurity. 

Some say they were descended from the object named, which must 

be a myth; others that the object was the ancient god of the 

family, the giver of the children and other earthly blessings, 

or that the family is in some way connected with it. 

The Totem represents every conceivable object e.g. Erin (the 

elephant), Ogun (the god of war), Opo (post), Agbo (a ram), 

etc. The number of totems of course is large, representing as 

each does a distinct family. Some families, however, have become 

extinct, and some obscure ones there are who have lost their totems. 

A married woman cannot adopt her husband's totem, much 

less his name. Intermarriages within the same totem was 

originally not allowed, as coming within the degree of consanguinity 

but now the rule is not rigidly observed. The children both boys 

and girls take their father's totem, except in rare cases, where the 

father has lost his, or more usually when the mother's indicates 

a higher or nobler rank. Some girls of noble birth will marry 

below their rank, but would have their children brought up in 

their own home, and among their father's children, and adopt 

his totem. An illegitimate child if not acknowledged by the 

supposed father cannot adopt his totem but the mother's, 

especially if a female. 

The following are some distinguished Totems : — 

Erin, the elephant, the totem of the original line of the Kings. 

Ogun, the god of war, the totem of the original line of the 

Basoruns. 

Both were merged in King Abiodun, who chose to adopt 

his mother's totem, the Basoruns being pre-eminent in 

those days. Hence the present line of Alafins' is Ogun. 

Opo (a post). The totem of a noble Oyg family. 

Okin (the love bird) Totem of the Olofa and the Oloro. 

Iko ,, Onigusun. 

Agan ,, Elese. 

Edu ,, Onigbayi. 

Ojo (rain) ,, Ologbin. 

Agbe or Ade ,, Olukoyi. 

Agbo (a ram) ,, Ajagusi father of Erinle. 

Oge ,, Enira and the Onipe. 

Ekan ,, Olufan 

Elo ,, Elerin. 

Eri ,, Oloyan 

Tji ,, Onigbeti. 

Ogo ,, Ijesa families. 

YORUBA NAMES 

87 

WTien the Orukg (name) the Oriki (attributive) and the Orile 

(totem) are given, the individual becomes distinctive, the family 

is known, and he can at any time be traced. 

Two men may be found with the same name, but rarely with 

the same cognomen together, and more rarely still with the same 

totem as well. The man is universally known by his Oruko 

(name) familiarly by his Oriki (attributive). The Oriki is always 

used in conjunction with his Orile (the family stock or totem) 

expressed or understood : always expressed when endearment or 

admiration is intended. The Orile of course is nevef used by itself 

as it would be meaningless. 

A name given in full will appear thus : — 

Male. 

Female. 

Orukg 

Oriki 

Orile 

Orukg 

Oriki 

Orile 

Adewale 

Agana 

Erin 

Ibiyemi , 

Abebi 

Ikg 

Abigdun 

Ajamu 

Ogun 

Olawale 

Asabi 

Opo 

Adejumg 

Ajagbe 

Oguri 

Morenike 

Abeje 

Agan 

Oyebgde 

Akunyun 

Opo 

Mgwumi 

Agbeke 

Agbo 

Adegboye 

Isgla 

0km 

Layemi 

Atgle 

Ogun 

Fagbemi 

Akawo 

QgQ 

Ibisgtg 

Akanke 

Iji 

Moslem 

children although n 

amed trom 

the Arabic 

: calendar 

yet must have their Oriki and ( 

Drile ; thus 

: — 

AUhu 

Isgla 

Opo 

1 Fatumg 

Akanke 

Ojo 

\ 

Irregularities Introduced 

The introduction of Christianity and the spread of British 

influence over the country have been the causes of great irregulari- 

ties in names which one meets with now in the Yoruba country. 

The early missionaries, notably those of Sierra Leone, abolished 

native names wholesale, considering them " heathenish," and 

substituted European names instead : such names are naturally 

transmitted to their children anglice, hence the incongruities 

of names that puzzle a foreigner on his first landing in West Africa. 

But with more enlightenment and better knowledge, a gradual 

change is coming over this ; educated Yorubas cannot see why 

Philip Jones or Geoffrey Williams should be more Christian than 

Adewale or Ibiyemi ; he knows what these mean, the former to 

him are but mere sounds, nor are their meanings — even wh( n 

known — an improvement on his own. 

But nothing sticks so fast as a name, and nothing more difficult 

to eradicate ; for even in spite of the better knowledge Christians 

still give to their children foreign names although in conjunction 

with a Yoruba name. That an English name should be given at 

88 THE HISTORY OF THE YORUBAS 

all can hardly be contended to be necessary, but the practice is 

defended by many who plead for it a universal custom, e.g. that 

a convert to Mohammedanism adopts a Moslem or Arabic 

name ; analogously therefore only Biblical names ought to be 

given, but in the British West African colonies, Yoruba and other 

tribes with Christian names include English, Scotch, Irish, Welsh, 

German and Dutch names ! 

But there is another consideration that helps to rivet the yoke. 

It invariably appears that most of those who have EngHsh or other 

foreign names, are in some way connected with English education 

and with Christianity, and are certainly in a way more enlightened 

than their pagan brethren, or considered to be so ; hence it comes 

to pass, that many who originally were free from the brand of a 

foreign name, nevertheless still regard it as a mark of enhghten- 

ment, and would voluntarily adopt one or more with their own 

real names in order to be considered " up-to-date ! " Nothing 

but a thoroughly sound education all round (and not limited to 

individuals here and there) can remedy this evil : but in the mean- 

time educated Yorubas are losing the knowledge and the genius 

of the method of Yorubas in naming their children. Thus according 

to the system now prevailing, where one English name is given 

or adopted, it is used as the first name, and the Yoruba name as 

the second or surname, e.g. James Adesina. Where two Enghsh 

names are given the Yoruba is placed either in the middle as James 

Adesina Williams, or at the end, as James Williams Adesina. 

The reason for this want of system is due to the introduction of 

another element unknown to Yorubas and is, therefore, a compli- 

cation, viz., the prefix of Mr. to the names. This is foreign to Yoruba 

genius arid language and makes a hybrid mixture, as it would 

appear if attached to any historic Biblical name ! The essence of 

the incongruity in this matter lies in the conversion of Yoruba 

names into a surname or family name and it is in this particular 

that the most appalling absurdity occurs. Thus some retain 

their own Yoruba name as a family name to the exclusion of their 

father's. Others use their father's name as a surname and suppress 

their own native name or use it as a middle name. Some adopt 

a brother's name as a family name if he is considered more eminent, 

thus excluding the father's name and suppressing their own. 

Some use the father's " Amutorunwa" as Taiwo, Idowu, Ige. 

Some use the father's " Abiso " as Adejumo Layode, etc. Some 

use the father's Oriki as Akawo, Alade, Ajasa, some use the 

father's title as Apena, Dawodu, Mogaji, etc. All this in order — 

as is alleged — to make the individual distinctive but as a matter 

of fact to make the Yoruba conform to the English method, 

YORUBA NAMES 89 

because that is considered more civilized ! Some ridiculous results 

have thereby been obtained e.g. a woman is called Mrs. Taiwo, 

who was not twin-born, and probably her husband was not either, 

but it may be his father or his uncle ! One fails to see how that 

system makes her distinctive among thousands of Taiwos in the 

land whilst it is so inappropriate. 

A man was called Babarimisa because he was a posthumous 

child ; on his becoming " civilized " his children according to the 

English system of transmitting names became so many masters 

and misses " Babarimisas " with himself alive I And yet these 

absurdities are supposed to be necessary to Christianity and 

civilization ! But when we remember that the fathers of western 

civilization, as also the founders of Christianity with the early 

Christians and martyrs have transmitted their names down to 

history in a simple form as Yoruba names, it becomes evident 

that the present method is not essential to Christianity or 

civihzation. 

And even now, we know that the familiar English method 

does not prevail all over Europe, not even all over Britain, for 

in the north of Scotland, it is usual for married women to retain 

their maiden names, and children take their father's Christian names 

for their own surnames, and yet, not only are the Scotch a highly 

civilized people, they are also intensely Christian. From all this 

we may learn that it is not necessary to do violence to an original 

language as the Yoruba in order to be considered civilized or 

Christian. Whatever incongruities may have been perpetrated 

in the past, it behoves those who are responsible for the keeping 

of the language in its purity to cease from inflicting these anomalies 

on those brought under their influence, especially among converts 

to Christianity. 

Neither Christianity nor civilization requires a man's name to be 

given to his wife or children, considering the purpose for which 

children are named amongst the Yorubas. 

On the coast, the corruption of the Yoruba language is pro- 

ceeding at a rapid pace. What began with the names is now extend- 

ing to phrases and expressions which are idiomatic English in 

Yoruba words. The writer thinks it will require a strong effort 

to preserve the Yoruba language in its purity. 

Chapter VI 

YORUBA TOWNS AND VILLAGES 

W

YORUBA TOWNS AND VILLAGES 

All Yoruba towns with very few exceptions are built on one 

uniform plan, and the origin of most of them is more or less the 

same, and all have certain identical features. A cluster of huts 

around the farmstead of an enterprising farmer may be the starting 

point : perhaps a halting place for refreshments in a long line 

of march between two towns. In any case it is one individual 

that first attracts others to the spot ; if the site be on the highway 

to a large town, or in a caravan route, so much the better ; the 

wives of the farmers ever ready to cater refreshments for wearied 

travellers render the spot in time a recognised halting place : the 

more distant from a town, the more essential it necessarily 

must be as a resting place ; if a popular resort, a market soon 

springs up in the place, into which neighbouring farmers bring 

their wares for sale, and weekly fairs held : market sheds are built 

all over the place and it becomes a sort of caravanserai or sleeping 

place for travellers. 

As soon as houses begin to spring up and a village or hamlet 

formed, the necessity for order and control becomes apparent. 

The men would thereupon assemble at the gate of the principal 

man who has attracted people to the place and formally recognise 

him as the Bale or Mayor of the village (Ht. father of the land) 

and thenceforth the mayoralty becomes perpetuated in his family, 

with a member of the family either the son or the brother or a 

cousin, succeeding in perpetuity. This however is the only 

hereditary title in the village. The house of the Bale becomes the 

official residence, and is thenceforth kept in good repairs by the 

men of the town, and the frontage of his house becomes the 

principal market of the town. 

The Bale having been elected, he in turn appoints his Otun 

(or right hand man), Osi (the left) and other civil officers of a town. 

Even in this early stage, the necessity for defence is felt ; the 

bravest man among them will be chosen as the Jagun or Balogun 

and he in turn picks out his heutenants, so that in any matter 

that may spring up, either civil or mihtary everybody knows his 

duty and whom to look up to. 

The village must necessarily be answerable to the nearest town 

from which it sprang and thus an embryo town is formed. There 

90 

YORUBA TOWNS AND VILLAGES 9I 

are cases in which an influential personage with a large following 

deliberately built a town, and is from the beginning the recognised 

head of the same. 

In fact if there are but half a dozen huts in the place, that of 

the headman or embryo Bale would be recognised. 

From this we see how it is that the principal market of the town 

is always in the centre of the town and in the front of the house of 

the chief ruler. This rule is without an exception and hence the 

term Oloja (one having a market) is used as a generic term or title/ 

of all chief rulers of a town be he a King or a Bale. 

Minor chiefs also have smaller markets in front of their houses. 

Market squares as a rule mark out the frontage of a chief or a 

distinguished man, and the principal entrance to his compound 

is marked out by its having a street verandah added to it right 

and left, and if a King two or more kobis are added to the street 

verandah. The larger the town, the larger the principal market 

to which everyone resorts for morning and evening marketings 

and is the general rendezvous of the town on every national or 

municipal occasion. It is planted all over with shady trees for 

sellers and loungers of an evening. The central market also 

contains the principal mosque of the town, and the fetish temple 

of the chief ruler, if he be a pagan. 

Every town is walled, deep trenches are dug all round it outside, 

the more exposed to attack the more substantial the wall and 

for the greater security of smaller towns a bush or thicket called 

Igbo He (home forest) is kept, about half to one mile from the 

walls right round the town. This forms a security against a sudden 

cavalry attack, and a safe ambush for defence, as well as hiding 

places in a defeat or sudden hostile irruption. The tall trees in 

them are sometimes used as a watch tower to observe the move- 

ments of the enemy : except in tim.es of profound peace, it is penal 

to cut trees in the home forest. Highways are made through them 

straight to the town gate, and are always kept in excellent repair. 

Towns in the plain that are greatly exposed to sudden attacks, or 

those that have had to stand long sieges have a second or outer wall 

enclosing a large area which is used for farming during a siege. 

This wall is called " Odi Amola " (wall of safety), sometimes it 

is called " Odi Amonu " (wall of ruin) as the wall has been to them 

the means of safety, or has been unavailing for its purpose. 

The town gates are always massive and a gateman lives in a 

house adjoining the town wall, he collects the tolls from passers by. 

Market people have a fixed amount to pay, varying from 40 to 

200 cowries, and farm people contribute a trifle from whatever 

they are bringing home, a head or two of corn, a handful of beans, 

YORUBA TOWNS AND VILLAGES 9I 

are cases in which an influential personage with a large following 

deliberately built a town, and is from the beginning the recognised 

head of the same. 

In fact if there are but half a dozen huts in the place, that of 

the headman or embryo Bale would be recognised. 

From this we see how it is that the principal market of the town 

is always in the centre of the town and in the front of the house of 

the chief ruler. This rule is without an exception and hence the 

term Oloja (one having a market) is used as a generic term or title/ 

of all chief rulers of a town be he a King or a Bale. 

Minor chiefs also have smaller markets in front of their houses. 

Market squares as a rule mark out the frontage of a chief or a 

distinguished man, and the principal entrance to his compound 

is marked out by its having a street verandah added to it right 

and left, and if a King two or more kobis are added to the street 

verandah. The larger the town, the larger the principal market 

to which everyone resorts for morning and evening marketings 

and is the general rendezvous of the town on every national or 

municipal occasion. It is planted all over with shady trees for 

sellers and loungers of an evening. The central market also 

contains the principal mosque of the town, and the fetish temple 

of the chief ruler, if he be a pagan. 

Every town is walled, deep trenches are dug all round it outside, 

the more exposed to attack the more substantial the wall and 

for the greater security of smaller towns a bush or thicket called 

Igbo He (home forest) is kept, about half to one mile from the 

walls right round the town. This forms a security against a sudden 

cavalry attack, and a safe ambush for defence, as well as hiding 

places in a defeat or sudden hostile irruption. The tall trees in 

them are sometimes used as a watch tower to observe the move- 

ments of the enemy : except in tim.es of profound peace, it is penal 

to cut trees in the home forest. Highways are made through them 

straight to the town gate, and are always kept in excellent repair. 

Towns in the plain that are greatly exposed to sudden attacks, or 

those that have had to stand long sieges have a second or outer wall 

enclosing a large area which is used for farming during a siege. 

This wall is called " Odi Amola " (wall of safety), sometimes it 

is called " Odi Amonu " (wall of ruin) as the wall has been to them 

the means of safety, or has been unavailing for its purpose. 

The town gates are always massive and a gateman lives in a 

house adjoining the town wall, he collects the tolls from passers by. 

Market people have a fixed amount to pay, varying from 40 to 

200 cowries, and farm people contribute a trifle from whatever 

they are bringing home, a head or two of corn, a handful of beans, 

92 THE HISTORY OF THE YORUBAS 

a yam or two, a few dry sticks and so forth, for his sustenance, 

r' The gates are named after the most important town they lead to. 

^ Each of these gates is in charge of a chief who is responsible to the 

town for whatever may occur there or along the route to which it 

leads right on to the frontier, also for keeping the walls of that 

part in good repairs, as well as the highway leading out of the town. 

This chief it is who is to put his servant there for collecting tolls, 

the amount to be collected from each person being fixed by the Town 

Council. This servant is expected to pay to his master a certain 

sum every 9 or 18 days, being the average of what the gate yields. 

Whatever surplus there may be in a brisk season, he appropriates 

to himself or if there is a deficit, he is expected to make it good. 

In Yoruba Proper (including the Egbas) streets are not properly 

made or named except large thoroughfares leading to town gates, 

and the squares and markets of chiefs. 

It does not appear that any care is ever taken to choose the site 

of a town, as the neighbourhood of large streams : wells are 

sunk by individuals to supply drinking water. The streams that 

may be flowing through the town are fouled beyond degree, and 

are by no means fit for drinking purposes. For keeping the town 

clean every compound looks after its own frontage and surround- 

ings, in the market place every seller sweeps the space around her 

stall. 

The system of sanitary arrangements is the most primitive 

imaginable ; near every large thoroughfare or a market place is 

a spot selected as a dust heap for the disposal of all sorts of refuse 

and sweepings of the neighbourhood, and at intervals, fire is set 

to the pile of rubbish. 

Here and there about the town are found leafy groves, usually 

clumps of fignut trees, the neighbourhood of which is unsavoury 

from the disposal of sewage. These sites are always infested by 

crowds of those keen-scented scavengers of nature, the hungry - 

looking vultures. Important chiefs have a large area of land 

enclosed within their compounds within which spots are selected 

for sanitary purposes. 

Every chief is responsible to the town council for the quarter of 

the town in which he resides. 

When a town has grown up to the town wall, the town council 

has to determine the amount of area to be taken in, and a new wall 

is built enclosing such area. The whole of the town participates 

in the work, even women and children also are engaged in fetching 

water to mix the swish and in providing refreshments for the men- 

folk ; the streets of the area simply follow the old line of the 

foot paths to the farms now enclosed within the town. 

YORUBA TOWNS AND VILLAGES 93 

It must strike the most casual observer who has travelled over 

the Yoruba country that those portions of the country which are 

supposed to be more backward in intelligence viz. the Ijesa, Ekiti, If e 

andother provinceshave betterstreets than themoreintelhgentones. 

Old men attribute this fact to the effect of the intertribal wars. E.g. 

in the case of Abeokuta, however well laid may have been the 

streets of the original farm villas, when the refugees began to flock 

in, attention could scarcely be paid to the ahgnment of the houses 

each one simply tried to find out the whereabouts of the members 

of his township, and thus they grouped themselves by their famihes 

in every available space around the chief of their town. 

The same may be said of all the towns of Yoruba proper which 

have suffered from the vicissitudes of war. In later years the 

.people seem to have lost altogether the art of laying out and naming 

streets as is the case in Ijesa and Ekiti towns. 

Roads. — ^Before the period of the revolutionary and intertribal 

wars, the bulk of the Yoruba people Hved in the towns of the plain, 

the towns in forest lands were small and unimportant, except the 

city of Owu, all below this being regarded as in the outskirts. 

Roads at that time were comparatively good. The country being 

flat was interspersed with hundreds of towns and villages, the 

inhabitants of which enjoyed the blessings of peace, and the 

fruits of their industry. Good roads were then made from one 

town to another, and were annually repaired at the time of the 

drummers' and Egugun festivals. They were wide enough for the 

easy progress of the company of dancers at these festivals and also 

for nuptial processions. 

But they are now neglected not only that they may impede the 

easy advance of invaders, but also to aid the concealment of the 

panic-stricken inhabitants, who at the first alarm disappear at 

once in the bushes surrounding their towns and villages. 

§ 2 Peculiar Yoruba Towns 

There are some important towns which form exceptions to some 

of the rules above given ; in their case the cause is due to intertribal 

and the revolutionary wars as we shall find in detail in the second 

part of this book. 

I. Abeokuta. — This large town is a conglomeration of villages, 

to the number of 153 with Ake as the chief. Each township (as they 

are called) has its own organization. Ake can scarcely be said 

to have any authority over them in their own local affairs, except 

such authority as is granted by the Principal Chiefs or " Ogbonis " 

who form the chief political organization. Hence we see that there 

is not one central market for the town as such, in the frontage of 

94 THE HISTORY OF THE YORUBAS 

the chief ruler. There may be several Baloguns or Serikis, there 

are at least four kinglings, and several Ogboni houses, each section 

being jealous of its liberty and tenacious of its rights. Abeokuta 

in short was never organized as a single town : its pecuhar pohtical 

organization should be the subject of another chapter. 

Ibadan. — This town was originally a small Egba village around 

the site of the central market, but occupied by a portion of the 

army that destroyed the city of Owu and devastated the Egba 

villages. After the withdrawal of the Egbas into Abeokuta, the 

motley crowd forming the army settled at Ibadan. Ibadan has 

since been the mihtary encampment of Yoruba; the titles, order of 

precedence, etc. are chiefly military. For that reason there is 

not one family in which the title of Bale is hereditary and no official 

residence for the Bale. The Bale is always chosen from old 

retired war-chiefs, always by sufferance of the Balogun, who has 

equal authority and more real power. But when the Balogun has 

become old and has already won his laurels, he is expected to be the 

next Bale. A young Balogun with his future to make yields the 

mayoralty to an older chief, usually the Otun Bale. This is the 

only town where such arrangement exists. Ibadan has no hom.e 

forests. Attempts were made from time to time to form one, but 

always without success through the habit of firing the fields year 

by year at the dry season. They are in no fear of invasion. To be 

in Ibadan is to be in a place of safety. Hence the Ibadans style their 

town " Idi Ibon " i.e. the butt end of the gun ; for the same reason 

also the town walls are very indifferently kept. 

Ilorin. — Ilorin is in one respect different from the other Yoruba 

towns, in that the ruhng powers are aliens to the place. How it 

came about that Ilorin a pure Yoruba town, and one time the third 

city in the kingdom fell into the hands of ahens and to this day 

owns allegiance to other than its rightful sovereign, will be told in 

its place ; but to this day the principal market and the chief mosque 

of the town remain still in front of the house of the founder and 

rightful owner of Ilorin. 

These three towns, Abeokuta, Ibadan, and Ilorin are the largest 

towns in the Yoruba country, and probably in West Africa, and the 

three are the outcome of the revolutionary and intertribal wars. 

Chapter VII 

PRINCIPLES OF LAND LAW 

The Land laws of the Yoruba country are simple and effective, 

there being no need of any complicated or elaborate laws, as there 

is enough land for all the members of the various tribes. Whatever 

land is not effectively occupied is for the common benefit of all ; 

no one need own any land which he cannot utihze, except farm land 

left fallow for a short period. 

Theoretically and traditionally we have seen above that 

Yoruba land belongs to the AlAfin of Oyo as the supreme head of 

the race. " The land belongs to the King " has passed into a 

proverb. But it must be understood, that it is not meant that the 

land is the private property of the King, it is only his as representing 

the race, in other words, Yoruba land belongs to the Yoruba people 

and to no other, hence as the Yorubas are split into so many tribes, 

the head of each tribe, as representing the Alafin is the King for 

that tribe, and he holds the land or division of the. country for the 

benefit of the tribe, and even he has no power to alienate it perma- 

nently of his own accord, to an ahen. All lands, therefore, includ- 

ing forests and the plain are owned by some tribe or other, and no 

one belonging to another race or another tribe can make use of 

the land without the permission of the king and chiefs who hold / 

the land for their tribe. Members of the tribe have no difficulty 

at present in obtaining as much land as each requires for agricultural 

purposes in which every one is supposed to be engaged ; with the 

increase of populed ; with the 

increase of population however, it is felt that some difficulties 

will arise in future, but the chiefs can cope with such cases. 

Lands are never sold, but may be granted to outsiders for life, and ^ 

to their heirs in perpetuity ; but where the land so granted had 

been under cultivation, it is understood in every case that the fruit- 

bearing trees, especially the palm trees, and kola-nut trees, etc., on 

the land are not included in the grant ; hence the common 

expression " The grantee is to look down not up," i.e. he is to 

confine his attention to plants he has cultivated and not on fruit- 

bearing trees he met on the spot. 

Land once given is never taken back except under special 

circumstances as treason to the state which renders the grantee 

an outlaw, and he is driven altogether from that state or tribe, 

and his land confiscated. Even when left unutilized, if there 

95 

96 THE HISTORY OF THE YORUBAS 

are marks of occupation on it, such as trees planted, or a wall 

built, etc., it cannot be taken back without the consent of the 

owner. 

There is no subject in which the Yoruba man is more sensitive 

than in that of land. This normally quiet and submissive people 

can be roused into violent action of desperation if once they per- 

ceive that it is intended to deprive them of their land. 

We shall see in the course of this history that the non-ahenation 

of their land forms one of the main conditions of their admitting 

a European officer among them by the Ibadans at the beginning 

of the British Protectorate. 

The forests are under the direct guardianship of the hunters 

who form among themselves a fraternity recognized all over the 

land, subject of course to the town authonties. Any laws, rules, 

or regulations relating to forests that are to be made, must recognize 

the rights, privileges and services of the hunters, especially, as 

it is by them effect can be given to those laws. It is their duty to 

apprize the chiefs of any town, of any spies, expeditions, or raids 

that have that town or its farms for their objective. Crimes 

committed in the forests must be traced, and the authors tracked 

and unearthed by them. Any animal bearing traces or marks of 

their bullets or arrow-wounds must be restored to them. All 

information relating to forests must be given by the hunters to the 

chiefs of the town. 

The forests are free to every member of the tribe for procuring 

building materials, medicinal herbs, firewood, etc. 

Inlieritance. — When a man dies, his farms are inherited by his 

children, and so from father to son in perpetuity, and, Hke the house 

are not subject to sale. If his children are females, they will 

pass on to the male relatives, unless the daughters are capable of 

seeing the farm kept up for their own benefit. If minors, they may 

be worked by their male relatives until the boys are of age to take 

up the keep of the farms. 

No portion of such farms can be ahenated from the family without 

the unanimous consent of all the members thereof. 

These are the simple, fundamental and universal laws appUcable 

to all the tribes in general, but subject to modifications and 

development according to the local exigencies of each place. 

These exigencies may be due to the proximity of large populations, 

and consequently higher value of land, the nature of the land, 

whether forests with economic plants in them or pasture land, and 

the locality whether near the coast where foreign intercourse affects 

local habits, or far inland where the tribes remain in their sim- 

plicity. But in every case the ruling of the local chiefs, and their 

PRINCIPLES AND LAND LAWS 97 

councillors must necessarily be the law for that tribe since the 

fundamental laws are not violated. 

None but citizens born or naturalized can own land permanently 

in this country. Land granted to foreigners for a specific purpose 

reverts to the owner or the state on the grantee leaving the country. 

These are the general laws, to be observed rather in the spirit 

than in the letter. 

Chapter VIII 

MANNERS AND CUSTOMS 

§ {a) Social Polity 

The ancient Yorubas were very simple in their manners, their 

tastes, and habits. Their houses all on the ground floor are built 

in compounds called Agbo He (lit. a flock of houses), that is to say 

in the form of a hollow square, horse shoe or a circle, enclosing 

a large central area, with one principal gateway the house being 

divided into compartments to hold several families, all more or less 

related or united by ties of kinship, or friendship. One piazza 

runs right round the whole, and is used for all ordinary purposes 

by day, and for the reception of visitors. The central area is 

used in common by all the inmates for general purposes ; usually 

horses, sheep and goats are found tethered in it. 

The compartment of the head of the house is usually opposite 

the main gateway or a httle to the right. It is larger, the roof 

1 loftier and the piazza more spacious than the rest. Here the master 

\ is expected to be found at all times (during visiting hours) by a 

1 doorway which leads to his harem at the back of the house. This 

J particular doorway is known as where the master " shows his face " 

\ (for the reception of visitors) ; it is an essential adjunct to the 

/ houses of chiefs or important personages, being used for no other 

Vvpurpose, for at all other times it is kept closed. A high wall often 

encloses a garden attached to the back of the building, the space 

enclosed is always in proportion to the size of the house, the rank, 

and the means of the owner. The houses of great men contain 

smaller compounds at the back attached to the main compound, 

these are called Kara or retiring quarters, each devoted to some 

purpose from a harem to stables for horses. 

The houses of chiefs are distinguished by a " street verandah " 

(as it is called) on either side the main gateway on the outside, 

varying in length according to the taste and capacity of the owner ; 

the roof of which is an extension or projection of that of the main 

building. It is used for lounging in the afternoons, at the cool 

of the day. A small market is almost always to be found at the 

frontage of such houses. The walls of the houses rising from 7 to 

8 feet in height are built of mud, the roof consequently is low, and 

is covered with a tall grass called Bere or with Sege or Ekan. In 

forest lands where these are not obtainable, a kind of broad leaf 

98 

MANNERS AND CUSTOMS 99 

called Gb6d6gi is used instead. The houses are without any decor- 

ations ; the walls are plastered and polished with black and 

sometimes red earth by the women whose work it generally is. 

The houses of Kings and Princes are embellished with a sort of 

wash which is a decoction made from the skin of the locust 

fruit. 

Now and then attempts are found at artistic decorations, by 

figures traced on the wall ; but more commonly the front posts of 

the verandah consist of carved figures of various kinds, equestrians 

swordsmen, hawkers, etc. The floor is generally rubbed and 

polished once a week. 

The household furniture consists chiefly of cooking utensils, 

waterpots, and a mortar with pestles, all of which are deposited in 

the front and back piazzas of the house. 

The use of bedsteads, tables and chairs being unknown, they 

squat or lie on mats instead. In modern times those who can 

afford it keep a few chairs for the accommodation of visitors in 

European garb, who find it difficult or are unaccustomed to squat 

on the ground. It is not unusual to find skins of buffaloes, leopard,"") 

lion, or a large bullock hung up on the walls of the front piazza t 

which are taken down for distinguished visitors to sit on. ^ 

All their valuables are kept in pots or bags made of bamboo 

fibres, and placed in one corner of the sleeping room, so that in all 

cases of alarm, whether of fire, or night attack by robbers or slave- 

hunters, everything of value is soon taken away to a place of 

safety whenever possible. 

As all the houses are invariably built with mud ceilings which 

are themselves fire-proof, the losses in cases of fire are small, and 

of hardly any account, especially if the doors are kept rigidly 

closed. The property of the women consists chiefly of cloths, 

beads, with goats, sheep and poultry, these usually form a sub- 

stantial part of their " dowry." 

The head of the compound's principal wife is the mistress of 1 

the compound, as himself is the master, and all heads of the / 

several families within the compound are bound to pay their \_ 

respects to them the first thing every morning, the men prostrating 

on the ground, and the women sitting on the ground and reclining 

on their left elbow. 

100 THE HISTORY OF THE YORUBAS 

r~ Before Kings and great rulers, for a show of homage, they run 

y to the porch of the house and back three times, throwing dust on 

/their head or roll on the ground]. 

They are chiefs in their respective domains, where they transact 

all business affecting the welfare or interest of the people in their 

respective households. All important cases are judged and 

decided in the master's piazza, and he is responsible to the town 

authorities for the conduct of the inmates of his compound ; hence 

the saying: — "Bale ni gloran awo " (the master of the house 

must be privy to all secrets). His word is law, and his authority 

indisputable within his compound, hence also another saying, 

" Ob^ ti Bale ile ki ij§ lyale ile ki ise e " (the sauce which the 

master of the house cannot eat or which is unpalatable to him, 

the mistress of the house must not cook), which when applied 

simply means that no one should go contrary to the wishes of the 

master of the house. 

To this high authority belongs a leg of whatever is slaughtered 

in the compound, from a chicken to a bullock ; whether killed for 

sacrifice, or for a festival, or for any other purpose of whatever kind. 

At the death of the master of the house, when the period of 

mourning is over, his successor be it his son, or his brother or 

cousin as the case may be, removes from his own compartment 

into that of the master. He is installed into his place by his feudal 

lord, or in case the deceased be a public man, by the Town Council, 

with a title that attaches him to one of the senior chiefs. But 

before the ceremony can take place, the roof over the late master's 

compartment (be it old or recent) is taken down and rebuilt afresh ; 

hence the term for a successor, Arole i.e. one who roofs the house. 

Personal Appearance. — In early times very little regard was 

paid to personal appearance. Boys and girls up to the age of 8 

years walked about in puris naturalihus ; from that period up to 

the age of puberty they were allowed the use of aprons, the cut and 

shape for either sex being different, the one from the other, that 

for boys being called hante, that for girls tdhi. The whole period 

was regarded as one of unencumbered freedom which ceases with 

the act of marriage. It was not an uncommon thing to find girls 

of the age of 15 when engaged in hard work whether at home or 

in the farm with absolutely nothing on,' and even their mothers 

on such occasions were but scantily clothed. This custom, how- 

ever, excepting among some tribes as Ijgsa and Efon has completely 

died out. The extreme poverty of the people in those early times 

was probably the chief cause of such disregard of personal attire. 

In modem times better attention is paid to their outward appear- 

ance, and although from the standpoint of an enlightened civiliz- 

[This is the ordinary mode of saluting a superior in this country; ") 

but when greater respect is to be shown, or pardon asked for some 

offence committed, the men while prostrating lay the right and 

left cheek alternately on the ground, and the women wrap their 

cloth lower down, loose their head tie, and recline alternately on 

the right as well as on the left elbow. 

J 

\ 

100 THE HISTORY OF THE YORUBAS 

r~ Before Kings and great rulers, for a show of homage, they run 

y to the porch of the house and back three times, throwing dust on 

/their head or roll on the ground]. 

They are chiefs in their respective domains, where they transact 

all business affecting the welfare or interest of the people in their 

respective households. All important cases are judged and 

decided in the master's piazza, and he is responsible to the town 

authorities for the conduct of the inmates of his compound ; hence 

the saying: — "Bale ni gloran awo " (the master of the house 

must be privy to all secrets). His word is law, and his authority 

indisputable within his compound, hence also another saying, 

" Ob^ ti Bale ile ki ij§ lyale ile ki ise e " (the sauce which the 

master of the house cannot eat or which is unpalatable to him, 

the mistress of the house must not cook), which when applied 

simply means that no one should go contrary to the wishes of the 

master of the house. 

To this high authority belongs a leg of whatever is slaughtered 

in the compound, from a chicken to a bullock ; whether killed for 

sacrifice, or for a festival, or for any other purpose of whatever kind. 

At the death of the master of the house, when the period of 

mourning is over, his successor be it his son, or his brother or 

cousin as the case may be, removes from his own compartment 

into that of the master. He is installed into his place by his feudal 

lord, or in case the deceased be a public man, by the Town Council, 

with a title that attaches him to one of the senior chiefs. But 

before the ceremony can take place, the roof over the late master's 

compartment (be it old or recent) is taken down and rebuilt afresh ; 

hence the term for a successor, Arole i.e. one who roofs the house. 

Personal Appearance. — In early times very little regard was 

paid to personal appearance. Boys and girls up to the age of 8 

years walked about in puris naturalihus ; from that period up to 

the age of puberty they were allowed the use of aprons, the cut and 

shape for either sex being different, the one from the other, that 

for boys being called hante, that for girls tdhi. The whole period 

was regarded as one of unencumbered freedom which ceases with 

the act of marriage. It was not an uncommon thing to find girls 

of the age of 15 when engaged in hard work whether at home or 

in the farm with absolutely nothing on,' and even their mothers 

on such occasions were but scantily clothed. This custom, how- 

ever, excepting among some tribes as Ijgsa and Efon has completely 

died out. The extreme poverty of the people in those early times 

was probably the chief cause of such disregard of personal attire. 

In modem times better attention is paid to their outward appear- 

ance, and although from the standpoint of an enlightened civiliz- 

MANNERS AND CUSTOMS lOI 

ation there may be much to be desired still among the ordinary 

class of people, yet on the whole, especially amongst the well-to-do, 

the Yorubas dress very decently and becomingly as compared with 

former generations of the same people. 

Great regard, however, has always been paid to personal 

cleanliness, and for this the tribe is specially remarkable. The 

word Qbitn (filthy) as applied to a person carries with it such a 

feeling of disgust which beggars description. The men are always 

shaved and hence, when one appears unshaven, unwashed, and with 

filthy garments on, you may safely conclude that he is mourning, 

for these are the signs of it. Children and youths are either 

entirely shaved or a strip of hair running from the forehead to the 

occiput along the top of the head is left which is sometimes made 

into circular patches. As it is considered decent and cleanly 

for men to carry their heads bald so on the contrary " the hair is 

the glory of the woman," and much attention is paid to it. Wom.en 

have their hair done up in all sorts of ways dictated by their usual 

vanity; the unmarried ones are distinguished by their hair being 

plaited into small strips (from 8 to 14) from the right to the left 

ear, the smaller and more numerous the plaited strips the more 

admired. Married women on the other hand adopt other forms of 

plaiting ; usually they commence on both sides and finish up in 

the middle in a sort of net-work running from the forehead to the 

occiput ; ornamental forms are adopted by some, such as stuffing 

the hair in the middle of the head after being gathered from all 

sides ; and others again as the Ijebus finish up theirs in the shape 

of a pair of horns. 

Character. — As regards the social virtues, the ancient Oygs or 

Yorubas proper were very virtuous, loving and kind. Theft was 

rare as also fornication in spite of the scantiness or often times 

complete absence of clothing to which they were accustomed. 

Friendship was more sincere. Children were more dutiful to their 

parents, and inferiors respectful to their superiors in age or position. 

Liars were formerly punished by exclusion from society and from 

the clubs ; but as the whole people took dehght in ambiguous 

forms of speech which were not understood by those unaccustomed 

to their habits they were regarded and spoken of as prevaricators. 

Now, as formerly they are remarkably patient of injuries, and 

would never resist or retaliate except in extreme cases when 

provocation became insupportable. They are characteristically 

unassuming in their manners and submissive to their superiors. 

They are very shrewd in driving bargains, and hence foreigners 

speak of them as " African Jews " in reference to their commercial 

instincts. 

102 THE HISTORY OF THE YORUBAS 

No nation is more remarkable for cautiousness and for putting 

themselves generally on the safe side. When powerless they would 

submit to oppression and wrong to any extent so long as they find 

resistance useless ; but when an opportunity offers for asserting 

their rights and overthrowing their oppressors, they are never 

slow to embrace it. The common proverb embodies this trait 

in their character : — " Bi owo eni ko te ekii ida a ki ibere iku ti o 

pa baba eni," i.e., if one has not grasped the handle of his sword 

he should not attempt to avenge the death of his father. 

Intercourse with other nations has caused various forms of 

vice to creep in among modern Yorubas or Oyos ; their natural 

timidity and submissive spirit have produced a degeneracy of 

manners so as to be considered essentially lacking in straightfor- 

wardness ; they can effect by diplomacy what they cannot 

accompHsh by force, in which proceeding the Oygs differ widely 

from the other tribes, some of whom are characterised by a proud 

and intractable spirit, but they are no less determined in carrying 

out their object although the means used to effect their purpose 

is essentially different. 

Yorubas as a whole are social, polite, and proverbially hospit- 

able. Licentiousness is abhorred. There are well attested cases 

where a member of a family would be condemned to slavery by a 

unanimous vote of all the relatives when he has brought disgrace 

on the family. Sometimes forcible emasculation is resorted to as 

a punishment (as in cases of incest) or total banishment from the 

town and neighbourhood to where the offender is not likely to 

be known. 

A peculiar custom was prevalent amongst the ancient Oyos. 

Young men were permitted to have intimate friends among the 

fair sex, and they were often the guests of each other. At the 

annual festivals the young man and his female friend would meet 

and take an active part in the ceremonies, and render pecuniary 

services or manual assistance to each other. At the time of harvest 

the female friend with the full consent of her parents would go 

for about a week or a fortnight to assist her male friend in bringing 

home his harvest while he himself may be engaged on his father's 

farm. Yet notwithstanding so much mutual intercourse strict 

chastity was the rule not the exception. The practice, however, 

has long been discontinued, owing to the degeneracy of the present 

age. 

Filial Duties. — It was the duty of every male child to serve 

his father although he might be married and have a family of his 

own unless he was exonerated from the obhgation by the father 

himself. As a general thing a small portion of farm work was 7

MANNERS AND CUSTOMS I03 

allotted to him as his day's work after attending to which he may go 

and see after his own business. So while serving his father, every 

son had his own private farm also to manage ; and it was on his 

own portion of land that the female friend used to render assistance 

in time of harvest. 

All married women were also engaged in their husband's farm 

and the harmony that usually prevailed between them and the 

young people was very remarkable. 

Young men were not allowed to marry until they could give 

their father 10 heads of cowries, equal in those days to ;^io sterling. 

They were seldom married before the age of 30 and the young 

women, not before 20. Promiscuous rnarriages were not allowed, 

freeborn must be married to freeborn, slaves to slaves, and 

foreigners to foreigners. Except amongst the Igbonas consan- 

guineous affinity however remote was not allowed. 

Privileges of the Great. — Kings and nobles who kept harems 

were exempted from this rule of affinity ; they were at liberty to 

multiply wives from any tribe, and these wives might be of any 

condition of life. It was the pride of Kings to fill their harems 

with women of every description, such as foreign women, slaves, 

hostages, daughters of criminals given as the price of redemption, 

or seized in confiscations ; dwarfs, albinoes, hunch-backs, and any 

other in whose persons there should appear any signs of lustis 

naturcB. Such beings, being considered unnatural, were the King's 

peculiar property. Hence the saying " Oba ni ije ^rg" (it is Kings 

who are to feed on the uncommon). 

104 

THE HISTORY OF THE YORUBAS 

OYO MARKS 

/idq/a //? je^ ^//?ree 

/ii?q/<7//7se/j gf/oi/r 

/ar/affb/7j ^fAe/\dq/a 

Ae/re or Gp/rpdg Ae/re orOo/??^ 

Pe/e 

Ture 

OWU MARKS 

Ada/a O/otve/ 

Ae/re O/om/ 

MANNERS AND CUSTOMS 

io5 

EGBA MARKS 

JEBU MARKS 

FE MARKS 

IJESHA MARKS EFON MARKS 

) 'I \ 'I 

IGBOMNA MARKS YAGBA MARKS 

ON DO MARKS 

I06 THE HISTORY OF THE YORUBAS 

§ {b) Facial Marks. 

The facial marks are for the purpose of distinguishing the 

various Yoruba families. Of these, only those of the principal 

ones can be indicated. They are designated : — (a) Abaja, (b) 

Keke or Gombo, (c) Ture, (d) Pele, {e) Mande and (/) Jamgbadi. 

I. The Oyo marks are : — The Abaja, Keke or Gombo, 

Ture. 

{a) The Abaja are sets of three or four parallel and horizontal 

lines on each cheek ; they may be single or double, each line 

being from half-an-inch to one inch long. 

Lines in sets of three : — 

~ ~ or ~ 

The double sets are those of the Royal Family' of Oyo the 

single that of the older line of Basoruns. 

Lines in sets of four : — 

^11 or = 

These marks distinguish some noble families of Oyo. 

Variations of these marks are made by adding three perpendi- 

cular lines to them as a family distinction thus : — 

iU _ or LU 

The latter of these is common amongst the Ibolos and Epos. 

{b) The Kek^ or Gombo consists of four or five perpendicular 

and horizontal lines placed angularly on each cheek ; they 

occupy the whole space between the auricle and the cheek bone ; 

three small perpendiculars are also placed on the horizontal 

lines on both cheeks thus : — 

1 Besides the above, broad ribbon marks termed Eyo drawn 

along the whole length of the arms and legs are distinctive of the 

Royal Family of Oyo. For whereas homeborn slaves and others 

closely related to Royalty may have the facial marks distinctive 

of the house to which they belong, the Eyo marks are reserved 

strictly for those actually of Royal blood. 

MANNERS AND CUSTOMS 

107 

A variation of this is sometimes made by adding on the left 

cheek the Ibamu i.e. a line running aslant from the bridge of the 

nose to the horizontal lines. This also is for the purpose of distin- 

guishing a family. 

\ 

When the lines are rather bold, the mark is termed Keke, 

when fine and faint it is termed Gombo. The K^ke or Ggmbg 

is a common mark of all Qyos and of the Egbado tribe. 

(c) The Ture consists of four perpendicular lines somewhat like 

the Gombo, but longer, with the three small perpendiculars 

but without the horizontals. 

,.,l ! 

{d) The Pele are three short perpendicular lines over the cheek 

bones, each about an inch long. They are not distinctive 

of any particular family, but are used generally by some men 

who disapprove of tribal distinctions, usually Moslems, but are 

loth to remain plain-faced, e.g. 

{e) (/) The Mande and Jamgbadi are no longer in use ; the 

latter is said to be distinctive of aliens naturalized amongst 

Yorubas. 

These are the principal facial marks. The other principal 

Yoruba families are distinguished by a slight variation of these 

marks : — 

II. Egba marks: — The Abaja dr6 i.e. the upright Abaja 

is distinctive of the Egbas. They consist of three perpendicular 

lines each about 3 inches long on each cheek. The younger 

generations, however, have their lines rather faint or of shorter 

lengths undistinguishable from the Pele. 

III. The Egbado marks are the same as the Oyo marks 

generally as this family remained in close connection with Oyo 

and in their allegiance to the Alafiin long after the break-up of the 

kingdom, and the establishment of tribal independence. 

THE HISTORY OF THE YORUBAS 

IV. Owu marks. These are of two kinds, both being 

variations of Oyo marks. They are: — (a) Ahaja Olowu and 

{b) Keke Olowu. 

(a) The Abaja Olowu are three horizontal lines surmounted 

by three perpendiculars each about one and a-half inches long. 

(b) The Keke Olowu is like the Keke or Gombo with the lines 

discrete or interrupted. 

V. Ijgbu marks are also of two kinds (a) the first is much like 

the A baja Olowu (the tribe from which they are partly descended) 

but with the horizontals curved. 

(b) The other is the Abaja Oro of the Egbas. The former is 

more distinctive of Ij§bus. 

VI. If§ marks are three horizontal lines like those of the 

original Basgrun's marks, each being shorter, about half-inch 

long. Otherwise Ifes are usually plain faced. 

VII. The Ondos and Idokos have only one bold line or 

rather a gash about one and a half inches to two inches long over 

each malar bone. 

VIlI. The Ijesas as a rule have no distinctive marks ; they 

are mostly plain-faced ; some families, however, are dis- 

tinguished by having on each cheek 5 or 6 horizontal lines. 

They are closely drawn, and much longer than any Oyo mark, 

e.g. 

Amongst the Efons an Ekiti family, the lines are so many 

MANNERS AND CUSTOMS lOQ 

and so closely drawn that the whole together form a dark patch 

on each cheek, e.g. 

IX. The Yagbas are the most north-easterly tribes of 

Yoruba ; they are distinguished by three long lines on each 

cheek, far apart behind, but converging to a point at the angle 

of the mouth, e.g. 

X. The Igbominas are by some classed with Qyos, and by 

others with Ekitis. It will, perhaps, be more correct to say they 

are Oyos with Ekiti sympathies. They occupy a midway 

position between the two ; and so their facial marks are parallel 

like those of Qyos, but long and far apart like those of Yagbas, 

yet not convergent in front e.g. 

On the whole, speaking generally, the finer and more closely 

drawn lines, are more elegant than the same drawn bold, and 

too far apart. 

We may note how each of the principal marks is indicated 

by a different verb signifying "to mark": — 

To be marked with the Pele is O kQ Pele 

„ „ „ Abaja ,, O hu Abaja 

Keke ,, O ja Kekg 

,, ,, ,, Gombo ,, O iva Gombo 

§(c) Diet 

The diet of the common people is plain but substantial. The 

morning meal is a kind of gruel made from corn flour (maize or 

guinea corn) and taken between 7 and 8 a.m. with Akara an oily 

cake made of beans, ground and fried. There are no fixed hours 

for meals. After midday, dinner is served, each family consulting 

its own convenience as to the precise time of eating. Supper is 

taken in the evening generally between 7 and 9 p.m. 

In ancient times pounded yam is served out in a large bowl 

or earthenware vessel, and both the father and his children and 

grandchildren sit around it to partake of the food. Each one dips 

his hand into the dish and takes a morsel in strict order of seniority. 

no THE HISTORY OF THE YORUBAS 

the youngest present acts the part of a servant and waits on his 

seniors ; and whether the food be sufficient or not care was usually 

taken to leave some portion for him. 

The staple articles of diet are yam and yam flour, corn and 

corn flour, beans of various kinds, cassava, sweet potatoes, etc. 

Only the well-to-do can afford to indulge in flesh diet daily, the 

poorer people are mostly vegetarians, except when animals are 

slaughtered for sacrifice they seldom partake of meat ; game, 

however, is plentiful. Dwellers on the coast have a plentiful 

supply of fish. 

Of fruits the principal are : — The shea fruit in the plain, the 

Oro {Irvinga Barter i Hook) in forest lands. The Ori or black 

plum {verbenacea cuneata), locust, bananas, plantains, pawpaws, 

oranges, lime (citron), pine-apples, the well-known kola nut, and 

the bitter kola {garcinia kola-Heckel) , ground nuts {Arachis hypogea) , 

etc. Their drink consists of palm wine, bamboo wine, and beer 

made from the guinea corn or from maize. 

§ {d) Dress 

The Yorubas clothe themselves in loose flowing robes like the 

people of the East, whence indeed they trace their origin. The 

men wear gowns, vests, and a very free and ample kind of trousers 

called S6k6t6. In lieu of the gown sometimes a sheet of cloth 

three yards by two is thrown around the body for a covering, 

passing under the right arm-pit, and overlapping over the left 

shoulder. 

In ancient times the gowns were made very plain and were 

, of purely native manufacture. They were without embroidery 

on the breast and around the neck as at present ; only kings and 

chiefs wore gowns made of superior stuffs richly embroidered. 

The covering for the common people is called Eleg6d^. The 

weavers have a standard of breadths for all home-made cloths. 

Men's coverings are made of 14 breadths, and women's of 10, 

of about 5 inches each. Cloths of wide breadths— say about a 

yard — were first imported from Or6 or Ila in the Igbomina 

province, and were known as Akoko cloths being chiefly the pro- 

duction of Akoko women ; hence the practice spread all over the 

country for women to manufacture broad width cloths, and men 

narrow ones. Formerly only men were weavers and tailors, but 

from intercourse with other nations the women now engage in the 

same craft. 

The vest spoken of above is known as kukumg over which the 

gown or loose cloth is thrown. It is sleeveless and without a collar, 

and open in front ; it may be made of any kind of native stuff. 

i 

^ 

MANNERS AND CUSTOMS HI 

but that which is made of Alari (crimson dye) or of SSmayan 

(rough silk) is the most respectable, as it is at the same time most 

costly. 

Another kind of vest is termed Ewii ; this is much like the former, 

but with sleeves ; it is more commonly used in modern times ; 

in full dress it is often worn under the gown, and is always made of 

white stuff. 

There is another form which seems to be of foreign importation 

used only by big men ; it is- full of pleats below reaching to the 

calves, but the sleeves are very ample and long, about 12 inches 

longer than the arms, very wide at the end. It is called Dandogo, 

and is worn in lieu of the gown. 

Togo is a sleeveless dress like kukumo but smaller and simpler ; 

it is the soldier's dress and is often worn with a turban wrapped 

round for a belt. 

There are three sorts of gowns, the Suliya, Agbada and Girike. 

The Suliya is the smallest, plainest and lightest ; always made 

of white material, it reaches much below the knee, open at the 

sides, with the arm stretched the sleeve would reach as far as the 

wrist, but long and pointed below. The Agbada is a larger form, 

always made of dyed or coloured stuff. It reaches as far as the 

ankles, much embroidered at the neck and breast, open at the 

sides, and quite covers the arms. The Girike is the largest and 

heaviest, it is like the Agbada but more ample ; it is much 

embroidered, reaching also as far as the ankles, and extends 

beyond the arms. 

Trousers (called Sokoto) are made of different shapes and 

lengths, but all are kept round the waist by a strong cord. They 

are worn below the vests. They consist of the following : — 

(a) Ladugbo is the commonest, worn by young and working 

men, it is quite free, but somewhat tight at the knee where it 

terminates. It is now out of fashion. 

(b) Aibopo, also common, worn by all classes. It is free but 

tightened towards the knee where it terminates. 

(c) The Alongo. This is tight throughout, and is not unlike a 

bishop's gaiters. It reaches below the knee, and is used chiefly 

by sportsmen. 

(d) The Kdfo is a tight-legged dress like the Alongo, but reaches 

as far down as the ankles. It is worn by warriors and ruffians 

generally. 

(e) The Ketnbe. This is made like the Aibopo but richly 

embroidered about the legs with threads of crimson dye. This 

is the kind usually worn by nobles and gentlemen. 

(/) The Efa or Abenugbangba. The name (wide-mouthed) well 

112 THE HISTORY OF THE YORUBAS 

describes the nature of the trousers. It is a kind that is very 

free, longer than the Aibopo, is somewhat shaped like European 

trousers, but stops short a little below the knee. 

(g) The Wondo is made entirely like the European trousers. 

Though once fashionable, yet is now entirely out of use. 

{h) The last is the Agadansi. This is adopted from the Nupes, 

by whom it is commonly used. It extends from the waist to 

the ankles ; it is very free throughout save at the ankles where 

it terminates and is heavily embroidered there. It is often made 

of two or three j^ards wide (sometimes more) so that when the feet 

are thrust in at either end, and the cord drawn above, it gathers 

into a large volume between the legs. 

The men's head-gear is usually a cap (Filk) of which there are 

two kinds ; the ordinary filk which is about lo inches long, rather 

close fitting, and is bent upon itself on the top. The turban is 

generally wound round it by Moslems and full-dressed gentlemen. 

The other kind is used generally by young folks, and is called 

Fild Ab'eti i.e. the ear-covering cap. It is shaped like the sector 

of a circle, the pointed ends being used — as its name denotes — for 

covering the ears in cold weather. But when used otherwise the 

pointed ends are tmned fore and aft, the point on the forehead 

being tilted up in a sporting manner to show the under -surface 

prettily done up wth cloths of bright colouring : it is then termed 

Lahankadd. 

Hats made of str

Hats made of straw, and ornamented with coloured leather are 

worn solely for protection from the sun : the crowns are large 

enough to accommodate the turbaned head. 

The women's dress is much simpler, two or three wrappers 

and a head dress or circlet complete their toilet. Unmarried 

women generally use two wrappers, the under wrapper being fixed 

above the breasts. This is made of fine cloth and is heavier. 

The upper is fixed about the middle of the body ; and is made of 

lighter cloth. To these married women add a third, used as a 

shawl, or covering for the head and back. Underneath all these, 

and immediately next the body is worn from the age of puberty 

a short apron or petticoat reaching the knees, and tied round the 

waist with a strong cord or band. This is called T6bi. 

Female headgear consists of a band, of about 6 to lo inches 

wide and 5 feet long (more or less). This is wound twice round 

the head and tucked on one side. It may be of plain cloth 

or costly, as she can afford. Well-to-do ladies use velvet 

cloths. 

Hats are used only as sunshades ; the crown is small for the head 

but the rim is as wide as an open umbrella. 

MANNERS AND CUSTOMS II3 

Camwood to the feet and stibium to the eyelids complete the 

female toilet. 

§ {e) Marriage 

In ancient times the Yorubas were mostly monogamic ; not 

from any enlightened views on the subject however, but rather 

from necessity ; for, although polygamy was not actually forbidden, 

yet only rich folk could avail themselves of indulgence in that 

condition of life. 

Besides, in a community mainly pastoral and agricultural, 

where all were peaceful, and no one engaged in any occupation 

perilous to the lives of its male population e.g. warfare, sea- 

faring, deep mining, etc., where wants were few, and those easily 

satisfied, the young men married as soon as they were of an age to 

support a family, and therefore a superfluous female population 

was hardly ever known. 

The marriage laws and customs have undergone changes brought 

about by intercourse with other peoples, but the chief features in 

them are still preserved. 

Where all things are equal and normal, there are three stages 

to be observed, viz. i. An early intimation. 2, A Formal 

Betrothal. 3, The Marriage. 

1. An early intimation. — It is generally the duty of the female 

members of the family to look out for a wife for their male relative ; 

girls are generally marked out from childhood as intended for a 

particular young man, with or without her knowledge ; this is the 

first stage in the process. Mutual relations at this time are of 

an informal nature ; much depends upon subsequent events, 

especially on the girl's liking for the man when she is of age, and 

the consent of the parents. There are other important factors 

in the matter, but for the former, ways and means are found for 

the girl to make the acquaintance of the future husband. This 

period is also employed in making a close acquaintance with each 

other's family, for before a formal betrothal is made the relatives 

on both sides will first satisfy themselves that the family of the 

other side is free from the taint of any hereditary disease such as 

insanity, epilepsy, leprosy, etc. and also whether they be insolvent 

debtors. As mutual understanding becomes established, presents 

are usually given at the New Year, and at other annual festivals. 

This period will last until the girl is of marriageable age. 

2. The Betrothal, — This is called the " Isihun " or formed consent. 

No girl will marry without the consent of her parents ; and it is 

rare for a girl to refuse the choice of her parents. The family oracles 

are invariably consulted before the final decision is arrived at. 

114 THE HISTORY OF THE YORUBAS 

The ceremony of betrothal is a very important one ; it is 

generally performed in the night, when all the most important 

members of the family on both sides will be at leisure to be present, 

as well as their intimate friends. The young man is to present 

40 large kola nuts, some money, and several pots of beer for the 

entertainment of those present. The kola-nuts have to be split, 

and all present as well as important absentees must have a share 

of them, indicating thereby that they are witnesses of the betrothal. 

From this day, the girl is not to meet her fiance or any member of 

his family without veiling or hiding her face. 

Then follows what is known as the AnS or " dowry." The 

bridegroom-elect has to present to the parents of the intended 

bride, choice kola-nuts, some alligator pepper, and bitter kolas.* 

Also a fine wrapper of good quality, a large covering cloth, 

a head tie, and some money according to his ability. . Well-to-do 

families rarely require more than 10 heads of cowries in these 

days, in earlier times one head was considered ample — only as 

a token. 

Whatever variations may be in these presents, the kola-nuts of 

both kinds and the alhgator pepper are invariable and essential. 

If the girl happens to be doing debtors' service at the time, the 

young man will pay the debt and release her, before the marriage 

can take place. 

This event (the betrothal) is also an occasion of rejoicing, 

feasting, and offering of sacrifices. The parties themselves are 

to carry special propitiatory sacrifices offered to the evil one. 

This is termed " Ebg lyawo " i.e. A bride's sacrifice. 

3. Marriage. (Igbeyawo). — Marriages may be solemnized at 

any time of the year, except during the fasts, but the most usual 

time is after the season of harvest, and following the Egugun 

festival. 

The bride is conducted to her new home always in the night, 

attired in her best with a thin white cloth for a veil, and attended 

by her companions all well clothed, with drums, and singing and 

dancing. The bridal party is met at the entrance gate of the 

bridegroom's compound by a female band of the house specially 

selected for the purpose, and by them the ceremony of washing 

the bride's feet is performed, and then the bride is literally lifted 

and borne into the house. Hence the term for marriage " Gbe 

lyawo " i.e. lifting or carrjdng the bride. She is then conducted 

into the bathroom where she is washed, rubbed down, perfumed, 

' This is really not dowry but symbols of future relationship 

between both families. 

MANNERS AND CUSTOMS II5 

and dressed up afresh, and then conducted into the apartment of 

the head lady of the house. She now becomes the inmate of that 

house for life. 

The bride is usually brought with her idols, and furnished from 

her home with every thing that appertains to the female depart- 

ment of house-keeping, including cooking utensils, brooms, and 

other articles for house use. 

If she gives satisfaction to her husband, and friends, presents 

are sent on the next day to her parents, she herself is covered 

with trinkets (consisting chiefly of corals and other costly beads, 

gold necklaces where they are obtainable, etc.) and the festivities 

continue for at least three days. 

A bride who is found unchaste is rather hardly used and some 

times severely punished to the extent of having her tied^ and 

severely flogged, thus compelling her to name her violator so as 

to have him severely fined. No ornaments are allowed her 

and she may be ordered to perform errands out of doors unveiled, 

the next day, or may be sent out with a pitcher for water ! Other- 

wise, a bride is never seen out

she may be ordered to perform errands out of doors unveiled, 

the next day, or may be sent out with a pitcher for water ! Other- 

wise, a bride is never seen out of doors for 12 months at least 

after her marriage, except closely veiled, and with attendants. 

In the case of Moslems, liturgical forms of ceremonies are per- 

formed by the priest in the house or in the mosque. This is 

termed Isoyigi. Such women alone in former times had the 

privilege of covering their head with a light shawl when out 

of doors ; but the practice has now been extended to all married 

women. 

Widowhood and Remarriage. — Three months is the period of 

mourning in Yoruba, during which time widows remain closely 

indoors ; they may spin, dye, or do any home work, but must do 

nothing that will take them out of doors. Among other signs of 

widowhood is an entire absence of personal attention, they neither 

bathe nor do up their hair, nor change the cloth they had on at 

the time of the husband's death. 

This period over, they are open to offer of marriage from mem.bers 

of the deceased husband's family. Where there are several 

women, the heir (usually the eldest son or younger brother) who 

succeeds to the headship of the house, usually inherits the majority 

of the women, except of course his own mother. The custom 

is for each man to send his chewing stick (tooth brush) round to 

the woman of his choice, she is expected modestly to decline 

' This gave rise to the proverb " Tani de o ti o nka oko " i.e. 

who has tied you that you begin to name a violator ? The equiva- 

lent of Qui s'excuse s'accuse. 

Il6 THE HISTORY OF THE YORUBAS 

it once or twice ; but if she refused it the third time, the refusal 

is taken as final. 

The following peculiarities mark Yoruba wedded life : — 

1. Women are never really married twice ; they may be inherited 

as widows, or taken for a wife outside the late husband's family, 

but the marriage ceremony is never gone over again under any 

circumstances. 

2. Once married they are attached for ever to the house and 

family of their deceased husbands ; hence it is more usual for widows 

to choose another husband from the same family. 

3. No woman is without a husband, except in extreme old age, 

but every woman must in any case have a male protector who is 

responsible for her. 

4. Divorce is very rare ; so rare as to be practically considered 

X as non-existing. It is by no means easily obtained especially 

when there are children of the union. 

The causes that may lead to a divorce are : — Adultery with the 

husband's blood relation, kleptomania, repeated insolvency, 

especially such as may bring trouble to the house. A woman 

may apply for a divorce for extreme cruelty, which can be testified 

to, and ill-usage. 

But these causes notwithstanding a divorce is never granted by 

the rulers of the town until all possible means of reclamation have 

been exhausted. 

5. A woman divorced from her husband can never be married, 

or taken up legally by another man ; hence the saying A ki isu 

opo alkye (no one can inherit the relict oi a living man). 

Under purely Native Government the above rules still hold 

good. 

Other Recognized Forms of Marriage 

There are cases in which all the above forms and ceremonies are 

not gone through, and yet the woman is regarded as the lawful 

wife of the man of her choice. Mutual consent is the only thing 

indispensable. Of such cases, some may be girls who when of 

age, will not accept the man chosen for them from childhood, 

except one of their own choice. Some may be widows who failed 

to be mated at the house of her late husband. Some may be 

slaves who have redeemed themselves, or a captive of war, or 

one bought to be made a wife of. In all such cases, the woman's 

free consent, and the recognition of her by the members of the 

man's family, are all that is required for her to be regarded as the 

man's lawful wife. 

There is a third form of marriage which is more common

There is a third form of marriage which is more common among 

MANNERS AND CUSTOMS II7 

Moslems of modern times. In such cases, it is not usual to 

mark out a husband for the girls from childhood ; but when 

they are of age, the father, seeing a young man he delights in, or 

an elderly man with whom he desires to form a connection, if he 

expresses himself willing to accept the gift, the father after a very 

short notice will order his daughter to be washed and dressed 

up and taken over to the man in the evening, as a " Sarahk" 

i.e. a free gift of God ! The|;irl may not even know the man until 

she is taken to him ! 

In such cases a girl that is wild and unruly who is likely to 

bring disgrace on the family receives but a few hours' notice ; 

but a dutiful and obedient daughter will always have her 

feelings consulted, and her wishes granted as to her choice of the 

man and the time of the marriage. Festivities are performed in 

these cases also. 

These are the three forms of wedlock recognized by the Yorubas 

the first being far more binding than the latter two. 

Moslems hold that the Koranic law limits them to four wives, 

and, therefore, the ceremony of Isoyigi is never performed for the 

same man above that number. 

Other wives taken without the ceremony of Isoyigi are known 

as Wahari (a Hausa word) ; they are legal in every way and their 

children quite as legitimate, but both mother and children are 

regarded as somewhat inferior to those others. Amongst pagans 

the " customs " detailed above take the place of Isoyigi with the 

status it confers upon both the mother and the children. 

Only the products of an illicit intercourse are regarded as 

illegitimate. 

§ (/) Trades and Professions 

The principal occupations of men are: — Agriculture, commerce, 

weaving, iron-smelting, smithing, tanning and leather working, 

carving on wood and on calabashes, music, medicine, barbing, 

and other minor employments. 

Agriculture. — This is the most general occupation of the bulk 

of the people. It is carried on with simple and primitive instru- 

ments, viz. a hoe and a cutlass, and nothing more, both of home 

manufacture. Ploughing is unknown, and it is very doubtful 

indeed whether a plough would be of much service to them 

under present conditions ; experiments with that instrument 

by those who understand the use of it have not proved successful. 

The principal articles of food and of commerce grown are : — 

Corn (guinea corn in the north and maize in the south), beans of 

several varieties, ground nuts [arachis hyPogea), yams of various 

Il8 THE HISTORY OF THE YORUBAS 

species, sweet potatoes, koko (colocasiaantiquorum), pepper, piper, 

calabashes and other kinds of gourds, coffee, cocoa, kola nuts, 

vegetables of all sorts for home consumption, cotton for weaving, 

etc. 

When a plot has been worked with rotation of crops for a 

few years, it is left to lie fallow for some years whilst contiguous 

plots are put under cultivation, and so on alternately ; manuring 

is unknown. The soil is remarkably fertile under present system. 

Women and children assist in reaping and in bringing harvest 

home. No beasts of burden are employed in agricultural operations. 

All farmers and men of any importance have generally smaller 

farms nearer home " Oko Utile " and a more distant one generally 

in the forest " Oko Egdn." When engaged in the nearer one, 

they work from 6 or 7 a.m. to 5 p.m., with intervals for meals, and 

then return home ; but at the distant farm, they invariably 

remain there for weeks and months before returning home. 

Regular farmers do so only at -the annual festivals. In these 

farms, not only are fruits of the earth cultivated but also poultry 

and smaller cattle are reared for the market. Fairs are held period- 

ically in some central farm markets where these products are dis- 

posed of to market women from surrounding towns and villages. 

Although the soil is well adapted for raising fruits, yet fruit 

trees are rarely cultivated for the supply of markets. 

Commerce. — Commerce comes next in the order of im.portance. 

Yorubas are keen traders, they are to be found in every part of 

neighbouring countries for that purpose. A large trade is carried 

on by barter. Cowry shells, the medium of exchange, being too 

clumsy for large transactions, are used only for small exchanges 

locally ; the very small species are used by travellers. Costly 

beads are used by many on distant journeys for trade, they are 

valued as precious stones. Thus the products of the north are 

given in exchange for those of the south, and those of Yoruba 

land for those of neighbouring states always by barter. Both 

sexes are engaged in trade but each in his own line. 

Currency. — Metallic currency was unknown previously to the 

arrival of European traders, and even as lately as 1897 in places 

far off from the coast coins were regarded more or less as a curiosity. 

Silver was better appreciated than gold or copper, because it can 

be converted to ornaments. Silversmiths abound in the country 

whilst there were no goldsmiths. Shells then stood for money 

and are thus calculated : — 

40 cowries = i string 

50 strings = i head 

10 heads = i bag 

MANNERS AND CUSTOMS UQ 

The value of a cowry was never fixed. Countries nearer the 

coast can obtain them with greater faciUty than those inland, 

and therefore they are of higher value in the interior ; but since 

the British occupation of Lagos the principal port of the Yoruba 

country, and English coins began to circulate in the country, 

the rate of exchange became practically fixed at 6d. for a " head " 

(the usual standard of calculation) i.e. 2,000 cowries ; hence 3d. 

= 1,000 cowries. But coppers being considered inferior in value, one 

penny is taken at 300 cowries each ; 3d. in coppers then would be 

900 cowries. Cowries are an absolute necessity at the present 

stage of the country, and should be used pari passu with coins 

for purchases below one penny. Fruits, herbs, and small articles 

of food may be purchased for a few cowries, beggars collect them 

by two's and three's from passers by, and thereby earn enough 

to keep life going ; to what extent they are rcire, to that extent 

the hardships of life are felt in the land. . 

The custom of stringing cowries was for the facility of counting 

large sums ; they were usually strung by 200 in 5 strings of 40 

each, three of 66 or two of 100 each and with a discount of one per 

cent. 

Esusu is a universal custom for the clubbing together of a number 

of persons for monetary aid. A fixed sum agreed upon is given 

by each at a fixed time (usually every week) and place, under a 

president ; the total amount is paid over to each member in rotation. 

This enables a poor man to do something worth while where a 

lump sum is required. There are laws regulating this system. 

Weaving. — This also is carried on by both sexes but in different 

styles of manufacture. Men weave cloths of narrow breadths 

about 5^ inches wide called Alawe. The loom is operated upon 

N^dth both hands and feet ; the threads of the warps are so arranged 

that they open and close by a mechanical contrivance worked 

by both feet moving alternately as the pedals of an harmonium, 

whilst the shuttle about 8 by 2 inches carrying the woof is 

tossed and caught by the right and left hand alternately through 

the opening, the disengaged hand being rapidly used in ramming 

in the thread. The cloth is woven in one long strip and then cut 

to the required lengths and tacked together. 

Tailoring is done mostly by men only as it is only men's dress 

which requires a tailor. It includes embroidery made in the neck 

and breast of men's gowns. Women being wrapped in plain 

cloths hardly require tailoring. The stitches are made the 

contrary way to that of European tailors, the needle being pushed 

away from the seamster, and not toward himself. 

Iron Smelting was carried on more largely in earlier than in 

120 THE HISTORY OF THE YORUBAS 

modern times. Certain districts are rich in iron ores, its iron 

production gave its name to the city of Ilorin, from Ilo irin, iron 

grinding, also to El eta a district of Ibadan " Eta " being the term 

for iron ore. Certain districts in the Ekiti province are also famous 

for their iron ores from which good steel was made, such as Oke 

Mesi. Charcoal from hard wood, and the shells of palm nuts are 

the materials generally used for generating the great heat required 

for the furnace (called Ileru) which is kept going all the year round. 

Iron rods and bars of European commerce being cheaper are fast 

displacing home-made products, and here and there all over the 

country the furnaces are being closed, and soon will doubts begin 

to be expressed as to whether Yorubas ever knew the art of smelting 

iron from the ores ! 

Other products of the mines e.g. gold, silver, tin, etc., are not 

known among the Yorubas. 

Smithery is carried on largely. Before the period of intercourse 

with Europeans, all articles made of iron and steel, from weapons 

of war to pins and needles were of home manufacture ; but the 

cheaper and more finished articles of European make, especially 

cutlery though less durable are fast displacing home-made wares. 

There are also brass and copper smiths who make ornaments 

from these materials ; for this purpose brass and copper bars are 

imported from foreign parts. 

Workers in leather were formerly their own tanners, each one 

learns to prepare for himself, whatever leather he wants to use ; 

black, white, green, yellow, and brown are the prevailing colours 

given to leather. They are now largely imported from Hausa- 

land, principally from Kano. 

Every worker is expected to know, and to be able to execute 

the various crafts performed with leather, e.g. saddlery, sheaths 

to swords and knives, leather ornaments on hats, waistbands for 

children, leather cushions, bolsters, boots and shoes, sandals, etc. 

It may be remarked that shoes and boots are used only by riders 

on horseback, and therefore they are always made with spurs 

immovably fixed upon them. 

Music is a favourite pastime and gives occupation to many, 

both men and boys. 

Musicians also have first to learn how to manufacture the 

instruments they have to perform upon, hence each one can easily 

repair a damaged instrument. 

Yoruba music has yet to be studied and reduced to a system 

by a competent musician ; how essential this is can easily be 

recognized when we consider how much time and trouble is spent 

in acquiring the art, and how much the practice of it enters into 

SW

MANNERS AND CUSTOMS 121 

the varied life and conversation of the people. Having learnt 

how to make their instruments, they then begin to learn how to 

speak with them, an operation to which the Yoruba language 

readily lends itself, as it consists chiefly in modulation of the 

voice ; this the instruments try to imitate. The praises and 

attributes of great men and distinguished names are got up, and 

the various measures in dances are learnt. There is no sound 

more common in Yoruba towns than what Europeans term 

" tomtoms." Musicians are in requisition at weddings, funerals, 

in processions of all kinds religious and otherwise ; they are constant 

attendants on all great men, and many of them parade the streets 

asking alms on their drums. 

Musical Instruments used by the Yorubas are of two classes 

only, viz. wind and percussion. 

{a) The Ivory trumpet and the Kakaki introduced from the 

Hausa and Nupe are used for the AlAfin alone. The Fami fami, 

Okinkin, Igba, Tiyako fife and the Oge. These are the principal 

wind instruments. 

{h) The Koso is the AlAfin 's drum, and the Ogidigbo is used 

only on the occasion of the AlAfin and theBasorun dancing on the 

annual festivals. 

The Calabash drum — ornamented with strings of cowries — 

is called Sek^r^. The Yangede, Dundun, Bata, Aye, Sami, 

Siki and the Apinti are all ancient drums. The Aro (cymbal) 

the Bembe, introduced from Hausa, and the Gangan the noisiest 

but most popular are of recent invention. These are the percussion 

instruments. 

Stringed instruments are rarely used, except by Hausa mendi- 

cants. 

Medicine. — There are certain persons, doctors by profession 

(general practitioners) to whom people resort on an emergency. 

They are called Adahunse. There are no institutions like hospitals, 

but some of these doctors do keep on their premises a number of 

invalids suffering from chronic or constitutional diseases, e.g., 

leprosy, insanity, chronic ulcers, etc. Many of these patients 

being unable to pay the doctor's fees, style themselves " Gba 

mi o ra mi " i.e., help me and appropriate me. Such persons 

on being cured become the property (or perpetual house servant) 

of the doctor. 

Formerly there were certain clans known as medicine people, 

and were licensed as such by the King. For instance, the 

inhabitants of the towns of Ogur6, Ogidi, Abe, Agberi, Apat^, 

Arohungbe. They were remarkable for their skill in using secret 

poisons, and crimes committed by them generally went unpunished, 

122 THE HISTORY OF THE YORUBAS 

they being under the special protection of the King. They are 

expected to be at the King's service when required, but it meant 

death to any of them if the poison given to the King for his use 

upon his enemies did not take fatal effect. 

There was also a particular family of Efon descent living at 

one time at Oyo said to have belonged to the Ondasa tribe. Their 

great ancestor was said to have been invited to the capital bj' 

one of the early Kings of Oyo for medical advice when all his 

wives were barren. His prescriptions were successful, and so he 

was detained at Oyo and rewarded with a high rank and position 

in the palace amongst the household officers. His descendants 

are now distinguished from the citizens of Oyo by the totem OgQ 

(a club) being affixed to their names. 

The art of medicine is kept a profound secret by those who 

profess it ; an increase of knowledge can only be gained by an 

interchange of thoughts between brother professionals ; many 

die without imparting their secrets to others, and thus much 

valuable knowledge is entirely lost. But some do impart their 

secret to those of their children male or fern. ale who show special 

aptitude for such knowledge and whom they particularly l6ve. 

On the whole we can unhesitatingly assert that those men 

who are specialists in one or two particular branches but who do 

not make the practice of medicine a profession can be more con- 

fidently relied upon. 

Carpentry is in a very backward condition. Of joinery they 

have no idea whatever. Carpenters are called Gbenagbena. 

They are the crudest and most primitive of handicraftsmen ; their 

services are not much in requisition. 

Carving in wood is executed in a rather primitive way but such 

natural genius is displayed by some men, that it is a matter of 

surprise that such artistic achievem.ents can be displayed by an 

illiterate person, and with tools so simple and primitive. 

The Yorubas of the Egbado district are said to be the best artists 

in the country. They certainly have in their forest&^^vood most 

suitable for carving purposes. / 

Calabash dressers are always found in a row in market places 

plying their trade ; all sorts of geometrical figures are traced or 

cut in calabashes ; some designs are exquisitely correct and 

beautiful. Names, mottoes, and phrases are burnt into calabashes 

by educated artists, figures only by the uneducated. These 

designs are recently being imitated by Europeans under the term 

of Poker Work. 

Seamanship. — There are very few large rivers in Yoruba land 

and nearly all of them fordable during the dry season, consequently 

MANNERS AND CUSTOMS I23 

only in coast towns and on the Niger are canoemen found who 

make any pretence to seamanship. 

When the inland rivers are swollen by rains, large bowls and 

very large calabashes are used in ferrying passengers across. The 

passengers sit on them with their luggage, with the ferryman in the 

water, pushing the freight across. 

All canoes are dug out from large trees. Our canoemen cannot 

really be called experts, as they rarely sail out of sight of land, 

and canoes can ill endure any storm or tempest ; nevertheless, 

when war canoes are rigged up and manned, they are handled with 

no little skill in their fights, sham or real. In the title of Aromire 

(i.e. one in friendly terms with water) we have preserved a chieftain 

who ranked as an admiral in the olden days of sea fights. 

Fisheries. — Deep sea fishing is but little practised, the rivers 

and lagoons furnish all that they can harvest. Shrimps and oysters 

are plentiful in their season. The fishing industry is of course 

confined to coastal towns, and as there are no means of supplying 

inland towns the consumption of the fresh article is confined to 

the coast. 

Building as a profession is almost unknown ; houses as a rule 

are built by men clubbing together, but there are always a few 

experts among them in particular lines, either in building the mud 

walls or in roofing and they distribute themselves accordingly. 

These are always in requisition whenever they can be spared 

from their farms. Large works are undertaken and arranged for, 

when all hands can conveniently be spared from their farms. 

Pastoral Work as a profession is carried on only in the northern 

provinces more suited for that purpose from the extensive plain 

and pasture land of those regions. But very few Yorubas are 

found engaged in it. Gambaris (i.e. Hausas) are generally engaged 

by the chiefs to tend their cattle. 

The barbers and ropemakers are also mostly Hausas and 

Fulanis, these are crafts rarely practised by Yorubas. 

These Hausas also perform some minor surgical operations 

such as cupping, bone-setting, tapping hydroceles, etc. Some 

are even oculists, and profess to be able to operate for cataract. 

It goes without saying that much mischief is often done by their 

crude performances. They are unskilled and the instruments 

used are rather clumsy. It is a wonder that more mischief 

is not done, or that they occasionally get good results at all. 

Occupations of Women 

It is specially the province of women advanced in age to seed 

cotton and spin thread. The former is done by rolling out the 

124 THE HISTORY OF THE YORUBAS 

seeds from the wool between a smooth log of hard wood and a 

polished iron rod, the latter by weighting a thin rod of about 

12 inches long with a small ball of clay about i inch distant from one 

end, attaching the cotton to the other end and setting the ball spin- 

ning like a top, the wool being rapidly drawn out to the required 

fineness. Seeded cotton is rendered fluffy for spinning by being 

attached to the string of a bent bow, and the string constantly 

pulled as if shooting an arrow. These operations being an occupa- 

tion of a sedentary nature, and more suitable for old women are 

performed by them leisurely all day. Reels of spun thread are 

sold to dyers. 

Aged women who reside in the farms also employ their time 

in shelling the kernels from the pcdm nuts, and also tending 

poultry, goats and sheep for the market. 

Dyeing is done by women. They buy a quantity of the yarn, 

bleach and dye them in various colours, and sell them to the 

weavers, male or female. The commonest colour is blue or blue 

black from the indigo dye. The preparation of indigo balls for 

the market is also an important industry. Women are equally 

with men engaged in trading and weaving ; but whereas men 

weave in small breadths and carry on their occupation in courtyards 

or secluded squares in the streets where they can stretch their 

warp 20 yards or more, the women on the contrary fix their 

looms in the piazza of the house, close to the door of their apart- 

ments where they may be seen sitting on the ground, with their 

legs in a hole under the loom ; they weave the cloths in broad 

pieces called Kijipa two or three breadths forming a covering. 

The warp is wound round two stout bamboo poles fixed athwart 

two strong upright posts, top and bottom. There is a mechanism 

by which the threads can be made to cross each other. The 

woof in rods of about a yard long is passed slowly right and left 

as the warp is opened and separated one way and the other, being 

rammed down each time by a flat smooth staff. 

Besides indigo dyes of light blue and dark shades, the scarlet 

called ilaharl and roagh silk, Samayan in grey are the prevailing 

colours of Yoruba yarn. 

Palm oil making and nut oil making from the kernels of the palm 

nuts, as well as shea butter from the shea fruit are exclusively 

female industries. 

Beer-brewing from guinea corn or maize is done also by women ; 

for this they have a sheltered place within or near the compound 

to insure protection against fire. 

A large class is engaged in preparing articles of food. They are 

purveyors of cooked food, keepers of refreshment stalls and other 

MANNERS AND CUSTOMS 125 

branches of dietary for the market, especially to accommodate 

working men and caravans. 

The manufacture of beads from the hard shells of palm nuts, or 

from the cocoa nut shells, is an important female industry. The 

former quality is more highly valued. 

Pottery is also a female industry. Men may sometimes be seen 

assisting to dig up the clay and to perform some rough initial 

work, but as a rule the whole industry is in the hands of women. 

The drying, pulverising, sifting, mixing and moulding, are all 

done by women and girls. 

Large pots for brewing beer, and for setting indigo dyes, and 

cooking Eko (the morning gruel) for sale are turned out with 

marvellous skill. Cooking utensils, dishes, water pots, etc., are 

also made for the markets. Some parts of the country furnish 

clay of superior quality, notably Ilorin. 

Although ignorant of the use of the wheel, or any such mechanical 

contrivance used in pottery, yet the figures, forms and shapes of 

the articles turned out are wonderfully correct. 

Every woman whatever her trade may be, is expected to keep 

a few chickens and a goat or two from which she derives smeill 

income for house keeping and general " pin money." The rearing 

of poultry then must be reckoned among female occupations. 

Hair dressing may also be mentioned among female occupations, 

for although the race has not much to boast of in that form of 

natural adornment, yet they often contrive to bring out styles 

and fashions which satisfy them ; but a marked distinction must 

always be made between that of married women and the 

unmarried ; this is a social law which on no account should ever 

be infringed. 

On the whole the women seem to be far more industrious than 

the men, for whereas the men always contrive to have leisure 

hours and off days from work, the women seem to have none. 

Boys and young men certainly have more idle hours than the girls. 

The care of the children also devolves almost entirely upon their 

mother, an inevitable result of polygamy. 

§ {g) Learning 

As the Yorubas have no knowledge of letters, their learning 

consists chiefly in oral traditions. The historians are the King's 

cymbaUists and ballad singers, the chief of whom is called the 

Ologbo or Arokin. They may be compared to the rhapsodists 

of the Homeric age, as they perform almost precisely similar 

functions. They chant to the King the story of the nation, and 

history of former reigns, for his information and instruction. They 

126 THE HISTORY OF THE YORUBAS 

are kept in the royal service and are well supported. The office 

is hereditary. 

Like many other heathen nations the Yorubas have their 

tradition about the creation and the deluge. It is their belief 

that at the creation men fed on wood and water, that they had a 

long projecting mouth ; that the bat was originally a creature in 

human form, and was a black-smith by trade, and that with his 

instrument he reduced men's mouths to their present shape, for 

which cause he was condemned to lose the human form and to 

assume that of a beast, and to use one and the same mouth for 

receiving food as well as for evacuation. The allegation that 

water was the original food of man is supported by the fact that 

it is the first thing taken by a new-born babe, as well as the last 

thing taken at a man's dying moments. 

§ (h) Wealthy Personages 

There were certain historical personages in Yoruba who were 

noted for their great wealth, viz., Amoloku of Oro, Gedegbe of 

Qfa, Lapemo of Ijomu near C>r6, Onibiy6 of Guguru, Minimi 

of Erubu. There is also a sixth spoken of who resided at Gbudu. 

There was also a lady known as the Olowo of Ijebu. 

§ (i) The Iwofa System and the Laws Regulating it 

The term Iwofa has no equivalent in English. It denotes one 

who serves another periodically in lieu of the interest on money 

lent. In short, it is one in service for interest. 

It has been mistranslated a "pawn" by those who fancied 

they saw a resemblance to it in that system, and are trying to 

identify everything native with those that are foreign, and conse- 

quently, as in other similar cases, much mischief has been done 

thereby. 

The Yoruba man is simply shocked to hear of " pawning " 

a man as is done with goods and chattels ; to pawn in Yoruba is 

ft dogd which term is never applied to a human being. 

It has also been compared to slavery by those ignorant of 

the legal conditions ruling the system ; but an Iwofa is a free 

man, his social status remains the same, his civil and political rights 

are intact, and he is only subject to his master in the same universal 

sense that " a borrower is servant to the lender." 

Iwofas are held quite distinct from slaves ; the verbs applied 

to each system mark the distinction e.g. rd to buy is applied to 

a slave, yd to lend or engage (a hand) to an Iwofa ; consequently 

you can buy a slave, but engage an Iwofa or service man. 

The derivation of the term- is probably from Iwo the entering 

MANNERS AND CUSTOMS 127 

into, and Efk a period of six days ; hence an Iwgfa is one who 

enters into a recurrent sixth day service. 

The Iwofa system is a contract entered into in the presence 

of witnesses called Onigbgwo i.e. sponsors, the money-lender 

is termed Oluwa i.e. master, and the worker Iwofa, i.e. a service 

man. 

It is a legal transaction recognized and protected by the laws of 

the country. Whatsoever the amount of money lent, it is the 

law that the service rendered goes for the interest, and only the 

principal is paid back whenever payment is made whether after 

a few days or after many years. 

An Iwgfa may be a man or a woman, a boy or a girl, and the 

laws for each differ accordingly. 

A man Iwgfa lives in his own house and plies his own trade, 

but he is required to clean a piece of land equal to lOO yam 

heaps or an equivalent in his master's farm once a week, the 

Yoruba week consisting of five days. 

The people being mainly agricultural, farm-cleaning is the 

work of their daily life, and is the recognized ordinary system of 

labour. 

Cleaning three hundred heaps is the ordinary amount of an 

average man's day's work, consequently a strong man often 

found it possible to work in three different farms on the same 

day, for different masters, or to do three week's work at a time in 

one farm, and have 14 off days at a stretch, in which he is free 

to follow his own trade without interruption. Special arrange- 

ments can also be made if a longer period is desired, but the 

Iwgfa is bound to make up for the number of days lost. 

This is the original law, but it is subject to slight modification 

or variation in various places, according to the local value, or the 

amount of money lent ; e.g. amongst the Egbas, a whole day's 

work is required instead of a morning's work. But whatever 

modification of the original law is made in any particular locality, 

the law for that tribe is always fixed by authority, and never subject 

to the whims and caprice of an individual money-lender. 

The master is to treat the service man as his social rank demands, 

he mingles freely with his equals in the house or in the field as 

a member of the household. A kind master often allows him 

his breakfast before he quits the field although he is not bound to 

do so, and if a master be too exacting or disagreeable, he may be 

changed any day without any previous notice, once the money 

lent is paid back in full. 

Where the master is a great chief or a rich man, the service man 

may live under his protection and own him his feudal lord ; hence 

128 THE HISTORY OF THE YORUBAS 

some men never troubled themselves to pay back the money, 

but may rather incur further obligations, being safe and free under 

the protection of a great name. Some men there are ,who are 

better able to do another man's work than their own. 

An Iwofa is never subject to punishment physical or otherwise, 

if he fail in his weekly service, the sponsors are called upon to make 

good the deficiencies. 

In fine an Iwofa differs from a slave in that a slave must live 

with his master, an Iwofa in his own house. A slave can be 

compelled to work for his master every day, an Iwofa for a limited 

amount of work for half a day in the week, and that not by com- 

pulsion but from obligations of honour. A slave can be punished, 

an Iwofa cannot be. A slave has lost his independence and 

political rights, an Iwofa retains both. A slave has no one 

responsible for him, an Iwofa has two at least. In fine an Iwofa 

can go and come as he likes, a slave cannot. 

For women the same law holds good generally but with some 

modifications on account of their sex ; they work generally as 

char-women once a week, and have a meal in the house before 

returning home. In some cases they may live among the women 

folk in their master's house, carrying on their own work, and lending 

a helping hand in the housework and in harvest time do their own 

share of the day's work in the field along with the other women. 

Some are engaged in trade, in which they sell for their master at 

the same time, and bring him the proceeds of his own articles 

as the allotted service rendered. When the trade is done in the 

home market, payments are made every nine days which are 

market days ; when out of town, at the return of the caravan. 

If a service woman is tampered with by the master, the money 

is thereby considered absolutely paid, and the debt discharged. 

If forced against her will, not only is the debt cancelled, but he 

is also liable to prosecution and heavy fines besides to be paid 

both to the woman's husband as damages and to the town author- 

ities as court fees. 

If a young unmarried woman is tampered with, not only is 

the debt ipso facto discharged, but the master has to repay the 

fiance all the money he has spent on her and also a betrothal 

" dowry " to the parents besides. 

If the matter is not arranged amicably and the case has to go 

before the town authorities, the master has to pay, and heavy 

fines are inflicted on him besides. Often has a rich man been 

reduced to poverty by this means and consequently they are 

always very careful. 

If a betrothed girl becomes marriageable whilst in service 

MANNERS AND CUSTOMS 12^ 

and her fianU wishes to get married at once, he has only to pay 

back the loan and lead his intended bride away. A woman 

cannot be married whilst doing service work. 

A boy or a girl in service has to live entirely with the master or 

mistress as a domestic servant, inasmuch as their services are 

not worth much and they have to be trained besides, and the 

parent or whoever placed him there is supposed to have his whole 

time to ply his trade and withdraw his child as soon as possible ; 

therefore, the boy must give the master his whole time whatever 

that may be worth. The master is bound to feed him but not 

necessarily to clothe him, although many kind masters do that as 

well. They have a fixed time to visit their parents, usually once 

a week. 

The boys generally tend horses and run errands, and the girls 

engage with the house-wives in domestic affairs. They are 

always with the boys and girls of their own age in the family. 

The law protects such children very strongly. If the child 

refuse to stay any longer with the master or mistress for any cause 

whatever, they are never forced against their wish, but the parent 

or guardian must provide a substitute, or perform himself the 

weekly task. 

If a child die during his or her service, the master must prove 

to the satisfaction of the parents and (if need be) of the town 

authorities that it was not due to any act of carelessness or neglect 

on his part, and that he provided ample medical aid for him. 

The troubles accruing from young Iwofas are often a deterrent 

to the acceptance of them for service ; some folks would expect 

and demand more comforts for their children in service than they 

can provide for them at home. Marriages and funerals are the 

two great causes of money borrowing. 

But this system is not limited alone to the business of pro- 

fessional money-lenders, it enters much into other transactions 

of their everyday life. 

The system of engaging domestic servants for service with 

a monthly wage is unknown in this country, the Iwofa system is 

what is resorted to for that purpose. A parent will even put his 

child into service that way when there is no debt to pay in order 

to train him into habits of discipline and industry, and return 

the money when they feel that the child has been safhciently 

trained. 

Some would do so and put the money into trade and when 

satisfied with the profits made, return the principal and bring the 

child home. 

The system is used also for apprenticeship. A man who wants 

130 THE HISTORY OF THE YOROBAS 

his son to learn a particular trade would put him under the crafts- 

man for the purpose, and obtain from him a certain amount of 

money ; the master, wishing to get his interest out of the boy 

willsee that he learns speedily and well, so as to be of some use 

to him. In this way both are benefited. 

A chief or a well-to-do gentleman with a wild and unruly son 

whom he wishes to tame, or who is indulged at home, would also 

resort to this method for training and discipline ; in such a case 

the boy will remaiii with such a handicraftsman until he is able to 

earn his own livelihood by his craft, then the money is paid back 

and the boy returns home. 

This method of lending money is the only one known for invest- 

ment and is therefore resorted to as their banking system. 

So the Iwofa system may be regarded at one and the same 

time as one for banking, apprenticeship, and domestic service. 

Since the establishment of the British Protectorate there 

•has been more than one attempt made to abolish the system as 

a " species of slavery ! " The Yorubas themselves never at any 

time regarded it as such ; to so regard it must be due either 

to an ignorance of the/ laws regulating it, or because an exact 

equivalent cannot be found in any European system. It can, 

however, be imagined what chaos will result in any European 

country if the banking system, apprenticeship, and domestic 

service were abolished at a stroke — if that be possible. Like any 

other system it may be reformed if given to abuse, that is more 

reasonable and statesmanlike. But to abolish it outright because 

it has no foreign analogue would be to disorganize the social life 

of a people with no compensating advantage to borrower or lender. 

If such were done in this case the greatest sufferers will be those 

it was intended to benefit, viz., the service men themselves. But 

with the country now settled, and everyone free to prosecute his 

business, there must be less of money borrowing and service for 

interest, and thus a gradual change or modification is naturally 

effected in this system, with no tendency to abuse. 

§ (j) Distraining for Debt 

The Yorubas have a peculiar method of forcing paj'ment out 

of an incorrigible debtor. When a creditor who has obtained 

judgment for debt finds it impossible to recover any thing out 

of the debtor, he applies to the town authorities for a licensed 

distrainor. This individual is called Og6, he is said to d'dgd ti 

i.e. to sit on the debtor (as it were). For that purpose, he enters 

the premises, seeks out the debtor, or esconces himself in his 

apartment until he makes his appeeirance, and then he makes 

MANNERS AND CUSTOMS I3I 

himself an intolerable nuisance to him and to the members of the 

house generally until the money is paid. 

The distrainor is a man of imperturbable temper, but of a foul 

tongue, a veritable Thersites. He adopts any measures he likes, 

sometimes by inflicting his presence and attention on the debtor 

everywhere and anywhere he may go, denying him privacy of 

any kind, and in the meantime using his tongue most foully upon 

him, his own person being inviolable, for touching him implies 

doing violence to the person of the authorities who appoint him 

the task. He demands and obtains whatever diet he may require, 

however sumptuous and may help himself if not quickly served. 

If he thinks fit, he may lay hold on any poultry or cattle he finds 

in the premises, and prepare himself food, and all at the expense 

of the debtor. He must not take anything away but he may enjoy 

the use of anything he finds in the house. 

Loud in his abuses, intolerable in his manners to all in the 

house whilst going in and out with the debtor, he goes on in 

this way all day, and from day to day if needs be, until even the 

inmates of the compound get tired of this, and then means will 

quickly be found of getting rid of the distrainor by paying off the 

debt. 

§ {k) War 

In early times war expeditions were sent out every other year by 

the AlAfin of Oyo to distant countries chiefly amongst the Popos. 

War then was for spoils and to keep their hands in, and not for 

captives ; the victors rarely pursued the vanquished ; those who 

concealed themselves behind heaps of rubbish, or in any hiding 

place in the town or in the fields were quite safe. When a town 

was taken the shade trees about the principal market — which is 

always in front of the official residence of the chief ruler of the 

town — are cut down as a sign of conquest. Slave-raiding and the 

traffic in human beings did not then exist. Long sieges were 

unknown, for whether victorious or defeated, the presence of the 

Kakanfo or his corpse was expected home within 60 days. 

There never was or has been a standing army, nor any trained 

soldiers (except at Ibadan latterly where the idea began to 

germinate, and some of the chiefs had a number of their slaves 

trained solely for war ; some chiefs had also a corps of boys, not 

to bear arms, but to be attendant on them in battle, in order to 

famiharize them with the horrors of war 1) But according to the 

custom of the country, every man capable of bearing arms is 

expected to serve in war ; but the law did not make it compulsory 

except for men of rank and title, and for home defence. 

132 THE HISTORY OF THE YORUBAS 

At the close of every war, each one goes away to his farm, 

and, except on an occasion of importance, as when the King's 

messengers are to be received, even the Bale and the Balogun 

could not be found at home during the day at the busy seasons. 

Before the introduction of fire-arrtis (a comparatively recent 

affair) their weapons of war consisted of bow and poisoned arrows, 

a short sword called J^m6 and Ogb6 a kind of heavy cutlass 

used chiefly by the common people. 

As sieges then were of short duration and dways carried on 

in the dry season, there was no necessity to provide against severe 

weather ; the chieftains generally used awnings made of Ayin 

mats spread on four poles. Since sieges began to be carried on 

for more than 60 days, booths of palm branches have come into 

use, and in later times even these have given way to huts and 

houses built of swish. 

The preserved food used in earlier expeditions consisted of 

parched beans, and a sort of hard bread made of beans and corn 

(maize) flour called Akara-kuru. 

By the rules of warfare piye or foraging was permitted. The 

Ibadans, who, more than any of the others carried on war operations 

for longer periods, and over wider regions, were accustomed to 

cultivate the lands all around their camps and in the neighbourhood 

whenever a long siege was anticipated. 

War Titles and Methods 

War titles are of two grades, senior and junior, but both 

are modelled on one and the same plan. 

Senior Grade : — The Balogun or Commander-in-Chief comes 

first with his principal lieutenants the Otun and Osi, that is 

Generals commanding the right and the left wings, then the 

(Asipa), Ekerin, Ekarun and Ekefa i.e. the fourth, fifth and sixth. 

These command the veterans. 

Junior Grade : — The Seriki with his principal lieutenants also, 

viz., the Otun, Osi, with the Ekgrin, Ekarun, and Ekefa. These 

command the young warriors, and those not attached to any of the 

greater war-chiefs. 

The AsAj u is the leader of the van, he too has his lieutenants. 

The Sarumi or chief of the cavalry and his men form a class by 

themselves ; he also has his Balogun of the cavalry, with the 

Otun, Osi, etc. 

" These titles constitute what is termed " Oye Ilu" or "Town 

titles," because they are conferred by Bale or chief of the town and 

the town council, and they are all members of the town council 

with a right to speak and vote. 

MANNERS AND CUSTOMS 133 

Among the senior war titles may be mentioned the Bale's war 

chiefs. The Bale himself does not go to war ordinarily, but he 

has his war-chiefs, the Otun Bale, Osi Bal§, Ekerin, Ekarun, 

Ekefa as well, who represent him in war ; they are always chosen 

from among the older men who have past their best days. 

Signification of the Titles 

The term Balogun is contracted from Iba-li-Ogun i.e. lord in 

war. In time of war, and generally in the camp, the Ibalogun 

is not only supreme, but he is also above all laws, he commands 

implicit obedience from all, and he can do whatever he likes. 

The Balogun's Otun and Osi (right and left) are also the Otun 

and Osi of the town and of the army ; they command respectively 

the right and left wings, and they rank next after the Ibalogun. 

The Asipa is a title borrowed from Oyo to satisfy any war-chief 

who, being equal by merit to the Otun and Osi, yet just missed 

becoming either. 

The Ekerin, Ekarun, Ekafa are the fourth, fifth and sixth 

respectively of the senior generals. 

Seriki is a Hausa word signifying a " king." He is practically 

like the Balogun, and is as important among the young warriors 

as- the Balogun is among the veterans. A brave Seriki ranks 

himself next to the Balogun, the Otun and Osi Balogun notwith- 

standing ; for it often happens when he is exceptionally brave, 

that he skips over these and succeeds the Balogun, when a vacancy 

occurs. Otherwise the Otun succeeds. 

All booty and perquisites that fall to the army are divided 

into two unequal parts, the larger portion belongs to the Balogun 

and his lieutenants and the lesser to the Seriki and his lieutenants 

also. The Balogun and the Seriki are each entitled to one half 

of the portion that falls to them, the other half being equally 

divided among the subordinate war chiefs of each respectively. 

In every successful expedition each of the subordinate war chiefs 

is expected to give one half of his plunder or captives to his chief, 

the seniors to the Balogun, the juniors to the Seriki, and they 

themselves also receive the like from their subordinates. 

Subordinate Titles : — Every one of the above chiefs. Senior and 

Junior had his own subordinate chiefs modelled on the same 

plan of Balogun, Otun, Osi, etc., in the same way, these also 

form their companies on the same plan, and so on throughout 

the whole army. By this system every man capable of bearing 

arms knows his right place in the army, so that what appears to 

be a motley crowd is really a well-organised body every man being 

in his right place at the front, the right or the left of his immediate 

134 THE HISTORY OF THE YORUBAS 

chief, although they lack that co-ordination and precision of 

movements which are the outcome and advantages of discipline 

and drill. 

Other subordinate titles Areagoro, Bada, Ajiya. 

Ar§agoro. — This is the first title borne by a young chief of great 

promise, who, as the heir of a great war chief has just succeeded 

to the headship of a great house. It is a stepping-stone to one of 

the senior grade titles. He is always attached to one of the 

senior chiefs, as his alter ego ; he represents his chief in the councils 

and other important assemblies in the absence of the latter, where 

he can speak and vote with equal right and authority ; hence the 

saying : " Ar§agoro ti o ba gboju t'on ti Oluwa re I'egb^ra " 

i.e. an Areagoro who is bold is the equal of his master. An 

Areagoro remains as such only till a vacancy occurs in one of the 

higher titles suitable for him. 

Bada. — The title of Bada answers in many respects to a knight 

of the middle ages. He is one who is expected to keep at least 

one or two war steeds and a few followers at his own charges, 

to be ready to take the field at a moment's notice, to be an accom- 

plished horseman, a skilful swordsman or lancer, and to fight 

always on horse-back. All the principal chiefs have each at least 

a Bada. The Badas stand in the order of seniority of their respec- 

tive masters and form a corps by themselves. 

Ajiya is a non-descript title borne by any junior war chief who 

cannot for the time being find a place among his peers. He is 

rather a free lance. 

Arrangement of the War Chiefs in Battle 

The Asaju or leader of the van comes first. His company 

begins the fight by skirmishing, and provoking the opposite party. 

He is supported by all the Badas. 

The Seriki comes next with his lieutenants in their proper order, 

and then the real pitched battle begins. Last of all comes the 

Balogun with his lieutenants. The Balogun himself, however, 

does not take any active part at once, until later on, except 

to watch the various movements and generally to direct the 

fight. 

The duties of the cavalry are to reconnoitre, to hover about the 

enemy watching for an opportunity they can take advantage of 

such as a weak or an unguarded point through which they can dash 

to break the ranks of the enemy, and throw them into confusion. 

Also to cover retreats on a defeat or to cut off stragglers when 

pursuing an enemy. 

Occasionally at the height of the battle a brave horseman would 

MANNERS AND CUSTOM'S 1 35 

demoralize the enemy by dashing suddenly into their midst, and 

return with a captive on his horse ! 

The usual method of a pitched battle is for all the war chiefs to 

be disposed, each in his right place, according to their rank and title, 

or as the commander-in-chief disposes, and then each in turn to 

march forward, company by company to the middle line of battle 

to discharge their arms, trying each time to gain more ground. 

This method they call Tawusi. But when later on, the Balogun 

himself rises to fight, that denotes a general charge throughout 

the whole host ; every man must be engaged in fight ; and where- 

ever he fixes the war standard, every one is bound to dispose himself 

about it in due order. • His going forward means that the whole 

army must push forward at whatever cost, for no one whose 

right place is in front dares fall to the rear of the Balogun except 

when hors de combat. 

The Bale's war chiefs need not take any prominent part in the 

fight, but they guard the camp and baggage, support weak points, 

and make themselves useful generally as men vvho must keep cool 

heads while the others are engaged in the excitement of a fight. 

Their chief duty otherwise is to act the part of advisers and 

moderators of rash and hot-headed warriors. 

A synopsis of the arrangement in battle : — 

The AsAju 

Supported by all the Badas 

Osi Seriki Seriki Qtun Seriki 

Ekerin to Ekefa disposed as strategy requires 

Osi Balogun Balogun Otun Balogun 

Asipa, Ekerin to Ekefa disposed as strategy requires. 

The Otun and Osi Bale and other older warriors are to guard 

the rear, camp, and baggage and support weak points. 

War as a profession in this country was always said to date from 

the time of the Fulani invasion and seizure of Ilorin when the 

necessity arose for an organized resistance but the Yorubas generally 

are not considered a fighting race, although they have now and 

again thrown up a general who would be considered distinguished 

in any race. In the later period of their history circumstances 

have brought things about that Ibadan became a centre for all 

warlike spirits of whatever tribe, and consequently it is to that 

place we have to turn, to see the development of warlike proceedings. 

How war is declared. — Every expedition is supposed to be sent 

out by the King (Alafin). It is in his name war was generally 

declared, and his permission or at any rate his assent must be 

obtained before an army can march out. 

136 THE HISTORY OF THE YORUBAS 

When it has become evident that a place is marked out for 

an attack, a system of exclusive dealings is first established 

between that town and its neighbours ; then follow preparations 

for attack and defence, and when plans are matured then, 

at the usual meeting of the town council in the house of the chief 

ruler, the announcement is made. 

The Balogun (commander-in-chief) rising, would address 

the assembled crowd outside and end with " I leave (such and 

such a place) at your mercy." He is greeted with shouts of 

applause, and a day would be fixed when the war-staff will be 

taken outside the town walls. The marching out of the Balogun 

is always so denoted as the war-staff is always kept with him. 

The War Staff or standard of war is a bamboo pole of about 

four feet in length, and 2\ inches in diameter. It is wrapped all 

over with charms and amulets, and finished up with a globular 

head, the size of a large cocoa-nut. The size of course varies with 

the cost. It is encased in leather with the charms hanging all 

over it. It is always an object of worship. To this day, proper 

standards of war are procured from He Ife and are dedicated to 

Oranyan. Human sacrifices were usually offered to such standards 

before they are taken out to any campaign. Whenever war is 

declared, and it is to be worshipped, priests and priestesses are 

always required for the purpose of offering the sacrifice. 

The Propitiation of Oranyan. — The victim is usually subjected 

to much inhuman treatment on these occasions before being 

despatched. With his hands tied behind his back, he is led to 

the market place, and there paraded from one spot to another, 

and made to do homage to the fetishes there, and to invoke blessings 

on the town and on the chiefs thereof. As he could not conveniently 

prostrate himself before the gods in his bound condition, he is 

assisted with a forked stick, with which he is pushed violently 

down from behind ! Bruised and bleeding, he is to receive 

three strokes on the back with a rod before he is helped up 

agam 

In this way, the unfortunate one is soon exhausted ; he would 

then be literally dragged along into the grove sacred to Oranyan, 

and there beheaded. 

The blood is considered sacred and hence the commander-in- 

chief of the army who must be present on such occasions with 

his staff of principal officers must come forward with each of them 

and have a touch of the blood to rub on their swords, and after 

them the common soldiers would all rush in for a drop to rub in 

their hands, for success in the war. 

The corpse is not to putrefy before the Balogun leaves the town : 

MANNERS AND CUSTOMS 137 

it is considered an ill omen if it does. Hence Orauyan is never 

worshipped until they are quite ready to march out. 

The corpse is exposed for seven days, and it is the duty of some 

of the priestesses to bathe it daily and smear it with camwood 

preparations, and pray for the speedy return of the victim to this 

world and to be born in their family ! 

We see in these revolting practices, not an act of studied cruelty, 

but one of supposed highest form of religious worship of a poor 

deluded people. 

The blood of certain animals is forbidden to be used in the 

worship of Orariyan e.g. the tortoise, he- goat, hen and pigeon. 

§ (/) Funerals 

The Yorubas do not bury their dead in graveyards or cemetries, 

but in their houses. Infants, however, are not buried in the house, 

but their dead bodies are either thrown away into the nearest 

bush or forest, or are partially buried with a bit of earth sprinkled 

over them, and are thus left a prey to jackals prowling by night. 

Such children are called " Abiku " (born to die) and are 

supposed to belong to a company of young demons roaming about. 

They are beUeved to be capable of being born as young children, 

and (except forcibly detained by charms) of returning to their 

company at will, or at the instance of the members of their 

company. 

The graves of aged people are dug generally in the piazza or in 

one of the sleeping rooms. In case of the wealthy dead, after the 

ground has been dug to a depth of about 6 feet in the piazza it is 

then carried on horizontally towards one of the bedrooms, so that 

the corpse is literally buried in the bedroom. It is then shut up 

in this horizontal hole with a piece of board plastered over with 

mud ; the whole grave is then filled up and the floor of the piazza 

levelled and polished, the rest of the earth being cast into the 

streets. 

Only the well-to-do can afford a coffin, the workmanship of 

which is usually very rough and coarse, the many chinks and 

interstices being filled up with cotton-wool and soap. As a rule, 

coffins are made much larger than we should think necessary, but 

the superabundant space is filled up with some of the dresses be- 

longing to the deceased, and with presents from all the relatives, it 

being a custom amongst them that all the nearest relatives should 

give each a piece of cloth for the burial. In the absence of cloths 

seeded cotton is put in to fill up the coffin tight, as they have a 

superstitious dislike of leaving any empty spaces in a coffin. 

In the practice of filling up the coffin with cloths, one may catch 

138 THE HISTORY OF THE YORUBAS 

a faint glimpse of the popular ideas in regard to another state of 

existence. 

If the family is wealthy, after a couple of months another 

ceremony is gone through, consisting chiefly of feasting and dancing 

in honour of the dead, and this they term laying the dead upon its 

other side. 

In cases where coffins cannot be had, after wrapping up the 

corpse in a mat like a mummy it is laid in the grave and a few 

sticks of the Akoko tjee are laid across upon which a mat is spread. 

If a piece of board could be procured, it is laid over the corpse 

instead, and then earth is put upon it, and the grave filled up. 

The funeral ceremonies are further continued by the following 

observances : — The wife or wives of the deceased are to lie on the 

bare ground over the grave without even a mat or cloth being 

spread for full three months from the date of the funeral. On 

the 7th day they are led out of their town wall by an Egugun to a 

place where mounds of earth had been raised according to the 

number of the women with a yam placed on each mound. There 

is an extra mound raised, on which no yam is placed ; this represents 

the deceased. The widows are led out clad in rags with both 

hands on the opposite shoulders, their heads being left bare. 

Each takes a yam from the heap, and this is understood to be the 

last subsistence they should expect to receive from their dear
departed. After this they return home weeping.

On the 13th or 17th day the final ceremony is thus performed :
By the advice of the Alagba, they provide some heads of cowries,
a dog, two dishes of pounded yam or cooked yam flour, two pots
of native beer, kola nuts, parched corn, a hoe and a cutlass, and
two coverings of native cloth for an Egugun dress. At dead of
night a man goes and sits on the roof of the house of the deceased ;
another who is to personate the dead, is secreted at the back yard,
but within hearing distance of the former ; a third is the Egugun
called Agan undressed, coming in the Alagba's company, speaking
in a hollow, but thrilling tone of voice, crying out, " E gbe mi."
(Do lift me up). Immediately several voices are heard " Lift here,
lift there," as if they were carrying the Agan and found him rather
heavy. As they enter the compound the widows and the other
women are to rush into the rooms and ex'tinguish all lights. The
Agan is then conducted to the piazza of the deceased where the
special ceremony is performed. He sings out distinctly the name
of the deceased so that the substitute might hear him, at the same
time warning him not to answer to his call, but to that of the man
on the roof. The latter then strikes the hoe in his hand with the
cutlass as a signal to attract the attention of the secreted substitute.



MANNERS AND CUSTOMS I39

After this, he calls out in loud tones the name of the deceased
as did the Agan. He calls out three times, and at the third call,
which is also the last, a still small voice is heard from the counterfeit,
simulating that of the dead. At this stage, the widows and all
the other mourners begin to weep and wail for the dead ; the dog
is then slaughtered and the flesh is taken to the Alagbas.

On the following morning, the Egugun of the deceased, appears
in his usual dress, with an attendant Egugun, both emerging from
the Alagbi's house. He proceeds to his old home where a mat is
spread outside to receive him. He embraces all his children, sits
them by turns on his knees, and blesses them, promising to bestow
health, strength, long life, and the rest. He accepts presents
from all the relatives, who are the mourners — of stringed cowries
from the men, and unstringed from the women. After which
they repair with all the presents received to the Egugun grove
or to the Alagba's where the Egugun is undressed and a good
feast is made of the flesh of the dog slaughtered on the previous
evening. The stringed cowries contributed by the men are there
returned to each of them, being participators in the organised
imposture that was being practised. The unstringed cowries of
their dupes, the women, are distributed amongst those who took
part in the ceremony including of course the AlagbS..
. This is the last farewell between the deceased and his family
if we except the supposed annual visits made by the former
during the Egugun festivals.

In case of a woman the ceremony is simpler. The same offerings
are usually required, excepting the hoe and the cutlass. The
relatives are ordered to procure a miniature hearth, and put it
into a new calabash to meet the Egugun of the deceased matron
emerging from the Egugun grove.

On the day appointed they proceed to the grove with drums,
the orphans carrying each a horse's tail on his shoulder, as a
sign of mourning. Then one of the Alagba's men calls out thrice
the name of the dead matron, just as in the similar ceremony
detailed above ; an Egugun answers from the grove and the
voice is drowned with drumming and singing. The Egugun with
the Paka (an attendant) now issues from the grove, and walks
towards the orphan children to receive the new calabash containing
the miniature hearth ; blesses the giver, and returns with it to
the grove. The hearth is subsequently buried quietly by the river
side or within the grove.

This is the last ooffice of a dutiful child to its mother and this is
understood as their last meeting in this world. The hearth pre-
sented to her is for her to cook with in the other world.



140 THE HISTORY OF THE YORUBAS

The period of mourning for either man or woman is as aforesaid,
three months, during which time the men are to remain unwashed,
unshaven and the women with dishevelled hair and dress unchanged.
At the expiration of this term on a day appointed the whole of them
shave for the dead, and their hair is thrown outside by the wall
of the house. They then parade the streets, dressed in their best,
singing and dancing in honour of the dead, and calling at one house
after another to return thanks to the sympathizers. The children
of the deceased, begotten or adopted, now carry the horses'
tails in their hands by which they are distinguished from those
who have no immediate connection with the family.

In the division of the property the widows as aforesaid pass into
the possession of the children and the nearest relatives, the right
to each being determined by ballot. Each male relative sends
round his chewing stick (native tooth brush) with his name to
the woman of his choice ; they are expected to reject the proposal
twice as if they were resolved to remain widows all their life ; but
at the third and last proposal, with tears in their eyes, they
make their choice and are taken over. This concludes the final
ceremony.

In the case of young men or young women, the proceedings
are essentially different. The companions of him or her that is
gone proceed in a body to a spot where two roads intersect each
other, preceded by one of their number who stands at a great
distance from them. The call as in the case of the Agan is made
thrice, the usual answer follows, and then he or she is told by
all the friends and companions " A yk o O ! " (we separate you
from our companionship). The substitute returns home with the
rest, and the simple ceremony comes to an end.
office of a dutiful child to its mother and this is
understood as their last meeting in this world. The hearth pre-
sented to her is for her to cook with in the other world.



140 THE HISTORY OF THE YORUBAS

The period of mourning for either man or woman is as aforesaid,
three months, during which time the men are to remain unwashed,
unshaven and the women with dishevelled hair and dress unchanged.
At the expiration of this term on a day appointed the whole of them
shave for the dead, and their hair is thrown outside by the wall
of the house. They then parade the streets, dressed in their best,
singing and dancing in honour of the dead, and calling at one house
after another to return thanks to the sympathizers. The children
of the deceased, begotten or adopted, now carry the horses'
tails in their hands by which they are distinguished from those
who have no immediate connection with the family.

In the division of the property the widows as aforesaid pass into
the possession of the children and the nearest relatives, the right
to each being determined by ballot. Each male relative sends
round his chewing stick (native tooth brush) with his name to
the woman of his choice ; they are expected to reject the proposal
twice as if they were resolved to remain widows all their life ; but
at the third and last proposal, with tears in their eyes, they
make their choice and are taken over. This concludes the final
ceremony.

In the case of young men or young women, the proceedings
are essentially different. The companions of him or her that is
gone proceed in a body to a spot where two roads intersect each
other, preceded by one of their number who stands at a great
distance from them. The call as in the case of the Agan is made
thrice, the usual answer follows, and then he or she is told by
all the friends and companions " A yk o O ! " (we separate you
from our companionship). The substitute returns home with the
rest, and the simple ceremony comes to an end.
x

THE HISTORY OF THE YORUBAS

PART II.

YORUBA KINGS AND CONTEMPORARY EVENTS
EMBRACING FOUR PERIODS.

I. The Mythological Period : Oduduwa to Ajaka

II. The Period of Growth and Prosperity : Aganju to

Abiqdun

III. The Decline, Revolutionary Wars and Disruption:

Aole to Oluewu

IV. The Arrest of Disintegration, Efforts at Restoration

OF Unity, Tribal Wars, the British Protectorate :
Atiba to Adeyemi



FIRST PERIOD— MYTHOLOGICAL KINGS AND DEIFIED

HEROES

Chapter I

THE FOUNDERS OF THE YORUBA NATION.

§ I. Oduduwa

Oduduwa the reputed founder and ancestor of the race is really
a mythical personage. The Etymology of the term is from Odu
(ti o) da Iwk. Whatever is unusually large as a large pot or
container is termed Odii : the term then implies, the great container
the author of existence. According to Ife mythology Oduduwa
was the son of Olodu mare, i.e. the father or Lord of Odu ; ma r6
implies cannot go beyond i.e. the Almighty. Oduduwa was sent
by Olodumare from heaven to create the earth. Olokun i.e.
the goddess of the ocean was the wife of Oduduwa, Oranmiyan
and Isgdale their children, and Ogun a grand-child.

Such is the desire of most nations to find a mythical origin
for themselves through their kings and ancestors.

All that was known of him has been told in Part I of this history,
which gives an account of the emigration of the ancestors of the
Yorubas from the east to He Ife where Oduduwa died in peace
and was deified, being worshipped to this day by the Ifes, and up
to the time of the British Protectorate, human sacrifices were
offered to him at regular intervals. The soil of He Ife is said to be
sacred to him. He was the grandfather and great-grandfather
of renowned Kings and Princes who ruled and made history
in the Yoruba country.

The number of years embraced by this period is unknown,
but it includes the time during which the Yoruba kingdom was in
prosperity, and the Kings despotic. The capital of the kingdom
then was He If§.

The Basgrun of this reign was Qlorunfun-mi.

§ 2. Oranyan

Orafiyan the grandson of Oduduwa succeeded his grandfather
on the throne. He was a very brave and warlike Prince, and of
an indomitable courage. He was the founder of the order of the
Esos vide Pt. I page 73. His body-guard consisted of 150 well-
tried soldiers.

143



144 THE HISTORY OF THE YORUBAS

How he headed his brothers on an abortive expedition to the
east to avenge the death of their great-grandfather, and how they
quarrelled at Igangan and dispersed from that place, has been
told in Part I. After founding the city of Oyo where he resided
for a time he was said to have pushed on to a place called Okd,
leaving Oyo in charge of one of the princes. This is not unlikely
when we remember that that was not an age of settled government,
but that the warlike and restless King was engaged in extending
his dominions far and wide. Much that was known of him has been
told in Part I. He resided at 6k6 for many years and according
to some died there, but others affirmed that he died at He Ife,
where his grave is shown to this day. But the Yorubas have a
custom whenever any one died away from home, to cut the hair
of his head and pare his nails, and these are taken to the place
where they would have him buried, and there ceremoniously
and religiously deposited. It may thus have been the case here.
But an anecdote connected with his later years must here be told :

It was said that after a long period of reign an urgent necessity
made him revisit the city of He Ife, which he had left for so long a
time ; perhaps to arrange some family affairs, or to possess himself
of some of his father's treasures left in charge of Adimu. He left
his son Ajaka as Regent and went. Having stayed much longer
than the time fixed for his return (communication between the
two places being then dangerous and difficult) the people thought
he was dead, or that at any rate he would no more return to 6k6 ;
the OYO MESI who were the authorised rulers of the town conse-
quently confirmed Ajaka on the throne, investing him with full
powers, and all the insignia of royalty.

But his father was returning ; and having come within a short
distance of the city, his attention was arrested by the sound of the
Kakaki trumpet — a trumpet blown for the sovereign alone.
Upon enquiry, he learnt what had taken place. He thereupon
retraced his steps quietly to He Ifg where he spent the rest of his
days in peaceful retirement. An obelisk termed Opa Oranyan
(Orafiyan's staff) erected on the spot he was supposed to have been
buried is shown at He Ife to this day. This would seem to confirm
the view that he died and was buried at He If§ and not at 0k6.



THE FOUNDERS OF THE YORUBA NATION

145



Opa Or(7/7c/an




*WT^



146 THE HISTORY OF THE YORUBAS

This obelisk is about 10 or 12 feet in height/ and about 4 feet
square in width at its base ; it tapers to a point, and has upon
one face of it, several spike nails driven into it, and some carvings
as of ancient characters. The nails are arranged in such an ordered
manner as to render them significant. First, there are 61 in a
straight line from the bottom upwards at intervals of about
2 inches in midline; and next, at about a distance of 4 inches
on either side of this, and from the same level on top, two
parallel lines of 31 nails ea.ch running downwards and curving
below to meet those of the midline. Then in the space
between these three rows of parallel lines, and about the level
where they converge, is found the most conspicuous of the
carvings, i*^^.

What is conjectured as most probable in these arrangements
is that the 61 nails in midline represent the number of years
Oraiiyan lived, and that the 31 each on either side indicates that
he was 31 when he began to reign, and that he reigned 31 years,
the year he began to reign being counted twice as is the manner
of the Yorubas ; and that the carvings are the ancient characters
Resh and Yod which stand for Oranyan.

Besides Opa Orafiyan, there are to be found to this day, in
groves at He Ife, and at other Ife settlements outside the city,
carvings in stone of natural objects such as tongs and anvil,
table, stool, fish, and several other objects of curiosity which
are generally hidden from strangers, because they are held
sacred ; they represent the handicrafts of the founders of the
race.

The art of carving on stones or drilling holes in them has since
become lost among Yorubas, and consequently, how nails could
have been driven into stones and various figures cut out of them
is usually explained to be, that these objects were once carved out
of wood, and when the carvers were deified, their work became
petrified ! As these gods were once men, so these stones were once
wood !

The Ifes are the guardians and custodians of these sacred
relics from ancient times.

Nearly all legends and folklore are attributed to the age of
Orafiyan, among these may be mentioned the following told by an
ffe :—

1 About four feet was broken off from the top of this obelisk
during a storm in the year 1884. The obelisk has since twice
fallen down and inartistically re-erected. But a stump of it now
remains.



the founders of the yoruba nation t47

The Legend of Moremi and her Son

" Moremi was the wife of one of the ancient heroes of He Ifg,
probably Oranmiyan. She was a woman of great beauty and
virtue, and had an only son named Ela or Olurogbo.

It happened that the city of Ife was at one time in a state of
frequent commotion and unrest, owing to the repeated raids of a
tribe of people called the Igbos. This continued for a series of years.
The Ifes attributed this affliction and distress to the displeasure
of their gods, because those that attacked them from the Igbo
territory appeared not to be human beings, but gods or demi gods,
and consequently the Ifes felt they could not withstand them, and
so these raiders used to make away with easy plunder, including
their valuables, with their women and children. For this they
propitiated and called upon their gods for help, but received no
response.

Now, this Moremi, fired with zeal and patriotism was determined
to do what she could to free her country from this calamity.
She was resolved to find out what these Igbos really were, and
how to fight them. To this end she repaired to a stream called
Esinmirin, and there made a vow to the deity thereof, that if
she was enabled to carry out her plans, and they proved
successful, she would offer to the god the most costly sacrifice
she could afford. Her plan was to expose herself to the raiders,
and get caught, and be taken to their country where she could
best leato do what she could to free her country from this calamity.
She was resolved to find out what these Igbos really were, and
how to fight them. To this end she repaired to a stream called
Esinmirin, and there made a vow to the deity thereof, that if
she was enabled to carry out her plans, and they proved
successful, she would offer to the god the most costly sacrifice
she could afford. Her plan was to expose herself to the raiders,
and get caught, and be taken to their country where she could
best learn their secrets: 'But,' she said, ' if I perish, I perish.'

At the time of the next raid she undertook to carry out her
plans, she was caught by the Igbos and taken to their country ;
and being a woman of great beauty, she was given up amongst
others, and sundry booty to their king. Her beauty and virtue
soon won her a place in the country and the confidence of the
people ; she became familiar with all their customs, and learnt
all their secrets : then she also learnt that those who were such
objects of terror to her people were mere men, who covered them-
selves from head to foot with Ekan grass and bamboo fibres,
making them appear extra human, and are nicknamed Eluyare.
She extracted from her husband also the secret of attacking them
successfully. ' If your people know how to make a torch, and have
the courage to rush amongst them with lighted torches, they
cannot stand that.'

Moremi feeling she was now conversant with everything amongst
the Igbos, having disarmed any suspicion they may have enter-
tained of her as a captive, suddenly escaped one day to her native
land, and by making use of the secrets she had learnt, freed her



148 THE HISTORY OF THE YORUBAS

country for ever from the raids of the men once their terror. It
remained now for her to fulfil her vows.

She repaired to the stream with her offerings of lambs, rams, and
goats for sacrifice, but the god would not accept any of these.
She then offered a bullock, which the god also refused to accept,
then she prayed the priests to divine for her what would be accept-
able ; this was done, and the god demanded of her, her only
son !

She then gave up her only son in sacrifice to the gods in the
fulfilment of her vcws. The If§ nation bewailed her loss and
promised to be to her sons ind daughters, for the loss she had
sustained for the salvation of her country.

Olurogbo however, when supposed to be killed, was but half
dead ; he afterwards revived and rose again, and made a rope
with which he climbed up into heaven ; and all Ifes to this day
have a full hope that he will come again to this world, and reap
the full reward of his good deeds."

We may discern in this legend a confused idea of the story
of Jephtha, and that of the Blessed Virgin and her Son perverted,

Orafiyan was the father of al^ Oyos or Yorubas proper, and
was the universal conqaeror of the land. He left behind him
two renowned sons, Ajaka and Sango, both of whom succeeded
him in turns, and both of whom became famous in Yoruba history,
and were deified after death.

The Basorun of this reign was Efufu-ko-fe-ori.

§ 3. AjuAN alias Ajaka

Ajuan alias Oba Ajaka was at first only a Regent when his
father left for He Ife, but was subsequently confirmed on the
throne as was mentioned above. He alone of all the Yoruba
Kings had the singular fortune (or misfortune) of being called
to the throne twice, being once deposed, but afterwards recalled
to the throne.

Very little was known of his earlier reign, except that, unlike
his father, he was of a peaceful disposition, loved husbandry and
encouraged it.

Being too mild for the warlike spirit of the age, and tamely
suffering the encroachments of provincial kings, he was dethroned,
and he went to Igbodo where he remained in retirement seven years
during which period his brother Sango reigned in his stead. His
Basorun was nick-named Erin-din-logun-Agbgn k6 se da ni Ha
(i.e. sixteen cocoa nuts is u

Very little was known of his earlier reign, except that, unlike
his father, he was of a peaceful disposition, loved husbandry and
encouraged it.

Being too mild for the warlike spirit of the age, and tamely
suffering the encroachments of provincial kings, he was dethroned,
and he went to Igbodo where he remained in retirement seven years
during which period his brother Sango reigned in his stead. His
Basorun was nick-named Erin-din-logun-Agbgn k6 se da ni Ha
(i.e. sixteen cocoa nuts is unsuitable for Ha divination). That is
to say cocoa nuts are not suitable substitutes for palm nuts. The
reason for this sobriquet is not known.



the founders of the yoruba nation i49

§ 4. Sango or Olufiran

Sango son of Oranyan, and brother of Ajaka was the fourth
King of Yoruba. He was of a very wild disposition, fiery temper,
and skilful in sleight of hand tricks. He had a habit of emitting
fire and smoke out of his mouth, by which he greatly increased the
dread his subjects had of him.

The Olowii at this time appeared to have been more powerful
than the King of Ovo, for after the death of the uncle Oranyan,
he compelled his cousin the peaceful Ajaka to pay tribute to him.
This was probably the reason why Ajaka was deposed.

On Sango's coming to the throne, being a much younger man,
the Olowu meant to take advantage of his youth ; he demanded
the tribute of him, but Sango refused to acknowledge his primacy,
notwithstanding the Olowu' s threat to deprive him of his wives
and children ; consequently his capital was besieged and a sharp
fight ensued. Sango there displayed his wonted bravery as well
as his tricks ; volumes of smoke issuing from his mouth and nostrils
so terrified the Olowu and his army that they became panic stricken
and were completely routed and put to flight.

Sango pushed on his advantage, and with every fresh victory
he was the more firmly established on the throne ; he thereby
became elated and was tyrannical.

It was his ambition now to remove the seat of government
from Oko to Oyo then called Oyokoro, he knew he would meet
with strong opposition from the prince of that city and so he set
upon devising plans by which he could effect his purpose with
as little fighting as possible.

Sango was now possessed with a desire of performing an act
of filial piety. He wished to worship at the grave of his dead
mother, but he did not so much as remember her name for she
died when he was but a babe. She was the daughter of Elempe
a Nupe king, who formed an alliance with Oranyan by giving him
his daughter to wife, of which marriage Sango was the issue.
Sango therefore commissioned a Tetu and a Hausa slave to proceed
to the Tapa country, to his maternal grandfather Elempe for the
purpose giving them a horse and a cow for the sacrifice.

' The King's charge to these messengers was, that they should
listen carefully to the first name uttered in the invocation which
evidently will be his mother's name.

The messengers were heartily welcomed and highly entertained
by Elempe, their King's grandfather, so much so that the Hausa
forgot himself and the duty he was charged with. At the time
of the sacrifice, the priest said at the grave " Tor6si, lya gbodo,

150 THE HISTORY OF THE YORUBAS

listen to us, thy son Sango is come to worship thee." The Tgtu
noted the name Torosi, but the Hausa, being far from sober paid
no heed to what was said ; therefore, on their return home, the
Tgtu who had faithfully carried out his orders was highly rewarded,
and the Hausa slave severely punished. The punishment meted
out to him was 122 razor cuts slashed all over his body as a lasting
warning for all time.

The scars left by these wounds strangely took the fancy of the
King's wives who thought that they added comeliness and beauty
to the man, and therefore they advised that in future such marks
should not be performed upon a slave, but on actual members
of the royal family as distinctive of royalty.

Sango took this advice, and placed himself first in the hands
of the " Olowolas " (the markers) named Babajegbe Osan and
Babajegbe Oru ; but he could stand only two cuts on each arm,
and forbade them to proceed any further. This is what is termed
£y6. The marks are to this day retained in the royal family,
as a distinctive badge of royalty, and hence members of the royal
family are termed Akey6. They are two broad ribbon marks on
the arms from the shoulder to the wrist.

When the King had determined upon taking Oyokoro, it
occurred to him to employ this as a device by which he could
effect his purpose easily without loss of lives. He thereupon
sent the Hausa slave to Oloyo-koro for him to see how beautiful
this slave looks with these marks, and that it has been resolved
to use the same as a mark of royalty ; he therefore advised the
Oloyo-koro to submit himself to be thus marked, with his principal
chiefs for rank and beauty, stating that he himself had done so. To
this they consented, Babajegbe Osan and Babajegbe Oru were
sent over there, and admirably did they perform their tasks.

But on the third day, when the Oloyo-koro and his chiefs were
very sore, Sango appeared with his forces against them ; no
resistance could be offered, and the city fell easily into his hands :
shamefully and brutally he put to death the prince and his chiefs,
the dupes of his stratagem.

Thus the seat of government was permanently removed from
Oko (or as some would have it, from He Ife) to Oyo the ancient
" Eyeo or Katunga."

Sango reigned for seven years, the whole of which period was
marked by his restlessness. He fought many battles and was
fond of making charms. He was said to have the knowledge
of some preparation by which he could attract lightning. The
palace at Oyo was built at the foot of a hill called Ok^ Ajaka
(Ajaka's hill). One day the King ascended this hill accompanied 

THE FOUNDERS OF THE YORUBA NATION I5I 

by his courtiers and some of his slaves, among whom were two 

favourites, Biri and Omiran ; some of his cousins went with him, 

but none of his children. He was minded to try the preparation 

he had in hand ; thinking it might have been damp and useless, 

he first made the experiment on his own house. But it took effect, 

a storm was immediately raised and the lightning had struck the 

palace before they came down the hill, and the buildings were on 

fire. Many of Sango's wives and his children perished in this 

catastrophe. 

Sango who was the author of his own misfortunes became 

alarmed and dismayed at what had happened and from a broken 

heart he was resolved to abdicate the throne and retire to the court 

of his maternal grandfather, Elempe king of the Nupes. 

All Oyo was now astir, not only to sympathize with the King, 

but also to dissuade him from carrying out his resolution ; but 

he could not bear any opposition, and so mad was he, that he 

even used his sword against some of his loyal subjects who ventured 

to remonstrate with him, and who promised to replace for him 

his dead wives by others, by whom he might beget children, and 

so in time make good his present losses. 

According to other accounts, he did not abdicate of his own 

freewill, but was asked to do so by a strong party in the state. 

Both accounts may be true, there may have been two parties, 

for to this day, Yorubas have an abhorence of a King given to 

making deadly charms ; because for one who already has absolute 

power invested in him by law, this strange power can only be used 

spitefully, so that no one near him would be safe. 

He was said to have caused 160 persons to be slain in a fit of 

anger, of those who were showing much concern and over-anxiety 

on his behalf, and who would prevent him by force from carrying 

out his resolve. 

Thus determined he set out on his fateful journey with a few 

followers. Biri his head slave and favourite was the first to regret 

the step taken, and to urge on his master to yield to the entreaties 

of those citizens of Ovo, who with all loyalty promised to replace 

his losses, as far as man can do it, and to rebuild the palace ; but 

finding the King inexorable, he forsook him and returned to the 

city with all his followers ; Omiran likewise followed his example, 

and the King was thus left alone. He now repented his rashness, 

especially when he found himself deserted by his favourite Biri. 

He could not proceed alone, and for shame he could not return 

home, and so he was resolved to put an end to his own life ; and 

climbing on a shea butter tree, he hanged himself. 

His friends hearing of this tragedy went immediately and 

152 THE HISTORY OF THE YORUBAS 

performed for him the last act of kindness, by burying his remains 

under the same tree. 

On hearing of the King's death, his personal friends followed 

his example, and died with him. Biri committed suicide at Koso 

(where the King died), Omiran did the same. His cousin Omo 

Sinda committed suicide at Papo, Babayanmi at Sele, Obei at 

Jakuta and Oya his favourite wife at Ira. 

Thus ended the life of this remarkable personage, who once 

ruled over all the Yorubas and Popos. He was afterwards deified, 

and is still worshipped by all of the Yoruba race as the god of 

thunder and lightning. 

In every Yoruba and Popo town to this day, whenever there is 

a flash of lightning followed by a peal of thunder, it is usual to 

hear from the populace shouts of " Ka wo o," " ka biye si " 

(welcome to your majesty, long live the King.) 

Ajaka his brother was now recalled from exile, and he once 

more held the reins of government. 

Salekuodi was the Basorun of this reign. 

§ 5. Ajaka's Second Reign 

King Ajaka who was dethroned for being too peaceful was 

now recalled to the throne. He proved after his re-instatement a 

totally different man to what he had been before, and showed 

himself more warlike than even his brother Sango, 

He led an expedition into the Tapa country. Tradition has 

it, that he employed large and well-trained birds, armed with 

arrows, and after crossing the Niger they showered down these 

deadly weapons upon the maternal relations of his brother Sango. 

What is certain is, that the expedition was successful but by 

what means, it is not really known. But thus it was with the 

Yorubas (as with all superstitious people) that brave deeds and 

extraordinary acts of daring are always attributed to the super- 

natural. 

He spent the latter part of his years in waging intestine wars 

with his subjects. He was said to have been engaged in civil 

wars with 1060 of his chiefs and princes among whom were the 

principal vassal or provincial kings, the Onikoyi, the Olugbon, 

and the Aresa. 

He had in his service certain " medicine men," who made charms 

for him, viz., Atagbgin, Omo-onik6k6, Abitibiti Onisegun, Paku, 

Teteoniru, Y5nk, Oko-adan Egbeji, Alari baba isegun, and 

Elenre. 

The following fable was related of him : — 

After his wars, some of these " medicine men " went up to him, 

THE FOUNDERS OF THE YORUBA NATION I53 

and humbly prayed to be allowed to return home ; but the King 

refused to grant them leave, fearing lest their services might be 

required by some other kings, and in that way, others might be in 

possession of the charms they made for him. As they were 

determined to go home they showed the King by demonstrative 

proofs, that they made the request simply out of courtesy but 

that the King could not detain them. Paku fell down before him, 

and disappeared. Tete oniru, Abitibiti Onisegun, and Alari 

baba I§egun performed the same feat and vanished. Egbeji 

threw up a ball of thread which hung suspended in space, and he 

climbed up it and disappeared. Elenre alone remained standing 

before him. Then said the King to him " Elenre, you had better 

follow the examples of your colleagues and vanish, or I shall 

wreak my vengeance upon you for their disobedience." " Kill 

me if you can " replied Elenre. The King thereupon ordered him 

to be decapitated ; but the sword was broken in two on the 

attempt. He then ordered him to be speared but the spear 

became bent and the spearman's arm withered ! He ordered a 

large stone to be rolled over him to crush him to death but it 

fell on him as light as a ball of cotton-wool. 

The King and the executioners were now at their wits' end, 

and then it occurred to one of them to " plough with his heifer." 

His wife Ijaehin being prevailed upon, told them that no iron or 

steel can affect him: "Pull off a single blade of grass from the 

thatch of the house, and with that you can decapitate him." 

This was done, and the head was struck off, but instead of 

falling to the ground, it fell into the King's hand, and he 

involuntarily grasped it. The King tried all his best to drop it 

off, but to no avail. Any food brought to the King the head 

devoured, and drank all the water likewise. The King soon 

became famished, he was losing flesh, and was really dying from 

hunger. 

All the " medicine-men " of every tribe in the kingdom were 

sent for, to disenchant this alarming phenomenon : as soon as 

anyone entered, the head would call him by name, tell out the 

composition of his charms, and then ask " Do you think that 

can affect me ? " Thus many were baffled, until at last came one 

Agawo ; this man at once pro:-trated at a distance and entreated 

the head to forbear with him, saying : — " Who am I to oppose 

you ? In what am I better than my predecessors whom you have 

already foiled ? I came only in obedience to the King's commands 

as I dare not refuse to come." The head replied " I will respect 

you because you are wise and respect yourself ; I yield to your 

entreaties." Then, falling suddenly from the King's hands. 

154 "^"^ HISTORY OF THE YORUBAS 

Elenre's head became a flowing river known at Oyo to this day as 

Odo Elenre (Elenre's river). 

His wife Ijaehin who disclosed the secret of his strength was 

also converted into a stream, but Elenre's head said to it " Thou 

shalt not flow," therefore Ijaehin became a stagnant pool at Oyo 

unto this day. 

From this incident King Ajaka made it a rule that from hence- 

forth no King should be present in person at an execution. 

He put to death all the vassal kings 1060 in number taken in 

war ; the relics of their skulls were put together and are worshipped 

under the name of Orisa'la to this day. This is the probable 

origin of that worship. 

The reign of the mythological heroes abound in garbled forms 

of scriptural stories, showing as was remarked in the earlier part 

of this history that the ancestors of the Yorubas were acquainted 

with Christianity in the land of their origin. The fable here related 

is evidently the story of Elijah in a perverted form.. His putting 

to death so many priests of Baal has been perverted into Ajaka 

slaying all his vassal kings and their skulls converted to an object 

of worship. His judgment of fire on those sent to arrest him finds 

a counterpart in Elenre's head anticipating those who came to 

exorcise it, both yielded to a wiser delegate who substituted 

entreaties for authority. The name Asawo (i.e. one who deals 

in mysteries) is very significant ; it is evidently a mythological 

rather than a real name. Elijah going up to heaven became 

Egbeji climbing up a cord and disappearing as the saying goes 

" Egbeji ta 'kun O lo si Orun," i.e. Egbeji suspended a cord and 

by it went up to heaven. The river Jordan crossed by Elijah 

suggested Elenre's head becoming a river, etc. 

The Ogidigbo drum was introduced into Oyo during this reign. 

It is of all drums the most inartistic, and is totally devoid of any 

embellishment. It consists of a block of wood about 3ft. in length 

hollowed out from the centre to about 6 inches of both extremities, 

and is beaten with a rod. 

It is used only for the King and theBasorun at the great festivals 

when they dance together at his public appearance. 

Nothing is known of the end of Ajaka, probably he died in 

peace. 

Salekuodi continued as the Basorun of this reign also. 

SECOND PERIOD.— THE PERIOD OF GROWTH AND 

PROSPERITY AND OPPRESSION. 

Chapter II 

Chapter II 

HISTORICAL KINGS 

§ r. Aganju 

As Sango left no issue, the crown fell to Ajaka's son Aganju without 

any dispute. His reign was long and very prosperous. He had 

a remarkable faculty of taming wild animals and venomous 

reptiles, several of which may be seen crawling about him. He had 

also in his house a tame leopard. 

He greatly beautified the palace adding piazzas in front and 

back, with rows of brazen posts. He originated the custom of 

decorating the palace with hangings on state occasions, being a 

sovereign of accomplished taste. 

Towards the end of his reign, he waged war with a namesake 

of his, Aganju the Onisambo, for refusing him the hand of his 

daughter lyayun. In this war, four chiefs, viz. the Onisambo and 

his allies the Onitede the Onimeri and the Alagbona were captured, 

their towns destroyed, and the bride forcibly secured. 

The close of his reign was clouded by great domestic troubles. 

His only son Lubeg6 was discovered having illicit intercourse 

with his beloved lyayun, on whose account so many princes and 

people have lost their lives. The stern father was enraged beyond 

words, the sentence pronounced on him was the extreme penalty 

of the law, and it was rigidly carried out. But the King was 

overcome with grief, he died not long after this, even before the 

birth of a successor to the throne. The name of his Basorun was 

Banija, succeeded by Erankogbina. 

§ 2. KoRi 

The late King having no surviving son Erankogbina the Basorun 

was left to manage the affairs of the kingdom. The only hope of 

a direct successor to the throne was the child of lyayun still in 

utero ; hence sacrifices were offered frequently on the grave of 

Aganju praying him to grant lyayun a son if his name is not to be 

forgotten, and the dynasty end with him. When in due course 

therefore lyayun gave birth to a son, the joy of the populace was 

unbounded. He was named Kgri. 

155 

156 THE HISTORY OF THE YORUBAS 

During Kori's minority, lyayun was declared Regent ; she 

wore the crown, and put on the royal robes, and was invested 

with the Ejigha, the Opa ileke and other royal insignia, and ruled 

the kingdom as a man until her son was of age. 

It was during this reign that Timi was sent to Ede and not in 

Sango's reign as was supposed.^ 

The Ijesas proving very troublesome to their neighbours by 

kidnapping them in their farms, and molesting caravans to and 

from Apomu a frontier town where a large fair is periodically 

held for the exchange of goods with the Ijebus, and also getting 

frequently embroiled with the king of Ido their neighbour, com- 

plaints from time to time reached the AlAfin of Oyo. It was 

now determined that a stop be put to these inroads ; for this 

purpose the King sent a notable hunter to that district who 

succeeded in checking these marauders. He took up a position 

at a place called Ede as his headquarters, and there he subsequently 

established himself as a kinglet with the title of Timi. 

Timi was a famous archer, notable for his deadly arrows, and 

he more than justified his appointment. The Owa of Ilesa 

imitating the same appointment, posted an opposition kinglet 

at Osogbo named Atawoja ; but his chief duty was to worship 

the fish in the river Osun. 

As the Timi's duties required all his time, skill and valour, 

he had no time left to provide for himself and family ; the traders 

and caravans being now well protected, he obtained permission 

from the AlAfin to levy a toll of 5 cowries each on every trader ; 

by this means he soon had more than enough for the support 

of his family, and as a good and loyal subject, he paid the surplus 

into the royal treasury. 

After some years of this act of loyalty, he regretted this self- 

imposed tribute, taking another view of the matter, that whatever 

he could collect this way should be his own by right as a compen- 

sation for the loss of the advantages of a city life, as well as a 

reward for his labours. So he abruptly stoppe

stopped the tribute. 

When the King missed the usual tribute, he sent to demand 

the same, but Timi refused to pay it, and gave his reasons for not 

doing so. This did not satisfy the King, so a more peremptory order 

was sent to Timi to deliver up what he had withheld. This order 

was also disobeyed, and so the King resorted to force, a body of 

troops was sent to arrest him, and to seize all his belongings. But 

Timi was prepared for this, he resisted with all his might, and 

routed the King's forces. 

^ Vide Yoruba Reading Book. 

HISTORICAL KINGS 157 

But the King was resolved to punish Timi as a warning to others 

who might follow his example. Eliri-onigbajo the Gbonka was 

proposed to him as the only man equal to the task. But the 

Gbonka was already a powerful subject at Oyq, being the only 

man who dared to oppose the King's encroachments upon the 

liberties of the people, therefore, he was at first loth to accede to 

this proposal, lest a success might add an additional lustre to the 

Gbonka's glory, and make him more elated than before ; but on 

second consideration he consented, secretly hoping he might fall by 

the hand of his brave antagonist. So the Gbonka was appointed. 

The fight was limited to a single combat between the two 

chieftains, Timi armed himself with his bow and arrows, but 

the Gbonka carried a shield with which to defend himself against 

the powerful darts of his assailant. His own weapon of offence 

was a viol containing a drug with strong narcotic properties when 

inhaled, and by means of this Timi was soon rendered unconscious, 

and in this state, he was dispossessed of his weapons, and taken 

bound to Qyo. 

The King received the tidings with mixed feelings of joy and 

disappointment that neither of them fell in the combat, especially 

the Gbonka whom he wished to get rid of. When the illustrious 

captive was brought before him, the King pretended to be dis- 

satisfied with the issue of the contest, doubting its fairness, except 

the same could be repeated in his presence, so that he may witness 

it personally, secreth^ hoping that Timi might have a better 

chance this time, and that the Gbonka might fall. This desire 

was apparent to all present, and to the Gbonka himself ; however, 

he addressed himself to the renewed combat. The King ordered 

the Timi's weapons to be restored to him, and the fight resumed. 

To his mortification the Gbonka was again victorious amid shouts 

of applause from the people. Timi was not only subdued but 

was also instantaneously killed by the victor before the King and 

without his orders. 

The Gbonka to show further what he could do, and to strike 

terror into the King, ordered a pile to be made, and pots of palm 

oil, nut oil, and shea butter to be poured on it ; he then went 

coolly and sat on the top of it, and ordered it to be set on fire. 

All present were anxious for the consequence ; but when the pile 

was ablaze, the Gbonka disappeared. 

Courtiers now began to congratulate the King on the fall of 

his enemy by his own hands ; but he was apprehensive of some 

other issues " Not too fast" said he, " we must first wait and see." 

Tidings soon reached the court that the Gbonka followed by 

drummers, was seen dancing about the town. 

158 THE HISTORY OF THE YORUBAS 

The Gbonka knowing the public feeling towards the King, and 

his unpopularity, entered the palace and challenged His Majesty 

to display feats similar to his own and said if he could not, he 

would be rejected. There being no alternative, the King took 

poison and died. 

Esugbiri succeeded Erankogbina as Basorun during this reign. 

§ 3. Oluaso 

The unfortunate King was succeeded by a handsome and 

amiable prince called Oluaso, who was remarkable for his longevity 

and peaceful reign. His agnomen was Osarewa S'akin i.e., 

handsome but strong. He was a wise and affable sovereign 

fabled to have reigned for 320 years, and had 1460 children ! 

Three times did nine of his wives bear him male twins in one day. 

The first set he named Omgla, the second Ona-aka, and the third 

Ona-isokun. Of these three sets of twins the last (Ona-isokun) 

were the most popular and Kings were chosen from amongst them 

and their descendants. These names have become hereditary 

titles unto this day. The King built 54 palaces for these 54 

princes all of whom rose to positions of trust and responsibility 

by their own merits. 

He originated and built 120 kobis to the royal palace. He was 

ably assisted by his Basorun, Esugbiri-elu. He lived to a good 

old age, and died full of days and honour, and his longevity has 

passed into a proverb. " O ni ki o gbo ogbo Oluaso, o le jiya 

Oluaso ? " You pray to live as long as Oluaso, can you endure 

the trials of Oluaso ? Old age has its own trials and sufferings. 

His son Onigbogi succeeded him on the throne. Esugbiri was the 

Basorun of this reign also. 

§ 4. Onigbogi 

Onigbogi was one of the sons of Oluaso by Aruigba-ifa an Ota 

woman. She had left Oyq during the previous reign for her own 

native town, but on hearing that her son ascended the throne, she 

returned to Oyo in order to assist him in his government by her 

advice. She was a very superstitious woman. Wishing her son 

to have a long and prosperous reign, she advised him to introduce 

the worship of Ifa into Oyo as a national deity. The Oyo citizens 

asked the King and his mother what offerings are required with 

which to propitiate Ha. She replied, 16 rats, 16 bags of cowries, 

16 fishes, 16 fowls, 16 arm lengths of cloth and 16 ground pigs. 

The Oyo citizens answered that they were prepared to give the 

offerings, but they could not worship palm nuts. Thus the advice 

of the King's mother was rejected and the worship of Ifa cancelled. 

HISTORICAL KINGS 159 

When Aruigba-ifa was going to Oyq she was accompanied by 

the personification of several common objects used in fetish 

worship e.g. Aje, Opon, Ajere, Osun, Elegbara, and Iroke. When 

the citizens of Oyo rejected her god, she returned on her way to 

Ota with all her followers, weeping as they went. On reaching 

the foot of the Ado hill, the Alado's wife came out to see the cause 

of a company of people weeping and wailing, saying " We are 

driven out of the country." She reported this at home, and the 

Alado came out and invited the party to lodge with him. His 

inquisitiveness led him to ask why such august personages should 

be driven out of the city ; when he had learnt the whole story, he 

sympathized with Arugba, and asked her to stay, promising to 

give some of the things required, as they were too poor to be able 

to afford all. This was done, and Arugba not only initiated him 

into the mysteries, but also conferred upon him the right of initiat- 

ing others. Hence in the subsequent reign when the Oyos decided 

to adopt Ifa worship, it was this Alado who went to the city to 

initiate them into all the mysteries, rites and ceremonies of Ifa 

worship. 

A war broke out after these events, and the King sent out the 

Basgrun at the head of his army to Ita-ibidun with all the war 

chiefs. The king of the Tapas (Nupe) between whom and the 

Yorubas there have been strained relations since the death of 

Sango, seized this opportunity for crossing the river, and pouring 

his army into the Yoruba country, carried everything before 

him, until he stood before the gate of Ovo. There being no avail- 

able force to oppose him, the city was soon taken. The King 

fled to Gbere in the Bariba country, and there he died not being 

used to the hardships incidental to the life of an exile ; leaving his 

son Ofinran a refugee in a strange land. In the land of his exile. 

King Onigbogi made it a law that only 35 of the Esos should be 

absent from home at any time, leaving 35 for the defence of the 

city and country, the Tapa King having entered Ovo practically 

without any opposition. 

Ayangbagi Aro was the Basorun of this period. 

§ 5. Ofinran 

The Oyo refugees were at first received with open arms by the 

King Eleduwe and his Balogun Bokgyo because Ofinran's mother 

was a Bariba woman. The refugees having no regular employment 

here, joined theBaribas, who are a race of marauders, in all their 

expeditions. In one of these expeditions Irawo in the Yoruba 

country was taken, and also Oke Isero where died the famous 

warchief Gbonka Eleri-onigbajo. 

l6o THE HISTORY OF THE YORUBAS 

After this, the Baribas began to ill-treat the refugees, but the 

young prince proved himself equal to the occasion ; he collected his 

people together, and set out at their head for Oyo. 

When they arrived at a place called Kusu, they encamped 

there to complete their preparations for the journey to Oyo. 

From Kusu the King sent delegates to Ota for Ifa priests, as he and 

his chiefs superstitiously believed that their misfortunes arose 

from their rejecting the worship of Ifa ; the Alado then came to 

initiate the AlAfin and his people into the mysteries of the Ifa 

worship. Thus Ifa was accepted by Yoruba proper among the 

gods of the land. 

The Egugun mysteries also were hitherto unknown to the 

Yorubas, by this means the Tapas have long imposed upon them, 

they believing in the reality of the so-called apparitions. On the 

hill Sanda at Kusu the secret was made known to Saha the King's 

head slave. 

The first Alapini with the other Egugun priests the Elefi, 

Olohan, Oloba, Aladafa, and the Olgj^, emigrated from the Tapa 

country to Yoruba, joining the remnants returning from the 

Bariba country. These became the first priests, and instructed 

the Yorubas further in the Egiigun worship ; therefore the honours 

and emoluments to be enjoyed in this worship by right belong to 

them and their successors unto this day. 

Before the encampment at Kusu was broken up, the King died, 

and was succeeded by his son Eguguoju. The deceased King's 

body was wrapped in an ass's skin to be taken to Oyo. At a place 

called Okutu-gbogbo the cord broke, and the body had to be bound 

up afresh before they could proceed. On the very spot in which 

this happened, the palace at Saki was built. 

Sokia " ti iwo ewn irin " (clad with a coat of mail) was the 

Basorun of this period. 

Chapter III 

THE KINGS OF OYO IGBOHO 

§ r. Eguguoju 

Eguguoju having succeeded his father, became the leader of his 

people to Oyo ; the camp at Kusu was broken up and they carried 

the remains of the late King with them for state funeral at home. 

They encamped next at Iju Sanya, a desert place. Whilst there 

two large birds an Igbo and an Oyo were seen fighting, and they 

chased each other from the bough of the tree under which the 

King sat until they came down to the ground, and he ordered both 

to be caught and killed. 

This occurrence was regarded by him as a happy omen ; he 

therefore resolved to build a city there and to remove the seat of 

government to that place. From the example of the birds, he 

was resolved to fight to the last drop of blood in his veins any army 

that came against him there, never showing the " white feather." 

The city was accordingly built there, and was named Oyo Igboho, 

after the two birds, Igbo and Oyo, and there he buried the remains 

of his father. 

Nothing remarkable was recorded of this King except that he 

built Igboho, which became the last resting-place of four Yoruba 

Kings before the government was again removed to the ancient 

capital. 

Obalohun was the Basorun of this reign. 

§ 2. Orompotq 

Prince Orompoto, brother of Eguguoju, and son of Ofinran 

succeeded to the throne. Shortly after his accession, troubles 

began to assail him ; he, however, proved himself to be a skilful 

and experienced commander, and as a statesman, he was unrivalled. 

In his reign Oyo regained the military fame it had lost. He was 

swift in action, darting upon his enemies as an eagle upon his 

prey, when they least expected his approach. He used all skill 

to conceal his movements from the enemy. His rearguard con- 

sisted of 1,000 foot and i,ooo horse, for each of whom he provided 

a broad ghaju leaf to sweep and obliterate the foot prints of his 

army on the march, the horsemen tying the leaves to the tails 

of their horses. 

But at the battle of Ilayi the King's army was routed although 

i6i 

l62 THE HISTORY OF THE YORUBAS 

he fought with unusual bravery. He lost in this battle, three 

Gbonkds, leaders of the van. When the first fell, he there and then 

created another ; he also fell, and he created a third who also fell, 

but whose fall converted the rout to victory under a peculiar 

circumstance 

As he fell under showers of arrows in a kneeling posture his 

mouth remained fixed in a state as if grinning; the Baribas observing 

two white rows of teeth under his helmet thought he was playing 

them a trick, and that he was laughing at their fruitless attempts 

to kill him and put his army to flight, not knowing that he was 

stiff dead and that the Oyos were on the point of retreating. A 

sort of dread overcame them for a man it was impossible to kill 

notwithstanding showers of arrows hanging on him ! so they 

retreated thinking they had lost the day, and the Oyos remaining 

in the field claimed the victory. Hence it was commonly said of 

this man " Gbonka Orogbori ti o ft ehin le ogun." (The Gbonka 

of the ghostly head who routed an army with his teeth). 

How long this King reigned is not known but he was the third 

buried at Igboho. 

Asamu was the Basgrun of this reign. 

§ 3. AjIBOYEDE 

Ajiboyede succeeded to the throne. He was a most successful 

King but he was a tyrant. 

During this reign, the country was invaded by Lajomo, king of 

the Tapas. The King marched against him ; brave deeds were 

done on both sides ; at last, however, the Yorubas were routed, 

and the King would have been slain but for a circumstance which 

not only saved his life, but also turned the tide of victory in his 

favour. 

When it became apparent that the battle was lost, Ajanlapa 

the Osi'wefa hastily exchanged dress with the King, and told him 

to escape for his life. He put on the King's crown and his robes, 

and the Tapas supposing him to be the King turned their attention 

chiefly on him, and showered upon him such a number of darts, 

that in falling his body was propped up by the shafts of the arrows. 

As the crown fell off his head (like Gbonka Orogbori of the preceding 

reign) a coward observed his teeth with the face set as if he were 

grinning ; thinking he was laughing at their futile efforts he con- 

cluded at once that they had supernatural beings opposed to them ! 

He was alarmed, communicated his fears to his comrades, and 

panic immediately spread throughout the Tapa host ; and before 

they could be rallied, the stampede had become general, and 

he pursued now became the pursuers ; the Yorubas returned to 

THE KINGS OF QYQ IGBOHO I63 

the charge, and the Tapas were completely routed, and put to 

the sword. Lajomg their King was taken and the victory was 

complete. 

The King was so grateful for his life being saved by the devoted 

Osi'wefa, that he took counsel of all the Oyo nobles as to what 

honours he should bestow on Ajanlapa's son. He wished him to 

be his constant attendant, to be about him night and day, and that 

he should be free of any part of the palace. But such a post cannot 

be held by any other than a eunuch and to make him so would 

seem cruel and ungrateful ; but the Oyos counselled that unless 

he is so, he cannot enjoy the full liberty desired by the King. A 

painful necessity that seemed to be, but the King yielded to that 

advice, and he was emasculated. 

This circumstance accounts for the great honours attached to 

that office to this day, vide p. 59. The Osi'wefa is always the 

first as well as the last in the King's bed chamber. If the King 

is ill, he takes his place on state occasions, putting on his robes 

and the crown ; in war, he often appears as the King's deputy, 

invested with all the paraphernalia of royalty, including the state 

umbrellas, the kakaki trumpet, etc. Thus Ajanlapa by sacrificing 

his life converted what would have been a crushing defeat into a 

triumphant victory, and so saved his country from humiliation, and 

purchased royal honours for his family and for his official successors 

for ever. To mark this victory as well as his long reigp, Ajiboyede 

celebrated the Bebe festival. 

The Bebe is akin to a jubilee or golden age of a king's reign. 

There have been but few such in the history of the Yorubas. It 

lasts for 3 years, and during this period liberty of speech and 

action is granted to everyone, high and low, rich and poor through- 

out the kingdom, without any fear of being accused of sedition 

or treason. No riot or fighting is to be heard of anywhere, all 

provocations must be suppressed while the Bebe lasts, for no one is 

to be prosecuted during that period. All is peace. The King's 

Ilaris are rarely seen about on duty at this time, and when met, 

ne«d not command that worship and deference usually accorded 

them. No toll or tribute is paid. Everyone appears in his holiday 

dress. Country folks go to Oyo to enjoy themselves without fear. 

Festivities mark the occasion. Provincial and feudatory kings 

and princes, and those of adjacent countries pay visits to Oyo 

to offer congratulations ; presents are given and received in a 

lavish manner. The corridors and courtyards of the palace, and 

all the trees in the King's market used to be decorated with 

hangings of cloth of various hues, native and foreign make, as 

with bunting. One deplorable act, however, is a blot on theBeb§ 

l64 THE HISTORY OF THE YORUBAS 

celebration ; it is always accompanied with human sacrifices 

offered to the memory of all preceding Kings from Oduduwa 

downwards ; two to each, and their blood mingled with those of 

animals slaughtered without number is poured out, for the King 

and his courtiers are required to have a religious dance upon it ; 

and this part of the ceremony is regarded as the highest act of 

worship, and of thanksgiving. 

The Bebe is sometimes termed the Iht or funeral rites, as if 

intended to mark the close of a long reign, from the fact that the 

few Kings who celebrated it died a short time after. 

The three years festivities of the Bgbe being over, the Ba§orun 

celebrates a minor form of festival termed the Owara, and this 

lasts three months. 

A short time after these festivitives were over, the King lost 

by death his first-born son, Osemolu to his inexpressible grief. 

All the Oyo nobles who came to sympathize with him were by his 

orders put to death, alleging that their feigned condolence was but 

a mock sympathy, for since he was fasting from grief, their hands 

smelt of food recently partaken. An insurrection against him was 

quite ripe when a Moslem priest from the Tapa country called 

" Baba-kewu " sent his son " Baba-Yigi " to remonstrate with 

him for his unjust and cruel acts in avenging his son's death on 

innocent people, when his son had died a natural death. " This," 

said he, " is a sin against God who took away the life of your 

son." 

The King pondered seriously over this message, and became 

convinced of his tyranny. He convened an assembly of the 

Oyo citizens, and publicly asked their pardon for his unjust acts. 

He was making preparations for removing the seat of govern- 

ment back to Oyo when he died. 

This is the fourth and last King buried at Igboho. 

The Ba§grun of this reign was Ibat^. 

§ 4. Abipa or " Oba M'oro " (the ghost catcher) 

Prince Abipa succeeded to the throne, being the fourth and last 

King who reigned at Gboho. 

His first effort was to carry out the last wishes of his father, 

viz., to remove the seat of government back to the ancient capital. 

The Nobles however, and those born at Gboho were strongly 

opposed to the removal, but could not prevent or dissuade the 

King from carrying out his purpose ; they therefore had recourse 

to a stratagem by which they hoped to thwart his purpose. 

When they knew that the King was about to send to inspect 

the old sites, and to propitiate the gods as a preliminary to re- 

THE KINGS OF QYQ IGBOHO 165 

occupation, emissaries were secretly despatched by them to precede 

the King's messengers. The Bagorun sent a hunchback, the 

Alapini an albino, the Asipa a leper, the Samu a prognathi, the 

Laguna a dwarf, the Akiniku a cripple. All these emissaries 

are considered in this country as unnatural beings, suffering the 

vengeance of the gods, hence they are termed " Eni Orisa " (the 

belongings of the gods). They are usually kept as priests and 

priestesses to Obatala and other gods, especially the albinoes, 

dwarfs, and hunchbacks. 

As the King's messengers were about to offer the sacrifices at 

the place appointed, these counterfeit apparitions who, according 

to instructions had posted themselves on the hill Ajaka, at the 

foot of which the palace was built, by a preconcerted plan suddenly 

began to shout " Ko si aye, ko si aye " (no room, no room). 

At night they roamed about the hill, hooting and cooing with 

lighted torches in hand, and they were taken for the spirits of 

the hill refusing them readmission to Oyq. 

This report was very distressing to the King, and he was at 

a loss what to do. The Ologbo or Arokin (chief cymbalist) 

shrewdly suspecting the real facts of the case advised his master 

to send hunters to investigate the truth of the matter. B6ni, 

Igi^ubu, Alegbktk, Lgkd, Gbandan^and Olomo were the six famous 

hunters sent. They armed themselves with weapons and with 

charms to meet any contingency for self-defence. 

When these hunters discovered that they were human beings 

they came upon them, and one of them took his aim and would 

have shot one of the deformed beings, had he not cried out and 

begged for his life. They were all taken alive and brought before 

the King ; and being questioned they were obliged to betray their 

masters who were at this time ignorant of what had taken place. 

The King adopted a most characteristic way of administering to 

his Nobles a silent rebuke which told. 

At the weekly meeting of the King and the noblemen for the 

Jakuta sacrifices (which occur every 5 days) after the usual pro- 

ceedings and religious ceremonies of the day were over, and they 

retired into the banqueting hall for refreshment as was their 

wont, the King on this occasion sent to each of the noblemen a 

calabash full of beer by the hands of his own emissary the 

" apparition " of Oyo ! The Basgrun saw with ineffable surprise 

his hunchback whom he thought was playing the ghost at distant 

Oyo emerging from the King's inner apartment with a calabash 

full of beer for him, the Alapini his albino, and so with all the 

others, each one being waited upon by his own emissary ! Instantly 

a deep silence pervaded the room and the rest of the time was passed 

l66 THE HISTORY OF THE YORUBAS 

in an ominous stillness. The King and his Nobles parted with- 

out a word being spoken on the subject. The noblemen, however, 

showed their resentment by poisoning the Ologbo the King's 

adviser ; but he, in order to show his love and esteem for the 

deceased, ordered for him a semi-state funeral, and had his body 

wrapped in ass's skin to be taken to Oyo for interment. 

From this incident. King Abipa was nick-named Oba M'gro 

(the King who caught ghosts). 

Another nickname given to the King that had connection 

with this event was derived from his head slave Bisa, a Bariba, 

who was his favourite, and one time had great influence with his 

master. The King found out that Bisa was an accomplice with 

the Nobles in thwarting his designs. His Majesty now adopted a 

characteristic method of administering him a very sharp rebuke 

which he never forgot. 

He one day called Bisa, and told him that the Eleduwe (the 

king of his native country) was dead, and that the Baribas have 

sent to him to pay the ransom of Bisa, who has been elected to 

the vacant throne. "Now Bisa, will you go?" "Yes, your 

Majesty " replied Bisa, " and your majesty may be sure of this, 

that when I ascend the throne, the Bariba country to its utmost 

limits will be free and open to all Yorubas." The King then 

rejoined " Why do you wish to go to your country and yet you 

were trying to prevent me going to my birthplace and ancestral 

home ? Therefore, yoti shall not go." Bisa begged hard, but his 

master remained resolute, hence he was nicknamed " Ogbolu 

Akohun, Akohun Bisa jale " Ogbolu the Refuser who totally 

refused Bisa's entreaties. 

From this time Bisa lost all influence with the King. The design 

of removing the seat of Government to Oyo was now carried out, 

and Oyo from that time was known as Oyo O^Q ie- Qyq of the 

ghosts.* 

Those famous hunters remained three years with the King 

in the capital as his guests, until he was perfectly settled. When 

they were about to return home, the King in order to do them 

honour, sent a special messenger with them as his representative, 

and lest this servant of his should prove a source of expense to 

them, he was allowed the privilege of receiving tolls for his liveli- 

hood. He became really the new Governor of the town with the 

title of Onibode (receiver of customs) . Hence that title is bestowed 

on the chief ruler of Gboho to this day. 

The remaining act of this King was the consolidation of his 

^ Oyo is also sometimes called Oyo Egboro from the name of the 

prince from whom Sango seized it. 

THE KINGS OF OYO IGBOHO 167 

kingdom. He buried charms in several places in the city that it 

might never be destroyed by war. 

When his " medicine men " asked for a new born babe to be 

used as an ingredient in the composition of the charm, it happened 

that one of his wives had just then been confined ; this being 

reported to him, he ordered the new born babe to be brought in its 

blood as it was, and he handed it over to the men to be pulverized 

and used for their purpose. This act is to this day highly com- 

mended by the people, and the King accounted a great public 

benefactor who so loved his country, that he sacrificed his son for 

the welfare of his people. 

O Yo was never destroyed by war after this event, but all the same, 

when the hour of retribution came, the blood of the innocents 

was avenged, for she suffered the fate of all cities destroyed by 

war. She was deserted, and thus she is in ruins unto this day. 

Ibate continued as the Basorun of this reign also. 

Chapter IV 

A SUCCESSION OF DESPOTIC AND SHORT-LIVED KINGS 

§ I. Obalokun Agana Erin 

Obalokun succeeded to the throne of his fathers. His mother 

was the daughter of the Alake, the Primus of the Egba chiefs. 

The most memorable event of this reign was the introduction 

of salt into the Yoruba country. The article hitherto used for 

it was an insipid rock salt known as Obu. Salt now known as 

iyo was at first called dun-mdmd. 

This King was said to be in friendly relations with the King 

of France (probably Portugal) with whom he had direct communi- 

cation. It was said that the King sent 800 messengers with 

presents to that European sovereign, but that they were never 

heard of again. Tradition says that the sounds of bells ringing 

in the skies was plainly heard in the Akesan (King's) market, 

and it was conjectured that it was the voices of the unfortunates 

speaking to them from the other world to tell their fate. 

What natural phenomenon this may have been due to which 

was interpreted thus, we do not know, but so it was believed at 

the time, and similar omens are not unknown to history. 

It was said that a white traveller visited Oyo during this reign. 

This King placed the first Ajele (political resident) at Ijana 

near Ilaro, with the title of Onisare. The appointment of an 

Onisar^ was regularly from Oyo and he must be a Tapk by birth. 

More of this will be noted hereafter. 

He sent an expedition into the Ijesa country which was ambushed 

and defeated by the tribe known as Ijesa Arera, the Ovos being 

then unaccustomed to bush fighting. So great was the loss of 

life in this expedition that the Ologbo was sent out as a town crier 

to inform the bereaved of their losses in this war. 

During this reign Sabigana emigrated from the Sabe to the 

Yoruba country. 

TheBasorun of this reign was Iba Magaji. 

§ 2. Ajagbo 

Ajagbo who succeeded Obalokun was remarkable for a long 

reign. He was said to have reigned 140 years and is an exception 

to the recent rule. 

He was born a twin, and so striking was the resemblance 

168 

A SUCCESSION OF DESPOTIC AND SHORT-LIVED KINGS 169 

between himself and his brother Ajampati that the one was often 

mistaken for the other, and very often royal honours were paid 

to the latter as to his brother. 

Ajagbo was also a warlike prince ; several expeditions were 

sent out by him. 

He had a friend at Iwoye called K6koro-gangan whom he made 

his Kakanfo (vide p. 74). This was the first Kakanfo in the 

Yoruba country. 

It was his custom to send out four expeditions at the same time 

under four commanders. One under the Basorun, the next 

under the Agbakin, the third under the Kakanfo, the fourth under 

the Asipa. Those under this last consisted of the youths of the 

metropolis. 

He destroyed Iweme in the Popo cpuntry. He Olgpa, Onko 

and his maternal town Ikereku-were an Egba town. The rest of 

his reign was peaceful. 

The Basorun of this reign was Akidain. 

§ 3. Odarawu 

Odarawu was the successor. His reign was very short. He 

had a bad temper which was the cause of his being rejected. 

His short reign became a proverb, and often used to point a 

moral, and as a warning to succeeding Kings and also to inculcate 

a lesson of patience and forbearance. 

On his accession he was asked according to custom who was his 

enemy ; he replied Ojo segi, i.e. a town in the kingdom named 

after the Bale thereof. 

The reason he gave for this was that when a private man, he 

was once insulted by the Bale's wife. The alleged insult was 

under the following circumstances : — 

He was accustomed then to trade in the provinces, and on one 

occasion he went to the market to buy eko for his dinner, the seller 

whom he approached happened to be the Bale's wife ; both buyer 

and seller were ignorant of each other's position. Eko then was 

sold for one cowry each ; he bought six and paid five cowries as a 

privilege of his birth. The seller not knowing that he was an Akeyo 

(prince) and considering herself insulted thereby, in the heat of 

passion gave him a slap, and called him a thief for the one cowry 

withheld ! 

The King's order for the destruction of the town was obeyed, 

but the Oyo people surmised that this would be a heartless tyrant, 

who, on account of a single cowry harboured such malice and 

resentment within him as subsequently to order the destruction 

of so many lives of his peaceful and loyal subjects. On this 

170 THE HISTORY OF THE YORUBAS 

account, having fulfilled his wishes, he was rejected. He, therefore 

committed suicide. 

Akidain survived the late King and was the Basorun of this 

reign also. 

§ 4. Karan 

Karan succeeded Odarawu, but he proved to be an unmitigated 

tyrant. He tortured many of his subjects by ordering them to be 

scourged front and back until they expired ; so great were his 

cruelties that his name ha-^ ^"^c-^^ i^f^ a proverb " as cruel as 

Karan " and this led to a c,^^. ^ . mation of his reign. 

He sent out an expedition against Aga Oibo, and there the 

conspiracy against him was quickly developed. 

When the insurrection was ripe for execution, they sent a 

message home to him craving for his fan, as it has been told them 

by divination that the town cannot be taken except the King's 

fan be offered in sacrifice to the gods. This was complied with, and 

a portion of the sacrificial meat was sent him to partake of. 

As soon as he had tasted thereof, it was said to him " The King 

has eaten his own fan, his word is now of no value, " i.e., his 

commands have returned to his own mouth. This is a characteristic 

round about method the' Yorubas have of conveying intimations 

of what they intend to do. The army is now absolved from a 

charge of disobedience if they withdraw from the siege for the King 

has recalled his words ! All those who would stand by him were 

included in the plot. Iba Biri was elected to be the Basorun in 

place of Woruda who had succeeded Akidain. The Agbakin's 

son was chosen to succeed his father, and so on with the other 

titles. This done, they raised the siege and encamped against the 

city demanding the King's abdication or death. 

The King unwilling to die offered a stout resistance. He was 

personally courageous and brave, but he had the whole of his 

army against him. When they entered the city, he held out 

against them in the palace ; overcome by odds, he shot arrows 

until his hands were swollen. Dislodged from within the courtyard 

he climbed to the top of the roof, and there he sat fighting until 

the palace was set on fire and he perished in the flames. 

Thus ended a short and an inglorious reign. He was succeeded 

by his son, Jayin. 

Woruda was the Basorun of this reign. 

§ 5. Jayin 

Jayin was the son of the late King Karan. He was an effeminate 

and dissolute prince. He had his harem full of all sorts of 

characters. His son Olusi was kind and generous ; he was the idol 

A SUCCESSION OF DESPOTIC AND SHORT-LIVED KINGS I7I 

of the nation, and on him they built their hopes for a better future 

for the country. 

Brought up amidst such demoralizing influences, in an evil 

hour, he fell under the charms of one of his father's numerous 

wives and was caught in her embraces. The father already jealous 

of the son's popularity with the people never forgave this offence. 

According to one account he summoned the prince before him, 

and whilst reprimanding him for his conduct, he was for a moment 

off his guard and thus betrayed himself by letting out the feeling 

rankling in his breast. " Villain " said he, " the citizens of Oyo 

prefer you to myself, and you are at one with them against me." 

Whilst speaking thus to him, he had in hand a club, the top of 

which was spiked and tipped with poison ; this he pressed upon 

his head to the point of bleeding, and the poison proved fatal to 

him. 

According to another account, it was a poisoned cake made 

of beans that his father gave him, and of which he partook that 

caused his death. Anyhow, it was certain that he died of poison 

by the hand of his father. 

He was universally mourned. The Oyo chiefs were detei mined 

to find out the cause of his death. They had a strong suspicion 

of foul play and were determined to avenge it. 

The King gave it out that his death was due to an accident 

from the kick of his horse. The secret however, was divulged 

by one of his wives, and the disappointed citizens became much 

disaffected towards their King. 

The late Olusi had a public funeral, a national mourning was 

proclaimed, and the public undertook to perform his funeral 

obsequies. His Egugun was brought out, i.e. an appearance of 

his apparition clothed with the cloths with which he was known 

to have been buried. 

The Egugun was said to have repaired to the palace, as was 

usual to pay honours to the chief ruler of the town, and as soon 

as the King showed his face, he was grasped by it. He was then 

told to die, having been touched by an Egugun. 

3ut according to another and a more probable account, when the 

King heard that his late son's Egugun in the company of others 

was coming to the palace, knowing what the most probable out- 

come of such a visit must be, he hastily took poison and died. 

And this has passed into proverb " O ku dhde ki a ko iwi wo 

Akesan, Oba,Jayin te ori gba aso. (At the approach to Akesan 

of a company of chanting Eguguns, King Jayin buried his head in 

a shroud.) Used of one who anticipates the inevitable. 

It was during this reign that an Ilari " Agbeja-ilfe " was sent 

172 THE HISTORY OF THE YORUBAS 

to settle a land dispute between the Aseyin odo, and the Olowu 

Ipole ; he became the first Awujale of the Ijebus. 

Iba Biri was appointed Basorun in place of Woruda deposed. 

§ 6. Ayibx 

An inter-regnum of some years followed the last reign, the 

affairs of the kingdom being left in the hands of the Basorun. 

The heir to the throne was the late King's grandson, the infant 

son of the lamented Olusi, who was too young to administer the 

government. The Oyo Mesi elected him in order to do honour to 

the memory of his deceased father. Ayibi was crowned when he 

came of age. Unfortunately he proved unworthy of the honour 

and respect done him ; he greatly disappointed the hopes of the 

nation. This may have been due to a great defect in his training 

when a minor, over-indulgence taking the place of strict discipline. 

He proved to be a tyrant who took delight in shedding blood. 

When any suit was brought to court for his decision he often 

gave judgment by ordering both com.plainant and defendant 

to be executed. He had no respect for age, or rank, but terribly 

abused his power. 

As an example of his cruelty and arbitrariness, the following 

story was told of him : — 

He was one day in his bath, being attended by one of his 

favourite wives ; and she, in a moment of self-forgetfulness (or 

rather of amorous regard) said jocularly to him, " And this is all 

of the man so much dreaded by all ! " He took offence at this 

remark, but disguised his displeasure by a smile, but inwardly 

he was determined to convince her practically of the power which 

made him an object of dread to all. 

After leaving his bathroom, he gave an order to a Tetu (execu- 

tioner) privately to fetch the heads of the wife's father and mother 

each in a calabash, and decently covered up. This order was 

promptly executed The wife had by this time forgotten her 

remarks in the bathroom, as she had no reason to be apprehensive 

of any evil consequences arising therefrom. The calabashes 

being brought and set before him, he sent for her from her apart- 

ment, and asked her to uncover those , calabashes and tell the 

contents of them ! " Do you know them ? " asked he, " Yes I 

do," she replied trembling. " Then," rejoined he " that is the 

secret why I am so much dreaded by all, although to you I seem 

but commonplace and ordinary." She fully expected her own 

execution to follow, but he was satisfied with the pain and misery 

into which he had thrown h

A SUCCESSION OF DESPOTIC AND SHORT-LIVED KINGS I73 

For this and similar acts of cruelty, an insurrection was stirred 

up against him by all the people, and being rejected he committed 

suicide. 

Oluaja, and after him Yabi were the Basoruns of this reign. 

The reason why these Kings after rejection invariably committed 

suicide is this. The person of a King is regarded as sacred. 

Kings are venerated as gods, indeed many of them have been 

actually deified ; but the moment a king's enormities provoke an 

open rebuke, or on being told publicly " We reject you," by the 

constitution of the country he must die that day. He cannot 

from the sanctity with which he has been regarded abdicate 

and continue to live as a private individual, or Continue to reign 

by sufferance, by the clemency of aggrieved subjects. Hence he 

must die ; and by his own hands, for it is an unthinkable horror 

among the Yorubas for any man to lay hands upon a being 

regarded as sacred. It is the prerogative of the Basorun to utter 

the sentence of rejection when the people are determined on it. 

Ev^en Noblemen also from their exalted positions are never 

ordered to execution. " The King rejects you. The ancient Kings 

Oduduwa, Orafiyan, Aganju, and others, reject you." He must 

then take poison and die. Such deaths are accounted honourable, 

public and decent funerals are accorded them. 

If any one allows himself to be executed his carcase will be treated 

like that of a common felon, and his house pulled down. Therefore 

a faint-hearted individual would be despatched by his nearest 

relatives to save themselves from indelible disgrace. An honour- 

able burial will then be. accorded to the illustrious dead. 

§ 7. OSINYAGO 

Osinyago who succeeded to the throne was equally worthless. 

He was an avaricious man who by exactions, massacre, and con- 

fiscations amassed wealth which he did not live long to enjoj'. 

His firstborn son, like his father, was of a grasping propensity, 

which led to his early death. The second child Omgsun, although 

a female, was of a masculine character, and she considered the 

rank and privileges of the Aremo (Crown Prince) her own ; but the 

King adopted a cousin Woruale (contracted to Wurale or Irale) 

son of Gbagba, a physician, his maternal uncle, as the Aremo, and 

this Omosun resented. 

It happened that a dispute arose between these two as to 

the right of appointing a new Aseyin at the death of the then king 

of Iseyin, and Omosun from wounded pride that she was opposed 

by a commoner, in the heat of passion slew Irale ! 

H 

174 THE HISTORY OF THE YORUBAS 

Irale's father Gbagba the physician was determined to avenge 

the death of his son, and this he did by poison said to have been 

extracted from one cowry worth of shea butter, 200 grains of 

beniseed, and other ingredients by which he effected the deaths of 

the King, Omosun, Apala the Basorun, and other notabilities of 

Oyo who were concerned with the misgovernment that was going 

on. 

He was said to have escaped to his own country by means 

of charms. One report says, he flew away like a bird, and was 

found at Ede ; another says he died and was buried, but his 

corpse became a red monkey which escaped into the bush. What 

was more probable was, that from the dread he inspired by his 

powers, he had an opportunity of escape, and was not slow to make 

use of it. The country was bereft of King and Basorun simul- 

taneously. 

The Basorun of this reign was Apalk. 

§ 8. OjiGi 

Ojigi who was elected to the vacant throne, was a powerful and 

warlike King. He extended his conquests to the Dahomian 

territory. In three expeditions headed by the Basorun and the 

Gbonka Latoy6, the Dahomians were brought fully under sub- 

jection. 

Yansumi an Idahomian town was taken and destroyed. He sent 

an expedition also against the Igbdnas. 

This King in order to show his undisputed sovereignty over 

the whole of the Yoruba country, including Benin, sent out a 

large expedition which struck the Niger in the north, near the 

Ibaribas, and coasted along the right bank until they arrived at 

the coast and returned to Oyo by the Popo country. Great 

exploits were reported of the leaders. 

Personally, he was a very good man, but a too indulgent father. 

The Aremo by his cruelties and excesses brought about the father's 

rejection and death. He ordered Oluke the Basoran's son to be 

unlawfully beaten. As this wrong could not be avenged without 

serious consequences, and as the King did not punish the wrong doer, 

it was thought more expeditious to effect the King's death ; for 

about this time the custom began to prevail for the Aremios to 

die with the father, as they enjoy unrestrained liberty with the 

father. A pretext was soon found for rejecting the King and 

fond father, and consequently he died, and his eldest son with 

him. 

One of the most famous men in Yoruba history Yamba was the 

Basorun of this reign. 

a succession of despotic and short-lived kings i75 

§ 9. Gberu 

Prince Gberu who now succeeded to the throne was a wicked 

and superstitious King, much given to making charms. Before 

his accession to the throne he had a friend called Jambu whom he 

afterwards raised to the high rank of Basgrun. But it was not 

long before these former friends became disaffected towards 

each other. Both of them were one day sitting under a large 

Ose tree (the Adamsonia digitata) at Oyo. TheBasorun remarked 

on the magnificence of the tree which " bade fair to last for ever." 

The King made no reply, but afterwards poisoned the tree in 

order to cast the suspicion on the Basorun who had made remarks 

on it ; and before the next morning it had withered. 

Oyo we may remark is situated in a vast plain where trees 

are rarely seen. This was one of the few that grew there and it was 

much thought of, and was highly prized for* its magnificence when 

in full bloom. 

This circumstance caused a great sensation in the city among 

all who saw the tree flourishing in all its glory only the day before ! 

Enquiries as to the cause were keen and close ; it was at first thought 

this deed was done by the Basorun in order to frame an accusation 

against the King as both were seeking each other's life ; but the 

author of the deed was soon known. 

The chiefs of the town now grew suspicious and apprehensive 

of their own safety should the King add the use of secret poison 

to his unlimited regal power. They soon found a pretext for 

rejecting him, and he had to put an end to his own life. His 

quondam friend Jambu the Basorun who divulged the secret was 

not spared either, he soon shared the fate of his friend and 

sovereign. 

Gberu's reign was short and inglorious. He was succeeded by 

Amuniwaiye. 

Jambu was the Basgrun of this reign. 

§ 10. Amuniwaiye 

Prince Amuniwaiye who now ascended the throne promised 

well at first, by his clemency and grace; but subsequently his low 

morals rendered him weak and despicable, and, as such, a disgrace 

to his high office. 

He had for mistress the wife of his principal " medicine man " 

Olukoyisi, with whom he became acquainted under the following 

circumstances : — 

The King engaged this " medicine man" to help him against 

the friends of Jambu the powerful Basgrun who effected the death 

176 THE HISTORY OF THE YORUBAS 

of the former King. Being afraid that if his services to the King 

were known, his own life would be in danger, he worked warily 

by sending his wife Ololo with the pots instead of going himself 

personally. In this way the King had the opportunity of coming 

into contact with her, which he disgracefully abused, and the 

husband got to know it. 

He could not bring an open charge against the King nor had 

he any other means of obtaining redress but by secret revenge, 

and this he effected terribly ! 

Olukoyisi prepared certain ingredients from the root of the 

Opgki tree which he applied to his wife unsuspected ; it was a 

fatal " tell-tale," for when next she was being indulged in the 

royal embraces, the pair of them got so inextricably adhered 

together, that it became necessary to resort to a surgical operation 

in order to separate them ! Thus both of them died in the act. 

Thus ended this inglorious reign. 

The Basgrun of this reign was Kogb6n son of the late Jambu. 

§ II. Onisile 

Onisile who now ascended the throne was quite a different 

man from the former occupant. He was a great warrior, and 

for his exploits was nicknamed " Gbagida ! Wowo I'^won ab'esiri 

fo odi " (Gbagida [an expression of admiration] a man with 

clanging chains [for prisoners] whose horse can leap over a town 

wall.) 

He was remarkable for his indomitable courage and lion- 

hearted spirit. He was moreover very artistic, and was said to 

have made seven silver doors to the seven entrances of his sleeping 

apartment. 

During this reign the Sekere (calabash) drum was ornamented, 

not only with cowries, but also with costly beads e.g. lyiin (corals) 

Okun (stone beads, Benin) Erinla (striped yellow pipe beads) and 

Segi (blue pipe beads), strung with silk thread dyed red ; all of 

native manufacture. 

His rashness and fearlessness was the ultimate cause of his death. 

He was cautioned against experim.enting with the "sun leaf" 

a plant known to possess electrical properties, by which lightning 

can be attracted ; but he was not the man to heed any such remon- 

strance. The consequence was that the Sango worshippers managed 

to attract lightning on the palace, the King was struck, and from 

the shock he became paralysed. Thus he was incapacitated from 

performing the duties of his office. 

The chiefs of Oyo then assembled and waited on him, and told 

him that as he had challenged Sango to a single combat and had 

A SUCCESSION OF DESPOTIC AND SHORT-LIVED KINGS I77 

been worsted, he could no longer continue to live. Thus he was 

rejected, and he had to die. 

The feeling had gained ground by this time that Kings should 

not be allowed to die a natural death. Unchecked despotism, 

unrestrained licence, insatiable greed, and wanton voluptuousness 

should not be allowed to flourish throughout the full term of a 

natural lifetime. The excesses of the Crown Prince also were 

unendurable hence the earliest opportunity was usually sought, 

for putting an end to their reign. 

His Basorun's name was Soyiki alias £)sij6gb6. 

Chapter V 

BASORUN GAHA AND HIS ATROCITIES, HIS FALL, 

AND ABIODUN'S PEACEFUL REIGN 

§ I. Labisi 

This unfortunate Prince was nominated to the vacant throne, 

but was never crowned. Only 17 days after he commenced the 

preliminary ceremonies, the new Basorun Gaha rose to power, and 

commenced those series of atrocities which made him notorious 

in Yoruba history. 

Olubg and Ajibadu the King-elect's friends were sum.marily 

put to death, and he, having no supporters was not even allowed 

to enter the palace, much less to sit on the throne. He had to 

put an end to his own life. 

Gaha had great influence with the people, and a great many 

followers who considered themselves safe under his protection, 

from the dread in which they stood of the Kings, because of their 

cruel and despotic rule. 

Gahk was also famous for his " charms ; " he was credited with 

the power of being able to convert himself into a leopard or an 

elephant, and on this account was much feared. He lived to 

a good old age, and wielded his power miercilessly. He was noted 

for having raised five Kings to the throne, of whom he murdered 

four, and was himself murdered by the fifth. 

§ 2. AwoNBioju alius Ouuboye 

Gaha the Basorun had by this time attained to great power and 

influence. He made himself the King maker and King destroyer. 

He did not aspire to the throne, for that was impossible of attain- 

ment, but he demanded the homage of all the Kings he raised to 

the throne. He raised Awonbioju into the place of Labisi. His 

reign was very short, having wielded the sceptre for only 130 days. 

He was murdered by the all-powerful Basorun for nobly refusing 

to prostrate before him, his own Chancellor. 

§ 3. Agboluaje 

Agboluaje who succeeded the late King on the throne was a 

very handsome and prepossessing Prince, and as he submitted 

to the powerful Basorun, he was allowed to reign for a longer 

period than the two preceding Kings. He was not as ambitious 

178 

BASORUN GAHA AND HIS ATROCITIES I79 

as some of his predecessors, he had no wars, the kingdom had 

extended to its utmost limits, bounded by the river Niger on the 

north and a portion of the Tapa and Bariba countries, on the 

East by the lower Niger, on the South by the seacoast, and on the 

West it includes the Popos and Dahomey. From all the provinces 

included within these boundaries, and by some including the Gas 

and Ashanti, tributes were paid to Oyq. Tranquility prevailed 

all over the land. 

The King thought this a fitting opportunity for celebrating 

the Beb§, not so much for the length of his reign, but for the 

peace and prosperity that prevailed all over the Kingdom. 

During the three years celebration, visitors from all parts 

thronged Ovg as was usual, but the most distinguished guest was 

the Elewi-odo, a Popo king, who visited Oyq in state and had a 

reception befitting his rank. He was a particular friend of the 

Alafik's, and usually supplied him. with cloths and other articles 

of European manufacture, being nearer the coast and having deal- 

ings with European traders of those days. 

As on such occasions everybody visited Oyo in his best holidaj' 

dress, so the Elewi-odo who was accounted proverbially rich 

appeared at this time. On public occasions the Elewi-odo sat 

on a throne opposite the King ; as often as the King changed 

his robes, he changed his covering cloth to one of the same 

material ; when the King puts on a robe of silk or velvet, he covers 

with a cloth of the same material. Both Kings were an object 

of interest and admiration by the 1060 vassal kings and chiefs 

of Yoruba, with the populace who were present on that occasion. 

But the citizens of Oyo grew jealous for the honour and glory 

of their King and wished him to appear superior to the Elewi-odo 

by robing himself with something the like of which even the Elewi 

had not ; but they found that he had nothing the like of which his 

friend had not ; so they had recourse to a device. The manu- 

facturers were summoned and the case put before them, and they 

promised to rise to the occasion. A simple gown was thereupon 

woven, of common stuff indeed, but embossed all over with the 

silken wool of the large cotton tree ; seen at a distance the nature 

of the cloth cculd not be made out by the crowd ; when the sun 

shone upon it, it reflected a silken hue to the admiration of all ; 

when the breeze blew, detached flosses of silk floated all around 

his majesty. Even the Elewi-odo and the provincial kings could 

not help admiring the curious robe which they took for something 

so superior, that none but the great Ai.afin of Oyo alone possessed ! 

The crowd went into ecstatic frenzy about it, and shouted an 

applause. 

l8o THE HISTORY OF THE YORUBAS 

But the conduct of the Elewi on this occasion offended the 

Basorun because he vied with his sovereign. Therefore, after his 

return home at the expiration of the Bebe and the Basorun had 

celebrated his Owara as usual, he denounced the Elewi before His 

Majesty in the severest terms : that he came, not to honour the 

King but to disgrace him, to show off his wealth to the King's 

disadvantage, and, therefore, he was determined to punish him 

for his conduct. 

The King pleaded hard for his friend but in vain. " Every 

one " said he, " is allowed by custom to appear at Oyo during 

Bebe in his best, how much more should a king do so ? His action 

in this matter is pardonable, and therefore, should be overlooked." 

But Gaha was inexorable, and war was declared. 

The Elewi having been privately forewarned, attempted no 

resistance, but sent a private message to the King not to be anxious 

on his account, and that his safety was assured. He speedily 

crossed the Esuogbo river and escaped to the Tapa country. 

Unfortunately the private messenger arrived af Oyo too late 

to meet the King alive. Unwilling that the head of his friend the 

Elewi should be brought in triumph to him at Oyo, he took poison 

and died before the return home of the expedition His brother 

Majeogbe was placed on the throne by the all-powerful Basorun 

Gaha. 

§ 4. Majeogbe 

Majeogbe did not fare any better than his immediate pre- 

decessors. His first care was to find means of checking the ambition 

of the Basorun. He could not order his execution, and the 

Basorun was too much on the alert to be taken off by poison ; 

but he set about making charms offensive and defensive in order 

to rid himself of this terror. 

Gaha had by this time attained the zenith of his glory ; his 

sons were scattered all over the length and breadth of the kingdom, 

they resided in the principal towns and all the tributes of those 

towns and their suburbs were paid to them. No tribute was now 

paid to the AlAfin ; Gaha's sons were as ambitious and as cruel 

as their father. 

Several anecdotes illustrating their wanton cruelties were told 

of them, e.g. : 

One of them once engaged a carrier to whom he gave a load too 

heavy for him to carry, but he dared not refuse to do so. He 

walked behind the man amusing himself with the sight of the man's 

sufferings from the weight of the load. He remarked in jest that 

the man's neck had become so thick that he doubted whether a 

BASORUN gAhA AND HIS ATROCITIES l8l 

sword could cut through. He suited his action to his words, 

drew his sword, and actually tried it ! The man was decapitated, 

and his body was left wallowing in his blood, and another man was 

compelled to take up the load. 

Another of his sons was said to have shot a farmer dead, whilst 

engaged in making heaps for planting yam, wantonly charging 

him with disfiguring the King's ground by making horns on it ! 

Another similarly shot a farmer dead whilst hoeing the ground, 

pretending that he mistook him for an ape on all fours ! 

Thus Gaha and his sons usurped all power of the government 

the King himself living in dread of his own fate at the pleasure 

of the notorious regicide. 

The King's own " medicine men " were not idle either. A 

lighted lamp was said to have been placed in one of his inner 

apartments which was kept burning for three years untrimmed, 

and while it was burning there can be no peace to the regicide. 

A horse was said to be in one of the stables and was heard 

neighing every day, and yet was kept there 3 years without 

fodder ! 

The AlafIxN's death was brought about by one of his sons quarrel- 

ling in theBasorun's quarter of the town ; this act Gahk resented 

as a daring affront which the father's life must atone for, the son 

being too insignificant for him to take any notice of. But the 

AlAfin had succeeded by this time in poisoning the Basorun that 

he became paralysed in both his legs. On the other hand the 

nature of the charms in the King's apartment had been made known 

to Gaha, who now bent all his energies to extinguish the ever- 

burning lamp. Its effect was so great that all who approached 

that apartment instantly dropped down dead. All the " medicine- 

men " in the kingdom were summoned by Gahk but none succeeded, 

and it cost many their lives. At last an Agberi man appeared, 

who sacrificed the life of his slave in order to gain the honour, 

nor did he survive it himself. In this service the Agberi tribes 

gained the pre-eminence over others of the same craft, and became 

friends of the Basorun. And thus the King died. 

But from this time the power of Gahk began to decline, old age 

set in, and impaired his strength of body and mind. His wives 

began to desert his harem, but some faithful domestics stood by 

him and they concealed from the general public the fact of his being 

lame. The door opening to the audience chamber was always 

kept shut whilst the King and the other noblemen were in waiting 

every morning to pay their respects to him. The opening and 

closing of the doors of the inner apartments announce the approach 

of his supernal highness. He crawled on all fours, and was usually 

BASORUN gAhA AND HIS ATROCITIES l8l 

sword could cut through. He suited his action to his words, 

drew his sword, and actually tried it ! The man was decapitated, 

and his body was left wallowing in his blood, and another man was 

compelled to take up the load. 

Another of his sons was said to have shot a farmer dead, whilst 

engaged in making heaps for planting yam, wantonly charging 

him with disfiguring the King's ground by making horns on it ! 

Another similarly shot a farmer dead whilst hoeing the ground, 

pretending that he mistook him for an ape on all fours ! 

Thus Gaha and his sons usurped all power of the government 

the King himself living in dread of his own fate at the pleasure 

of the notorious regicide. 

The King's own " medicine men " were not idle either. A 

lighted lamp was said to have been placed in one of his inner 

apartments which was kept burning for three years untrimmed, 

and while it was burning there can be no peace to the regicide. 

A horse was said to be in one of the stables and was heard 

neighing every day, and yet was kept there 3 years without 

fodder ! 

The AlafIxN's death was brought about by one of his sons quarrel- 

ling in theBasorun's quarter of the town ; this act Gahk resented 

as a daring affront which the father's life must atone for, the son 

being too insignificant for him to take any notice of. But the 

AlAfin had succeeded by this time in poisoning the Basorun that 

he became paralysed in both his legs. On the other hand the 

nature of the charms in the King's apartment had been made known 

to Gaha, who now bent all his energies to extinguish the ever- 

burning lamp. Its effect was so great that all who approached 

that apartment instantly dropped down dead. All the " medicine- 

men " in the kingdom were summoned by Gahk but none succeeded, 

and it cost many their lives. At last an Agberi man appeared, 

who sacrificed the life of his slave in order to gain the honour, 

nor did he survive it himself. In this service the Agberi tribes 

gained the pre-eminence over others of the same craft, and became 

friends of the Basorun. And thus the King died. 

But from this time the power of Gahk began to decline, old age 

set in, and impaired his strength of body and mind. His wives 

began to desert his harem, but some faithful domestics stood by 

him and they concealed from the general public the fact of his being 

lame. The door opening to the audience chamber was always 

kept shut whilst the King and the other noblemen were in waiting 

every morning to pay their respects to him. The opening and 

closing of the doors of the inner apartments announce the approach 

of his supernal highness. He crawled on all fours, and was usually 

l82 THE HISTORY OF THE YORUBAS 

seated before the door of the audience chamber was sUd back, 

so that he was never seen on the move ; but in order to inspire 

dread, his drummer used to beat " Iba kanbo, irin ija ni nrin." 

His Highness comes majestic, striding as one spoiling for a fight. 

§ 5. Abiodun alias Adegolu 

Abiodun, whose peaceful reign has passed into a proverb was 

described as a tall and slender prince, of a very dark complexion, 

a comely person, of dignified manners, and altogether fit to wear 

a crown. He also was raised to the throne by the order and 

influence of the Basorun. 

The young King was wise and prudent, and at first made no 

attempt at any opposition to the powerful Basorun. He went 

regularly every morning to pay him his respects, and invariably, 

received his presents of 10 heads of cowiies (which as a matter of 

fact, never exceeded 6 heads, not with the knowledge of the 

Basorun however, but by the action of the attendants). 

This state of things continued for many j^ears so much so that 

even the Basorun himself was becoming tired of this abject 

submission, and wanted but a decent pretext for which he might 

kill him, just for a change ! This man of blood was often heard 

to say " Who taught this King to be so wise ? These daily presents 

are getting to be too heavy a charge on my exchequer now." 

All power was in his hands and so were the responsibilities. His 

lust for power drained his exchequer, for his sons lording it all 

over the country deprived him of the revenues which might have 

come to him. 

That he was in great straits for money seemed evident from the 

fact that he requested his " medicine men " to make him charms 

to get him plenty of cowries. " Of all that constitutes v/ealth 

or power," said he, " I have, save money (cowries) enough to 

support my position." 

One of his " medicine men " assured him that he can make 

him a soap to wash with, and before sunset, his wish will be 

realized. He made the soap, and His Supernal Highness used it 

according to directions, and strange to say, it took effect, but in a 

way no one anticipated. Whatever the cause was due to, nobody 

knew, but fire broke out in the Basorun's house that afternoon, 

and all efforts to extinguish it failed, and so the palace was burnt 

to the ground. Owing to His Highness' influence and power, 

and the dread all had of him, every rank and station, from the 

AlAfin downwaids now vied to be the foremost in contributing to 

repair his losses, 10, 15, 20 bags of cowries came in from all quarters. 

BASQRUN gAhA AND HIS ATROCITIES 183 

The heads of the different wards of the city, the Modade, Molkbi, 

Nsise-og\in, Ntetu, T'onse-Awo, Aremu, Ita-Ologbo, Ajofk, 

and the Ogede quarters, all brought presents in cowries. 

Then the provincial kings and chiefs from the Onikoyi down- 

wards brought building materials, and also their own contributions 

in cowries, which greatly augmented his store. The Basgrun 

then asked the " medicine mam " " Is this the way you promised 

to get me cowries ? " He replied, " Yes, your Highness ; by what 

other means could you have amassed such an abundance in so 

short a time ? " 

But the Basorun was still thirsting for the blood of the AlAfin, 

and he was never so wise in his dealings with him, till at length, 

King Abiodun took a bold step, upon which he had devoted no 

little consideration. Having given orders to his courtiers and his 

wives privately to report to the Basorun that he was suffering from 

indisposition he left Oyo privately in the night for a town called 

Akala to his namesake Adegolu the powerful chief of that place. 

Being in disguise, he was not recognised by the Bale's wife, who 

told him her husband had gone to his farm. The feigned poor 

stranger asked the lady kindly to fetch him home in haste, as 

he had an important message for him. The kind hostess did so, 

and Chief Adegolu came home immediately, wondering what the 

message could be. 

" Who are you ? Where from ? And what is your message ? " 

\\eie the eager questions the Bale put to the sti anger. " I want 

a private interview " was the reply. Both of them retired to a 

convenient place, and the Bale was startled, and was scarcely 

himself when he heard from this humble stranger " I am your 

namesake Adegolu the AlAfin of Qyo." It was with some difficulty 

he could restrain the Bale from doing homage there and then with 

earth on his head, etc. " No, no," said the King, " another time 

will do for that. I am come to confer with you upon the present 

crisis, how to rid the throne of Oyo of the great usurper, the King 

maker and King destroyer. You know very well, that in all the 

6,600 towns and villages of the Yoruba kingdom, Gaha and his 

sons have the dominant rule." 

After conference. Chief Adegolu went with the stranger to rhe 

powerful Kakanfo (Field Marshal) Oyabi at Ajase ; here the plot 

was matared, of a strong and secret combination against the 

Basgrun and his sons. This was communicated by swift posts 

to all the principal kings and chiefs in the country, and it was 

arranged that on a fixed day, they should all rise and destroy all 

Gahci's children. 

The arrangement being complete King

The arrangement being complete King Adegolu returned home 

184 THE HISTORY OF THE YORUBAS 

as he came out ; and next morning paid his respects to the 

Basorun as before. 

At the day appointed, the whole country rose up against Gahk's 

children, and butchered them to pieces ; and in order to exter- 

minate the seed in toto, those of their wives who were enceinte 

were ripped open, and the embryo chopped in pieces ! 

The whole army of the country headed by Oyabi, and Adegolu 

now marched for Oyo according to the secret arrangement, and the 

Oyo chiefs with the AlAfin opened the gates to them. 

Gahk's people single-handed were preparing to resist, but it 

was evident that his time was come and nothing could stop the 

inevitable and fatal end. Gahk summoned his relatives together, 

and handed to them a bundle of here grass, well tied, and asked 

them to break it ; when all had tried and failed, he had it loosed, 

handing round a few blades to each ; that was easily crunched ; 

then said he to them " Combined we shall stand, but if disunited 

we shall be broken to pieces like the blades of ber^ in your hands." 

But his brother Olubii who might have offered the stoutest 

resistance, had been won over by the Oyo chiefs, who promised 

him his brother's title when all shall have been over ; but this 

turned out to be a ruse, devised to weaken theBasorun's resistance, 

for Olubu never escaped the fate of all Gahk's people, but was 

butchered in the general massacre of the great man's adherents 

and relatives. To the last, Olaotan, Gahi's eldest son, stood by his 

father. The troops from the country poured in from all quarters 

and were joined by those of the city, all equally tired of 

the iron rule of Gahk and of the enormities being perpetrated by 

his children. His palace was surrounded, and attempts were 

made to beat down the walls thereof ; but they were heroically 

defended by his trusty domestics, and the few faithful adherents. 

Gahk in vain tried to transform himself into an elephant as 

of yore. He ordered four mortars to be placed in position for the 

fore and hind legs, and two pestles for the tusks ; old and feeble 

and lame, he could not even help himself up the mortars, and when 

helped to them, his trembling limbs could not support his body 

weight : his incantations proved a failure. At the sight of this 

failure Olaotan groaned with disappointment and said, " Father, 

have I not always said it were better you should secure a charm 

for ensuring perpetual youth ? It was because I was strongly 

convinced that these charms will be of Uttle avail to you, when old 

age has set in." 

From the walls and from the roofs of his palace, the Basgrun's 

men kept the army of the Kakanfo at bay. A sharp shooter in 

particular did havoc amongst them ; but a certain young man. 

BAgQRUN gAhA AND HIS ATROCITIES lS$ 

bold and astute, observing this, ran close to the wall at some 

distance from the spot where he was, and walked along so close 

under it right on to the spot, that he was not seen from above or 

within, and as soon as the marksman put his head out again for 

another shot, he grasped and dragged him down, and immediately 

the men rushed forward and beat down the wall. The house was 

immediately fired, and all the domestics found within were put 

to the sword. The Basorun and Gbagi a faithful and favourite 

Ilari were taken aUve and brought before the King. He was 

soon on his chair of state with all insignia of royalty in full display 

about him, and the fallen minister made to prostrate at a distance 

before him, under a hot burning sun. The old man pleaded for 

his life, and even asked to be degraded and made the keeper of 

His Majesty's poultry yard, but it was felt that no quarters could 

be granted to him now. Being bulky in size, the ground under him 

where he lay prostrate under the mid-day sun became saturated 

with the profuse perspiration oozing from him. He neither deserved 

nor- received pity of any one. There were great rejoicings in the 

city and in the King's palace, and especially among the King's 

wives. 

So great were the indignities and contempt this fallen minister 

was subjected to, that even children could approach him now 

and pull at a pedunculated tumour in his forehead, hanging down 

his face, which the fear and dread of him did not allow people to 

notice before, for who could approach so near as to gaze on him ? 

But the fate awaiting him was of greater concern to him now, than 

to take notice of these trifling jests. 

By the order of the AlAfin, the posts of his house and everything 

that could be used as firewood, which had escaped the burning, 

were brought together and piled as a stake ; pots of palm oil, 

nut oil, and shea butter were poured on it, and set ahght ; he was 

then approached by a menial saying in mockery " Master, the fire 

is alight, will you not warm yourself a bit in such a weather as 

this ? " Then he was lifted up to the top of the stake and made 

secure, together with Gbagi, his faithful Ilari. 

His fate has been a lesson to all usurpers and abusers of power. 

It has passed into a proverb " Bi o I'aiya Osika, bi o ri iku Gahk, 

yio so otitg. If you have the heart of a cruel man, take note of 

Gaha's death and be true." 

A one day bebe i.e. a public holiday with the freedom of a 

Bebe (vide p. 163) was proclaimed, after which Qyabi the Kakanfo 

returned home with the thanks and good wishes of the King and 

nation. 

Abiodun now commenced the work of reformation beginning 

l86 THE HISTORY OF THE YORUBAS 

from the capital. In order to make himself secure on the throne, 

he suppressed or executed all those known or suspected to have 

been Gahk's friends secretly, and who might raise an insurrection 

against him, for Gaha was not without friends even among the 

chiefs, such as the Esiele, the Sakin, and the Sahadow^. 

From this time commenced that period of peace and prosperity 

for which King Abiod UN's reign was famous. Tributes poured into 

Oyo from the remote states and from Dahomey, agriculture and 

commerce flourished, and the people to the remotest part of the 

kingdom were so far happy and contented. 

The Kakanfo Qyabi did not live long to enjoy the peace he was 

so instrumental in effecting ; two years later, the AlAfin invited 

him to Oyo in order to bestow on him special honours, and marks 

of favour in recognition of his services to King and country, but 

unfortunately, his health was in a precarious condition, and in 

obeying the commands of his sovereign, he died on his way to 

Oyo. 

§ 6. Abiodun's Peaceful Reign 

King Abiod UN had a long and prosperous reign. He was 

said to have been the father of 660 children ! The firstborn 

Agunpopo was said to have been the issue of an ilUcit intercourse 

with one of his father's wives, during the father's lifetime : hence 

the Oyo citizens refused to have him as the Argmg (Crown Prince). 

Ige Gbengberu his legitimate firstborn was accepted for that title, 

but he \yas of a delicate constitution, and died prematurely ; the 

office of Aremo now devolved upon the next prince Adesina. 

Wlien Abiod UN was fully established on the throne he found out 

that a Mohammedan had hidden one of Gahk's childien for about 

40 years^ ! The King not only graciously spared the young man, 

but also amply rewarded his preserver for his generous act, and 

confirmed his goodwill by giving one of his daughters to the 

Moslem for wife ; " for surely," said the King, " you would have 

done the same for myself also." 

Towards the latter part of the King's reign, certain of the 

Popo tribes had a quarrel among themselves, and two of their 

kings came to Oyo with a large retinue of about 4,000 people 

for an appeal. They were detained for 3 years without their 

case being heard, and in the end they were informed that they 

were no more to return to their own country, but kept as the 

^ The Yorubas always exaggerate their time period by a bad 

method of calculation. If, for instance, a child is born 5 days 

before the new moon appears, he is then 2 months old, and at the 

next new moon he is 3 months, when in reaUty he is only a month 

and some days. So also is the calculation for years. 

BASORUN gAhA AND HIS ATROCITIES 187 

King's body guard under the command of his son Agunpopo 

whom the Oyo citizens insisted upon reckoning among his 

brotherstheOlusami, Atingisi.andlyajinforthereasonstated above. 

One act of revenge marred this distinguished sovereign's 

reputation. Long before his accession, he was a trader in potash. 

He once had a quarrel at Ijaye with the Bale's son but the Bale, 

out of deference to his high birth interposed and sharply repri- 

manded his son. Upon his accession he avenged the alleged insult by 

ordering the destruction of the town. Ijaye was then an Egba town. 

This fact is noted because this was the first time Ijaye was taken, 

a town which was destined hereafter to play a notable part in 

Yoruba history. His other wars were against the Popos every 

other year. They were completely subdued. 

The Crown Prince Adesina turned out to be a very vain and 

extravagant young man, weak in character, yielding to flattery. 

E.g., it was said that some of his followers used to say to him 

" Prince, you can give me lo heads of cowries now (equivalent 

to ;£io in those days), if only you wish ; why, you have only to 

say the word and it would be done ; come now, why be reluctant 

about it ? It is only to speak, etc." The Prince would yield, and 

order the money to be given. 

King Abiodun attained to a good old age, full of honours, having 

subdued all his enemies. The Aremo had hoped to succeed his 

father. Not satisfied with the high honour and unrestricted 

liberty he was enjoying, he was too eager to occupy the throne, 

and so he hastened his father's death by poison. 

The end of this reign marked an important epoch in Yoruba 

history. With the death of Abiodun ended the universal and 

despotic rule of the Alafins of Oyo in the Yoruba country. He was 

the last of the Kings that held the different parts of the Kingdom 

together in one universal sway and with him ended the tranquility 

and prosperity of the Yoruba country. The revolution ensued, 

and the tribal independence, with the loss to Yoruba of the Tapa 

and Bariba, and Dahomey provinces, and the Popos later on, 

which has continued to our own day. In a word, with Abiodun 

ended the unity of the Yoruba kingdom. 

Kangidi succeeded Gahk as the Basorun of this reign. 

THE THIRD PERIOD. 

In which revolutionary wars devastated the whole of Yoruba- 

land, ending in the Fulani usurpation and tribal independence. 

It embraced a period of the reigns of five Kings, from the 

accession of Aole to the death of Oluewu, the last of the Kings, 

who reigned at the ancient Oyo. 

Chapter VI. 

THE REVOLUTION 

§ I. AOLE SURNAMED AROGANGAN 

None of Abiodun's numerous children succeeded him on the throne. 

Aol^, a tall and handsome . Prince, a cousin of the late King was 

elected in his stead. But unfortunately, his reign was a very 

unhappy one ; it marked the commencement of the decline of 

the nation until it terminated in the tragic, end of the fifth 

King after him. The cup of iniquity of the nation was full ; 

cruelty, usurpation, and treachery were rife, especially in the 

capital ; and the provinces were groaning under the yoke of 

oppression. Confiscation and slavery for the slightest offence 

became matters of daily occurrence, and the tyranny, exactions, 

and lawlessness of the Princes and other members of the royal 

family, were simply insupportable. Oaths were no more taken 

in the name of the gods, who were now considered too lenient 

and indifferent ; but rather in the name of the King who was 

more dreaded. " Idk Oba ni yio je mi " (may the King's sword 

destroy me) was the new form of oath ! Aole was unfoitunately 

saddled with the ill fate of the nation, as the following ditty 

commonly sung would show : — 

" Laiye Abiodun I'afi igba won 'wo 

Laiye Aol^ I'adi adikal^." 

(In Abiodun's reign money we weighed by bushels. [Lit. with 

calabashes.] In Aole's reign, we packed up to flee). 

But there was nothing more in his actions than in those of his 

predecessors to warrant this saying, on the contrary, he was 

probably too weak and mild for the times. The nation was ripe 

for judgment, and the impending wrath of God was about to fall 

upon it ; hence trouble from every quarter, one after another. 

On the King's accession, according to custom when the time 

came for him to send out his first expedition, he was asked who 

was his enemy, that they should fight him. He named the Bale 

of Apomu, and hence Apomu was doomed. 

The alleged cause of offence will clearly show how much of 

corruption there was at the fountain head in those days. 

Apomu was the market town where Oygs, Ifes, Owus, and 

Ijgbus met for trade. It was situated in Ife territory, and m the 

1 88 

THE REVOLUTION 189 

border of the Olowu's dominion. Raiding and man-stealing were 

rife at those times. Oyos particularly were in greater danger, 

as they came from afar. During the last reign several Oyos were 

stolen and sold here, and hence King Abiqdun sent orders to both 

the Olowu and the Owoni of Ife to keep a strict watch and prevent 

the recurrence of these practices. The Owoni and the Olowu in 

turn sent strict orders to the Bale of Apomu to be on the watch, 

and arrest any offender. 

Aole who was then a private man used to trade in these parts 

with a friend who was also his attendant ; and on one occasion, 

he bartered away his friend for merchandise ! So faithless and 

heartless were the princes in those days. The Ijebus were actually 

taking him away when it was reported to the Bale of Apomu that 

an Oyg man was being sold away. Fortunately for the man 

by the prompt action of the Bale he was rescued at a certain spot 

named Apata Odaju (the rock of the heartless), perhaps so named 

from this circumstance, and brought before the Bale. Investig- 

ation soon showed who the slave-dealer was ; but as Aol^ was an 

Akeyo (Prince) and could not more severely be dealt with, in 

order that justice may not miscarry, he was ordered by the 

Bale to be severely flogged. This was the reason why Aole now 

named the Bale of Apomu as his enemy. 

When the Bale of Apomu heard that war was declared against 

his town on his account he took refuge in the court of the Ow5ni 

of Ife his over-lord, and whose orders he had obeyed. But as 

the offence was against the Suzerain, even the Ow6ni could not 

save him ; so this faithful chief, in order to save his town and his 

people from destruction, committed suicide, and his head was cut 

off and sent to Oyo to appease the offended monarch ! 

But an expedition must in any case be sent out, the King was, 

therefore, approached again and asked to name his enemy. But 

he replied, " My enemy is too formidable for me." Being pressed, 

he named the powerful chief Afonja the Kakanfo residing at Ilorin 

with great reluctance, as he foresaw evil ahead. 

§ 2. The King's Enemies 

After the death of the Kakanfo Oyabi, Afonja of Ilorin demanded 

the title ; but as a Prince (through the mother) the title was below 

his rank, for the Kakanfo ranks after the Basorun, but being the 

highest mihtary title, it suited his restless nature best, and so he 

obtained it, almost by force. 

But King Aole was unwilhng to initiate any civil war, and 

refused to take any action against Afonja after he had granted 

him the title. 

igO THE HISTORY OF THE YORUDAS 

Hitherto, Afgnja alone was his enemy, the other chiefs were 

as yet loyal to him, but circumstances occurred, one after the other 

which created a disaffection between him and theBasorun and the 

other chiefs, fanning into a flame the destructive fire already 

smouldering in its embers. 

The cause of quarrel between the King and Asamu theBasorun 

was this : — 

One Alaja-eta a Hausa trader at Oyo was plundered of his 

goods, under the pretext that he was bringing bad charms into 

the city. Among his confiscated goods was his Koran which he 

prized more than all his other stolen property. He appealed to 

the King, and he, from a sense of justice ordered that all his goods 

be restored to him. All but the Koran were accordingly restored. 

The Hausa again appealed to the King for this his most valued 

treasure ; the King insisted that search should be made and the 

lost Koran be restored. 

The Basorun in whose possession it probably was, or who 

at any rate knew where it could be found, refused to restore it 

and told the King it could not be found ! His Majesty felt this 

keenly as an insult to his dignity ; he was heard to say " Is it 

come to this that my commands cannot be obeyed in my own 

capital ? Must it be said that I failed to redress the grievance 

of a stranger in my town ? That he appealed to me in vain ? " 

Turning to the Basorun and pointing upwards he said, " Very 

well then, if you cannot find it my father (meaning the deified 

Sango) will find the Koran for me." 

As the god Sango is reputed to take vengeance on thieves and 

liars by burning their houses, so the next day, when lightning 

struck the Basgrun's house, great was his rage against the King 

for being instrumental in convicting him of theft and lying ! 

The ceremony of appeasing the god by the devotees, entailed 

heavy expenses on the Basgrun who, had it been another man's 

house might have gone shares with the Alafin in the fines imposed 

upon the sufferers. He knew where the trouble came from, for 

he noted the King's words " My father will find it for me." In 

this way be became the King's enemy. 

Another circumstance occurred which added the Ow6ta one of 

the 5sgs to the list of the King's enemies. 

One Jankalawa who had offended the late King and who had 

escaped to the Bariba country when he sought to kill him, now 

returned after the King's death and was flaunting about the streets 

of OYg under the protection of Lafianu the Owota. The late 

King's wives were angry at this and complained to Aole against 

Jankalawa. Said they " You have inherited our late husband's 

THE REVOLUTION I9I 

wives, his treasures, slaves and his throne. Why nut make 

his cause your cause and his enemies yours as well ? Why do you 

allow this Jankalawa to stalk so defiantly about the streets of 

Qyo?" 

By thus appealing to him from day to day, he yielded to their 

entreaties and remonstrances, and ordered the arrest and subse- 

quent execution of Jankalawa. 

The Owota's pride was wounded, because he was not respected 

by the King, in that one known to be under his protection should 

be so summarily dealt with. Thus the Bagorun and the Kakanfo 

found an accomplice in the powerful Owota. A conspiracy was 

formed but not being ripe for execution, they awaited a 

favourable opportunity. 

At length the time arrived when an expedition must be sent 

out, and the King was again asked "Who is your Majest3''s enemy?" 

He replied, " I have told you that my enemy is too formidable 

for me, and besides we are the same kith and kin." However, he 

advised that as the last campaign ended at Gbeji, the war should 

be prosecuted from that place. 

But in order to gain their object in view, viz., the removal 

of the Kakanfo, the King's counsellors advised that the Kakanfo 

and the army should be sent against Iwere, a place fortified by 

nature and by art, and impregnable to the simple weapons of 

those days, and as the Kakanfo by the oaths of his office must 

either conquer within three months or die, and Iwere is impreg- 

nable, he will have no other alternative, but as in honour 

bound to make away with himself. 

It was, however, arranged that he should not be foiewamed, 

but decoyed as it were to that place until he found himself at the 

foot of the hill on which Iwere was built ; hence it was given out 

that war was declared against Gbeji. 

But the royal party leading the army received private instruc- 

tions to lead the army to Iwere and when there to inform the 

Kakanfo that that was the place he was sent against. 

But private intelligence had reached the Kakanfo at Ilorin, 

of all the plots and intrigues going on in the capital. However, 

he with his accomphces in the city deferred the execution of their 

design till after their arrival at the seat of war. 

The army at length stood before Iwere and the Royal party, 

consisting of the King's brother, the Eunuchs, and the principal 

slaves, and their men, pointing to it said " This is the town to be 

taken by the order of the AlAfin." 

The time was now come for the mutiny to break out. The 

Basorun and the Owota at the head of the troops from the city, 

192 THE HISTORY OF THE YORUBAS 

the Onikoyi and the Kakanfo leading those from the provinces 

now alleged as a pretext for the mutiny that " If the King had not 

aimed at our destruction, he would not have ordered us to this 

impregnable town. And besides, is not this the maternal town of 

King AjAGBO ? Are there not Kobis in the Queen Mother's palace 

there ? " 

The watchword was now given " O Ya " (now is the time) and 

so the whole army turned their swords upon the royal party and 

massacred them ! Chief Qpele of Gbogun in particular was famous 

as a swordsman ; he made himself notorious on that occasion, 

and took to himself a name " A ri agada pa aburo Oba " (one who 

has a blade for slaying the King's brother). 

The siege was immediately raised, and the whole army stood 

before the city for forty and two days. The King sent word to 

say if they have returned from the expedition, whether successful 

or unsuccessful, let them come in for an interview. The insurgent 

chiefs sent word back to say that the royal party had offended them 

and that the result had proved unfortunate. " Very well," Sciid 

the King, " in any case, come in for an interview." Several weeks 

passed, and they were still encamped before Oyo irresolute as to 

what they should do next. At last an empty covered calabash 

was sent to the King — for his head ! A plain indication that he 

was rejected. He had suspected this all along and was not unpre- 

pared for it. There being no alternative His Majesty set his house 

in order; but before he committed suicide, he stepped out into the 

palace quadrangle with face stern and resolute, carrying in his hands 

an earthenware dish and three arrows. He shot one to the North, 

one to the South, and one to the West uttering those ever-memor- 

able imprecations, " My curse be on ye for your disloyalty and 

disobedience, so let your children disobey you. If you send them 

on an errand, let them never return to bring you word again. 

To all the points I shot my arrows will ye be carried as slaves. 

My curse will carry you to the sea and beyond the seas, slaVes will 

rule over you, and you their masters will become slaves." 

With this he raised and dashed the earthenware dish on the 

ground smashing it into pieces, saying " Igba la isg a ki isg awo, 

beheni ki org mi o se to ! to ! " (a broken calabash can be mended, 

but not a broken dish ; so let my words be — irrevocable !) 

He then took poison and died, after which the camp was broken 

up, and each of the chiefs repaired to his own place. 

Thus ended an unhappy reign of about seven years, and Prince 

Adebg succeeded him on the throne. 

Asamu Agba-o lekan was the Basgrun of this reign. 

the revolution 193 

§ 3. The Rebellion of the Oyo Chiefs 

The death ot the late King was all that the rebel chiefs demanded, 

after which, the army entered the city, pillaged the palace and then 

dispersed each to his own place. From this time the spirit of 

rebelHon and independence began to spread throughout the king- 

dom. Adebo was placed on the throne with the nominal title of 

King, but without the authority and power of a King. It was his 

misfortune to have come to the throne at such a time, and he held 

the sceptre for only 130 days. 

Afonja the Kakanfo of Ilorin and Opele the Bale of Gbogun 

were the first to proclaim their independence, other chiefs soon 

followed their examples. This was the commencement of the 

break-up of the unity of the Yoruba kingdom, and the beginning 

of the tribal independence. Tribute was no longer paid to the 

King. The King's messengers and Ilaris no longer carried that 

dread as before, nor were they allowed to oppress people or enrich 

themselves with their goods as before. 

As the King's authority waned, so also the respect and deference 

hitherto paid to the citizens of the capital ceased ; they were 

even treated disrespectfully and became the subjects of vulgar 

songs all over the country, a thing unheard of before ! Law and 

order were subverted, might triumphed over right, and the 

powerful chieftains turned their arms towards subverting town 

after town in the kingdom in order to increase their own wealth 

and power. Chief Opele of Gbogun took Dofian and Igbo-Owu; 

he besieged Gboho but fell in that place, being shot with an arrow 

by the brave defenders. 

Opele was the only powerful chief Afonja respected and having 

now no rival he resolved upon a scheme to reduce the provinces 

under his own sway, leaving the capital severely alone in complete 

isolation. He made no attempt on Oyo, had no aspiration after 

the throne knowing that was impossible of attainment ; it was 

sufficient tor him that the King was powerless to check his ambition. 

In order to strengthen his hands in the enterprise he was about to 

undertake, he invited a Fulah Moslem Priest named Alimi to 

Ilorin to act as his priest. Alimi in responding to his call came 

with his Hausa slaves and made Ilorin his home. These Hausa 

slaves Afonja found to be useful as soldiers. He also invited to 

Ilorin a rich and powerful Yoruba friend at Kurwo named 

Solagberu, who quartered himself at the outskirts of the town. 

All the Hausa slaves in the adjacent towns hitherto employed 

as barbers, rope-makers, and cowherds, now deserted their 

masters and flocked to Ilorin under the standard of Afonja the 

Kakanfo, and were protected against their masters. 

194 THE HISTORY OF THE YORUBAS 

Under Solagberu's standard also flocked Mohammedans from 

Gbanda, Kobayi, Agoho, Kuwo, and Kobe. All in his quarter 

being Moslems, he named that part of the town Oke S una, i.e., 

the quarter of the faithful. They held themselves separate not 

only from the pagans, but also from the Fulahs or Fulanis their 

co-religionists. 

From this time beg?in the Jehad or religious war in the Yoruba 

country. Those who were enlisted as soldiers called themselves 

Jama (a Hausa word for the rank and file, as distinguished from 

the leaders). The mark of distinction between themselves and 

others was the Kende, two large iron rings one on the thumb, 

the other on the 3rd or 4th finger of the left hand ; with this they 

welcome each other, striking the rings against each other to produce 

a sound. This io the sign of brotherhood ; hence they often say 

'■ O re kende si mi, okan na ni wa," (he welcomed me with the 

Kende, we both are one). 

The operations of the Jamas were directed against the Igbdna 

tribe. The only towns of Yoruba proper destroyed were amongst 

the Ibolos viz., Iresk, Ejigbo, and Ilobu. The reason why these 

towns were destroyed we shall notice afterwards. 

§ 4. The Rising of Ojo Agunbambaru 

Ojo surnamed Agunbambaru was one of the surviving sons of 

the renowned Basorun Gahk. He had escaped to the Bariba 

country at the general massacre of Gahk's children and relatives 

in the reign of King Abigdun. Hearing of the present state of 

the country, he thought there could never be a more favourable 

opportunity for him both to avenge his father's death, and also 

to obtain his title without opposition. 

He returned from the Bariba country with an immense army, 

entered Qyo, and under the pretext of espousing the King's cause, 

he put to death indiscriminately most of the influential citizens 

who were named as Afonja's friends and allies. The Owota was 

the first victim of his ambition and revenge. On the whole, about 

100 chiefs were despatched, who were either his father's enemies, 

or who might have opposed him -in his main object. 

He now set off for Ilgrin to measure strength with Afgnja the 

powerful Kakanfo, whose father was one of those who swelled 

Oyabi's army for the overthrow of his father the Basorun Gahk, 

and who had succeeded the same Oyabi in his title as Kakanfo, 

These were his grievances against Afgnja ; but besides these, 

Afgnja was the only person in the land after Op§le of Gbogun, 

who might have opposed him in his designs. 

If Ojo had acted with prudence, he might have succeeded without 

THE REVOLUTION 195 

the slightest doubt ; but his indiscriminate slaughter of the Oyo 

chiefs and others in his track, and his threats against the Onikoyi, 

tended to weaken his own strength on the outset. Fire and the 

sword marked his path to Ilorin, and so great was the dread of him, 

that such towns as Ogidi, Ogele and others, were deserted at his 

approach. 

Adegun the Onikoyi being one of Afonja's secret friends, was on 

his hst for destruction but he was reserved till after the war. Both 

were kept informed of all Ojo's movements, policy, and designs 

by the Oyo people who followed him trembhng, not really as 

friends, but rather as traitors, their minds having been prejudiced 

against him, on account of his excesses, and a secret combination 

was formed between them and the Onikoyi, to desert Ojo at the 

most ciitical moment. 

Ojo's army was further swelled by recruits from all the Yoruba 

towns who feared his vengeance should victoiy crown his efforts 

without their help ; and even the Onikoyi who knew himself to 

be a marked man, declared for him and swelled his army. 

Afonja met this large army a great way off but he was defeated 

on three successive engagements. His army being completely 

routed he fled precipitately to Ilorin to fortify the town against 

the approach of the conqueror. Ilorin had not been walled, and 

there was no time to think of doing so now, so he had to extemporise 

fortifications, erecting stockades with the locust and shea-butter 

trees. 

Ilorin was soon besieged and was nearly taken, as Afgnja's 

courage was faiUng from repeated reverses, when private messages 

from the enemy's camp were sent to encoiurage him to hold out 

a Uttle longer. 

At last, the final decisive battle was to be fought, Afonja and 

his army were hard pressed on every side, being shut up within 

their forts, and the town was on the point of being taken when 

Adegun the Onikoyi and his accomplices suddenly gave way, 

in the heat of the battle, and the great conqueror irretrievably 

lost the day ! 

The traitors fled away in confusion, but Ojo and his trusty 

Bariba troops retreated orderly ; the Kakanfo could not follow up 

the victory by pursuing him from the dread he had of the Baribas, 

who were renowned for being good archers, and for their poisoned 

arrows. Ojo made good his escape with the remnant of his army. 

Being thus deserted by those whose cause he professed to espouse, 

Agunbambaru considered himself unsafe among them, and there- 

fore returned to the Bariba country with the wreck of his army 

watching for another favourable opportunity. 

196 THE HISTORY OF THE YORUBAS 

After the fall of Opele of Gbogun, King Adebo declared war 

against the town of (Gbogun, but he died at home during the 

progress of the siege. His reign was short and specially marked 

by troubles. The people now longed for peace, hence their 

pathetic songs . — 

" A pete, a pero, a fi Adebo joba, 

Abiodun, pada wa joba o ! " 

(With deliberation, and thought we made Adebg King, O 

Abiodun, do thou return to reign !) 

Asamu was also the Basorun of this reign. 

§ 5. Maku 

Afonja by new conquests and especially by his recent victory 

over Ojo became mightier still. The Igb6nas having already been 

subjugated, he now proceeded to punish Iresa for being in league 

with Ojo, because no private message came to him from that place 

during the war. 

Prince Maku ascended the throne without Afonja's being con- 

sulted, and therefore he never sent any congratulations, nor 

repaired to Oyo to do homage as usual. A deputation was therefore 

sent to inform him that " The New Moon has appeared," meaning 

a new King has ascended the throne ; and he sent back this 

arrogant reply " Let that New Moon speedily set." 

Maku's reign was very short, not exceeding two months (or 

three moons as Yorubas reckoned it). 

He declared war against Iworo, and took the field in person. He 

suffered a defeat and retreated to I wo (in the Metropolitan district). 

From shame he did not return to Oyo till the Oyo Mesi sent word 

to him that he should not think of removing the seat of government 

to I wo, or else why did he remain there ? His Majesty thereupon 

returned to the capital, and then he was poUtely told that rio Yoruba 

King must survive a defeat. He thereupon committed suicide. 

The Bagorun of this reign was the same Asamu. 

Chapter VII 

THE RISE OF THE FULANIS TO POWER 

§ I. The Spread of Anarchy and Fall of Afonja 

An interregnum folloNved the last reign but for how long, it is 

not known ; after which Majotu was placed on the throne. The 

whole country was at this time in the greatest disorder, wars and 

rumours of war being the order of the day. The tocsin of war 

resounded from every quarter, and the new King found himself 

incapable of coping with the situation. 

The Epos, imitating the Kakanfo at Ilorin organized a military 

band which they called Ogo Were (i.e. the Jackals) at the head of 

which was the Aresa but with what object in view, it was not 

known. The Kakanfo received the news with mixed feelings 

of jealousy and suspicion ; he sent and enquire.d of Toyeje the 

Bale of Ogbomoso his Otun i.e. commander of his right, what he 

understood by that movement. Toyeje could not say. War was 

in consequence declared against the Epcs, and several towns in 

that province were taken, only Ogbahagbkha and Iwo amongst 

the principal towns escaped. Ilobu and Ejigbo amongst the 

Ibglos were also taken, and the Ogo Were suppressed. 

Afonja was now the sole power in the kingdom ; the King and 

the capital were left to manage their own affairs by themselves. 

The Jamas were increasing in number and in rapacity, to the 

utter distress and ruin of the country. When there was no war 

in hand they usually scattered themselves all over the land plunder- 

ing the people and committing outrages. They would enter any 

house, make it their headquarters, from which they would pillage 

the neighbourhood and surrounding districts. They fed upon the 

cattle of the house and led the rest away at their leisure and 

pleasure. 

Knowing the consequences to themselves and to the town if 

they were to attack these marauders, the country folk became 

rather disinclined to rear up any cattle or poultry to feed these 

thieves ; every one helped himself and family to whatever remained 

of their livestock, so that at one time there was not a single livestock 

to be found in country towns. 

To further illustrate the gross licences of these Jamas, slaves 

who had deserted their masters often returned to the same town, 

and even to the very house as a Jama, making their former 

197 

198 THE HISTORY OF THE YORUBAS 

master's house their headquarters for their rapine : masters who 

were kind to them formerly were now repaid by protection against 

the rapacities of their comrades ; unkind ones were now treated 

with heartless revenge. These fellows were not regarded now as 

slaves bat as the Kakanfo's servants. 

Thoughtful men were now apprehensive of the evils to the nation 

which the unrestrained licences of these Jamas portended, but no 

one was bold enough to remonstrate with the Kakanfo, or even to 

appeal to him against their rapacities. Fagbohun the chief of 

Jabata alone had the courage to do so by virtue of his office as 

the commander of the left wing of the Kakanfo's arm}-, and he 

incurred his displeasure for his boldness. 

In order to get Fagbohun into his grasp, Afonja summoned 

all the provincial Bales to him at Ilorin, but Fagbohun having 

got wind of his intention escaped back to his town. 

But Afonja perceived his error when it was too late. Haughty 

and passionate, his very egotism was the cause of his fall. Fortune 

had carried him to such a high pitch of glory, he thought his fall 

was impossible ; besides, he had unlimited confidence in his 

Jamas, and was not aware ot their growing disaffection and dis- 

loyalty towards himself. He thought he could put them down 

whenever he liked, and was sometimes very severe with any act of 

insubordination, openly threatening them with suppression and 

annihilation. This threat only served to increase their disaffection. 

Too late, he saw what Fagbohun had warned him against. He 

failed completely to check their ambition, rapine and lawlessness. 

His threats and warnings were not heeded. Long impunity had 

increased their boldness. 

At last, the Kakanfo was resolved to give effect to his threats 

and to disband the Jamas, but he miscalculated his own strength. 

By the death of his brother Agbonrin, and his head slave Lasipa 

he had lost his mainstay for these were men of power. He had 

offended all the powerful chiefs in the kingdom including his 

former friend and ally Solagberu of Oke Suna, and his priest 

AUmi by his high-handedness, lofty airs and haughty spirit. 

Fearing lest these Jamas should attack him suddenly if he were 

to delay their destruction, he sent a private message to the Onikoyi 

and other powerful chiefs in the country inviting them to make 

their appearance in Ilorin suddenly, and to assist him in 

annihilating these Jamas. 

But the secret was divulged to the Jamas, and they, losing 

no time, being headed by Alimi the priest, rose up against him 

before he could obtain help from abroad. Solagberu being a 

Yoruba, professed neutrality. The Kakanfo was closely besieged 

THE RISE OF THE FULANIS TO POWER I99 

in his quarters, but he fought with his characteristic bravery. 

When he found himself overwhelmed by numbers, he despatched 

Bugare his head slave to solicit the aid of Solagberu ; but Solagberu 

treacherously detained him, saying, " Your Master has hitherto 

looked down upon us as his menials, and why does he now require 

our aid ? " This treachery, he lived to regret. The great Kakanfo 

was disappointed on all sides. As neither Bugare nor Solagberu 

made an appearance, he could not hold out till the Onikoyi's 

arrival ; he was compelled to fight within the walls of his house ; 

but when the house was set on fire, he rushed out again into the 

streets surrounded by his faithful few. The insurgents surrounded 

them, charged again and again, but could not break their ranks, 

Afonja himself in the midst of them was fighting most desperately, 

surrounded by the corpses of some of his faithful attendants. 

Seeing the day was lost, some of his followers became disheartened 

and deserted him., but the rest chose to die with him. He fell 

indeed like a hero. So covered was he with darts that his body 

was supported in an erect position upon the shafts of spears and 

arrows showered upon him. 

So much dread had his personality inspired that these treacher- 

ous Jamas whom he had so often led to victory could not believe 

he was really dead ; they continued to shower darts upon him 

long after he had ceased fighting. They were afraid to approach 

his body as if he would suddenly spring up and shake himself for 

the conflict afresh ; not till one of them, bolder than the rest 

cautiously went near and placed an arrow in his hand and they 

saw he could no longer grasp it, that they believed he was really 

dead ! His corpse was taken up and burnt to ashes. 

The crafty AUmi his treacherous friend took his helpless children 

and family under his own protection, a leging that it was a mis- 

understanding that led to the civil fight between himself and his 

old friend, in which the latter unhappily lost his life. His house 

was rebuilt, and the remnant of his people were permitted to occupy 

it, but the government of the town passed over to the conqueror. 

His family, however, are highly respected at Ilgrin to this day. 

Thus passed away one who will always be remembered in the 

annals of the Yoruba country as the leader of the revolution which 

ended in the dismemberment of the Yoruba country. 

The late Afonja was a native of Ilorin. The city was built by 

his great grandfather, Laderin, whose posterity bore rule in her in 

succession to the fourth generation. Laderin the founder, was 

succeeded by Pasin, his son, a valiant chiet who opposed the 

renowned Gaha when he was in the zenith of his glory. Fearing 

his rising power, Gahk drove him out of Ilorin and he escaped to 

200 THE HISTORY OF THE YORUBAS 

Ol^. He sent an army after him there which reduced the town and 

Pasin was taken and slain. Alagbin the son of Pasin succeeded 

his father, and in turn handed the government to his vaUant son 

Afonja with whom the rule ended. 

Ilorin is sometimes spoken of as Afonja's Ilorin. This is because 

he was the most renowned of her rulers, and not only so, but 

also because it was he who made it into the large city it now is. 

There were several towns and villages around at no very great 

distance from Ilorin e.g. Kanla, Oke Suna, Ganma, Elehinjare, 

Idofian, Oke Oyi, Ibare, Igbon, Iresa etc. Most of them this 

restless warrior captured one by one and resettled them around 

Ilorin so as to make it into what it has become. The able-bodied 

men he enrolled among his soldiers, and several women and 

children he sold into slavery, in order to have wherewith to 

maintain and supply arms to his war boys. 

He was not actually of the royal family although often reckoned 

as such, but his mother was said to have been a home born slave 

of the palace, and he was brought up among the children of the 

royal family, hence the Ibamu facial mark across the face seen 

in his descendants to this day. 

Ilorin now passed into the hands of foreigners, the Fulanis 

who had been invited there as friends and allies. These being 

far more astute than the Yorubas, having studied their weak 

points and observed their misrule, planned to grasp the whole 

kingdom into their own hands by playing one chief against another 

and weakening the whole. Their more generous treatment of 

fallen foes and artful method of conciliating a power they could 

not openly crush, marked them out as a superior people in the art 

of government. 

§ 2. The First Attempt to Recover Ilorin from the Fulanis 

The Battle of Ogele 

The tragic end of Afonja the Kakanfo by the hands of his 

Jamas had long been anticipated by thoughtful men who depre- 

cated their formation, and had predicted the worst for the nation 

when slaves became masters. 

The death of the Kakanfo struck the whole nation with such 

awe and bewilderment that it took the people nearly a whole 

year to bring them to their right mind. Seeing that the fate of 

the whole nation was trembling in the balance as it were, all the 

people united to avenge the death of Afonja, while in the meantime, 

the crafty Fulani had been strengthening himself for the conflict. 

He had studied the Yorubas and knew how to circumvent them. 

THE RISE OF THE FULANIS TO POWER 201 

Toyeje the Bale of Ogbomosg and commander of the late 

Kakanfo's right, was promoted to the post of Kakanfo, and the 

whole nation was united under his standard to expel the Fulanis 

from Ilorin. They encamped at a place called Ogele, where they 

were met by the Fulani horse aided by the powerful Yoruba 

Moslem Chief Solagberu of Oke Suna. Another fatal mistake of 

Sglagberu's. 

A sanguinary battle was fought in which the Fulanis were 

victorious. They routed the Yorubas and followed up their 

victory, which resulted in the desertion or destruction of a great 

many towns in the Ibolo province. The only important towns 

left in that part were Ofa, Igbona, Ilemona, Erin, and a few others. 

The refugees could only carry away such of their personal 

effects which could be snatched away in a hasty flight, as the 

Fulani horse kept hovering in their rear. They found temporary 

refuge in any walled town where a powerful chief happened to be, 

there, it may be, to await another siege by the conqueror. 

The distress caused by this calamity cannot be described. 

Aged people who could not be carried away were left to perish. 

The doleful lamentations of parents who had lost their children, 

and of thousands of widows and orphans were heartrending. 

Bereft of every thing, without money, or anything that could 

be converted into money in such hasty and sudden flight, they were 

reduced to abject misery and poverty among strangers, and cject misery and poverty among strangers, and could 

only support life by doing menial work by procuring firewood or 

leaves for sale and such like. A people who until recently lived 

in what for them was affluence and plenty, are now oppressed 

with want and misery brought about by the want of foresight, and 

the vaulting ambition of their rulers. 

§ 3. The Second Attempt to Expel the Fulanis and Recover 

Ilorin 

The Mugbamugba War 

After a short respite the Yorubas again rallied and resolving 

to rid the country of these hordes of marauders the Jamas, made 

an alliance with Monjia, the King of Rabbah, that he may help 

them to extirpate the pests. The war took place somewhere 

between March and April at the time when the locust fruit was 

ripe for harvest. 

The country was already devastated by the late wars, many 

towns were left desolate, and consequently there were no farms for 

foraging. What food there was in the Ilorin farms were soon 

eaten up, and both the besiegers and the besieged were without 

202 THE HISTORY OF THE YORUBAS 

provisions and had to live on the locust fruit (igba) . Hence the war 

was termed Mugbamugba. 

The Yorubas were again unsuccessful in this expedition. They 

had not yet learnt how to cope with cavalry and the Fulanis were 

expert horsemen. From successive defeats the Yorubas lost all 

courage, and victories one after another made the Ilorins more 

confident, so that in the open fields they gained easy victories over 

the Yorubas ; and when they were protected within walled towns 

they reduced them by long sieges and famine. 

On this occasion, the Ilorins attacked the alUes to advantage. 

They hid their horses in the rear of the allied armies and while 

a party of horsemen engaged them in front the main body of the 

cavalry suddenly bore down upon them from the rear and routed 

them. Monjia fled precipitately to his own country, leaving the 

Yorubas at the mercy of the victors. The Ilorins followed up their 

victory and swept away all the towns in the direction of ^ia, 

Erin, Igbona etc. The Olofa with Asegbe his favourite and wise 

Ilari escaped to Ikoyi. 

§ 4. The Battle of Pamo 

Alimi the Moslem priest, who was at the head of the foreigners 

at Ilorin died after the last war and was succeeded by his son 

Abudusalami, who became the first King, or Emir, of Ilorin. 

Ilorin now passes definitely into the hands of the Fulanis as rulers, 

and affords a home for the Gambaris (Hausas) from whom the 

Jamas were reciuited. 

The late Alimi was much respected at Ilorin from his arrival 

there as a mere priest. At fiist he had no intention of making 

Ilorin his home much less to embark upon a career of conquest ; 

and indeed when Afonja and his Jamas commenced their excesses 

he was prepared to return to his own country from disgust, but 

the eldeis of the Yorubas prayed him to stay and act as a check on 

Afonja for there was no one else to whom he would defer and there 

was no telling how far he would go without someone to put the 

fear of God into him. The Kakanfo and the people of Ilorin pre- 

vailed upon him to send for his family and make Ilorin his home. 

Alimi was a pure Fulani by birth and his wife also a Fulani 

lady. They lived together for a considerable time without any 

issue. The wife then consulted a Moslem priest as to her state of 

childlessness, and she was told to give out of her abundance to a 

distinguished Moslem priest a slave as an alms to the glory of 

of God, and she was sure to have children. 

Having considered this matter over, she came to the conclusion 

within herself that she knew of no distinguished Moslem priest 

THE RISE OF THE FULANIS TO POWER 203 

greater than her own husband, and therefore she gave to her 

husband one of her maidens as " an alms to the glory of God." 

This maiden as Ahmi's secondary wife became the mother of 

Abudusalami and Shitta his two eldest sons. The Fulani lady 

herself subsequently gave birth to a son named Sumonu, who was 

nick-named Beribepo (one who cuts off head and post). Alimi 

afterwards took to himself a third wife by whom he also had a 

son, and, therefore at his death he left four sons to inherit his 

property. As will be seen below however, no advantage in the 

matter of government accrued to the son of the real wife (who was 

a pure white Fulani) above those of the slave wife who were 

coloured. Hence in the third generation, the chief rulers of Ilorin 

have become black. 

The power of the Fulanis was now very great, and they aimed 

at nothing short of the subversion of the whole Yoruba country, 

and the short sighted Yoruba war-chiefs were playing the game for 

them by their mutual jealousy of one another. One expedition 

followed after another and the result was the devastation and 

depopulation of the country. Far seeing men had predicted all 

this, if the various Yoruba families did not unite and expel the 

foreigners ; but jealousy and rivalry among the chiefs prevented 

unity of purpose. Allegiance was no longer paid to the King, not 

even in the capital. Intestine wars not only weakened the country, 

but offered it an easy prey to the common enemy. 

Thus Toyeje the Kakanfo at Ogbomosg had a difference with 

Adegun the Onikoyi which at length broke out into an open war, 

each of them being now independent, and neither would submit 

to the other. The Kakanfo formed an alliance with the Oluiwo 

of Iwo, the Timi of Ede and Solagberu of Ilorin, and besieged 

the Onikoyi in his city of Ikoyi. 

Solagberu had his own personal grievance to vent because the 

Onikoyi did not do homage to him or pay him tribute ; so he came 

with all the Ilorin forces at his command. Abudusalami the 

Emir alone remained at home. The combined forces encamped 

at a place called Pamo. The conflict was very fierce, and Ikoyi, 

hemmed in on all sides, was nearly taken, when Asegbe the Olofa's 

Ilari, who was then with his master, a refugee at Ikoyi, saved the 

city by wise and judicious measures. He told his master and 

it also came to the Onikoyi's hearing that if he could be allowed 

to use his wisdom without being forbidden or thwarted, he could 

save the city. The besieged who were prepared to agree to any 

terms in order to obtain peace accepted the offer, although 

reluctantly, as Asegbe kept his plans to himself. 

He sent a private messenger to Abudusalami the Emir of Ilgrin 

204 THE HISTORY OF THE YORUBAS 

in the name of the Onikoja, that he was besieged in his city, 

for the sole reason that he declared himself for the Emir of Ilorin. 

The Emir again questioned the messenger " Is it true the Onikoyi 

declared for me? " " Quite true, your Majesty," was his reply. 

" Then the siege must be raised," said the Emir. 

Orders were now sent to recall Solagberu with all the Ilorin 

forces, but he refused to obey orders. Again and again peremptory 

orders were sent, with the same result. The fifth and last message 

was to the Princes and other chiefs, to the effect that whoever 

would prove himself loyal should return home at once by the order 

of the Emir. The Ilorin army now left the camp, leaving Solagberu 

alone behind together with the aUies. 

The next effort of the Emir of Ilorin was to raise the siege at 

all cost, and hence he sent his army to reinforce Ikoyi. These 

Ilorin troops entered Ikoyi, but for ten days did nothing but help 

themselves to every thing they could lay hands on, eating and 

drinking to excess. On the eleventh day they asked to be 

conducted to the scene of action. Then they joined battle, and 

completely routed the Kakanfo's army. Solagberu fled back to 

his quarters at Ilorin, an

Although Solagberu was allowed to remain in his quarters, yet 

the disaffection between him and the Emir of Ilorin was very 

great, and every incident served but to heighten it. . It grew 

from jealousy and illwill to opposition and resentment, and at 

length into a civil war. The Emir's party besieged Oke Sun a, 

desperate battles were fought, but the besieged held out for a 

long time until they were reduced by famine. They were hard 

put to it in order to sustain life, living on frogs, lizards, barks 

of trees, etc., till no green thing could be found at Oke Suna, 

Solagberu had cause to remember with regret his tieachery towards 

his friend Afonja, in his hour of need, at the hands of these very 

Jamas. At last, Oke Suna was reduced and Solagberu slain. 

Abudusalami the Fulani Emir having now no rival in any 

Yoruba King or Chief, the Onikoyi having declared for him, the 

Kakanfo's army shattered, and Solagberu slain, resolved upon 

subverting the whole kingdom, and making himself the King of 

the Yoruba country. The remaining Yoruba towns spared were 

placed under tribute. He was aided in his enterprise by the 

Jamas whose tyrannies and oppression greatly exceeded those 

which they practised in the days of Afonja, which were so galling 

THE RISE OF THE FULANIS TO POWER 205 

to the Yorubas : formerly it was only the livestock that were freely 

taken away, but now, they entered houses and led away women 

and young persons at their pleasure. It was Hterally enslaving 

the people ! 

To such a wretched and miserable condition were the people 

reduced, especially in the provinces. 

Chapter VIII 

THE CONSEQUENCES OF THE REVOLUTION IN THE 

SOUTH 

§ I. The Owu War 

The kingdom being now in a disorganized condition each tribal 

unit constituted itself an independent state. The Ifes in the east, 

and the Ijebus in the south formed an alliance against the Owns 

to the south-west of the former and north west of the latter. 

The Owns (although now domiciled with the Egbas) are a family 

quite distinct from. Egbas or Oyos. Hardihood, stubbornness, 

immorality, and haughtiness are marked traits in their character, 

so much so that it has passed into a proverb " A bi omg I'Owu, 

o ni ako tabi abo ni, ewo ni jdo se omg nibe ? " (a child is born at 

Owu, and you ask male or female : which will be a proper child ?) 

Either sex when roused by passion would sooner die than not take 

dire revenge. Their manners were totally different from those of 

the Oyos, but from the days of Sango they have been very loyal 

to the AlAfin of Oyo. 

As warriors, the Owus were hardy, brave, and courageous, 

they had no guns, their weapons consisting of the Agedengbe 

(a long heavy cutlass) with bows and arrows. Coming to close 

quarters with cutlass in hand was the mode of fighting characteristic 

of these brave people. 

The cause of the war between these three families was this : — 

We have already stated above that during the reign of King 

Abiodun, express orders were sent from Oyo to the Ow6ni of If§, 

and the Olowu to prevent Oyos being kidnapped and sold at 

Apomu, the great market town where the interior and the coast 

people met for trade. Now, since the commencement of the 

revolution, and the disorganized state of the kingdom, the practice 

was revived. The rebellion has rendered the Central Authority 

powerless, but there were still some men of considerable power and 

influence in the land, such as Adegun the Onikoyi who was the 

premier provincial king, Toyejg theBal§ of Ogbomoso the Kakanfo, 

and Edun of Gbogun. 

A message similar to that sent by King Abiodun was now sent 

by the Onikoyi and the Kakanfo conjointly to the Olowu, and he 

in carrying out his orders had to chastise several towns ; hence 

206 

THE CONSEQUENCES OF THE REVOLUTION IN THE SOUTH 207 

Ikoyi Igbo, Apomu, Ikire, Irkn, He Olup^mi, Itahakun, Iseyin 

Od6, Iw^ta, Akinboto, Gbkngan, Isope, Iwar6, and Jagun, were 

destroyed by war, all in Ife territory. 

The Ow6m of Ife was highly incensed at this and declared war 

against Owu. The command of the war was entrusted into the 

hands of his commander-in-chief Singunsin. Other war-chiefs 

associated with him were : — Okansk, Gbogbo Olu, Wasin, 

Alodeloko, etc. Their first encampment was at a place called 

Dariagbon a farm village of one 01up6na, next at Sifirin at the 

confluence of the Osun and Ohk rivers. 

The Ifes thought they would make an easy conquest of Owu 

for they themselves are a brave people, and hence this war song 

in their peculiar dialect : — 

E maha ja (a) gba, Let us cut ropes, 

Igbekun la mu a di Our captives to bind. 

If a Olowu The Olowu's If a (god of palm nut) 

£wa la mu a se With our corn we'll cook. 

The Owns received the news that war was declared against them 

with great indignation. They considered themselves the power 

in these southern regions, and what infatuation has led the Ifes 

to this presumption ? With one consent they immediately marched 

out to meet them at this great distance. The engagement was a 

hand to hand fight in which the Ifes were completely routed ; their 

army was all but totally annihilated, only about 200 escaped to 

tell the tale of their dire misfortune ! 

The King of Iwo, in whose territory this disaster took place 

did not admit the survivors into his town for fear of incurring the 

displeasure of his formidable neighbours the Owus, whom he 

dreaded ar;d of whom he was jealous, but he so far sympathized 

with them that he advised that they should not undergo the 

humiUation of returning home, and he allowed them to rendezvous 

in a place called Adunbieiye for the purpose of recruiting their 

army and to try another chance, secretly hoping that fortune may 

favour them next time, and being ill at ease with such a formidable 

neighbour as the Owus. 

This small army remained in this place for about 5 years, 

unable to return home from shame, and yet could not obtain 

re-inforcement adequate for the great enterprise. 

Just at this crisis the Owus and the Ijebu traders had a serious 

complication at the Apomu market. The dispute arose from the 

sale of alligator pepper, and it resulted in the rash expedition 

against Apomu by the haughty Owus ; the town was destroyed, 

and many Ijebu traders and residents lost their lives or their all. 

208 THE HISTORY OF THE YORUBAS 

The king of Iwo thereupon advised the Ifes to form an alliance 

with the Ijebus, who, like them, have now a grievance against 

Owu. When this was done, the lies at home were now wilUng 

to re-inforce their wrecked army for a conjoint attack upon Owu. 

The Ijebus now declared war against Owu, and crossing the 

Osun river, encamped at the farm of one Oso. 

The Ijebus were better armed than either their allies or their 

foes, and indeed, than any of the interior tribes, for, being nearest 

to the coast, they had the advantage of obtaining guns and gun- 

powder from Europeans in exchange for slaves. They were 

remarkable marksmen. The older men with their cloths tied 

round their waists, and the ends left flowing behind, constituted 

the regular fighting column : being too old pr too heavy to run 

away, they were obhged to be courageous. 

The Owns were mad with rage at the receipt of the news that 

anyone, such as the Ijebus, had presumed to declare war 

against them who (as they considered themselves) were the first 

power in these parts (southern Yoruba). They rushed out to 

check the progress of the Ijebus as they did that of the Ifes, and 

attacked them furiously cutlass in hand. But they were compelled 

to fall back from the steady fire of the Ijebus which did great 

havoc amongst them. Summoning courage, the Owns offered 

another obstinate battle, but they were again repulsed with a 

heavy slaughter, having lost in the first and second engagements 

about 40 of their leaders. This was the first check to their pride. 

They ralUed, however, and retreated to a short distance, and then 

again ventured upon another attack, the Ijebus advancing as 

they were retreating : they finally met, and once more fortune 

was against the Owus, and they fled precipitately to fortify their 

city against the expected siege. 

The Ijebus with their allies the Ifes encamped to the west of the 

city of Owu, under a large tree called the Ogilngun, east of the 

town of Oje. We may here remark that although the Egba towns 

of Of a and Oje were about a mile and two miles respectively from 

Owu, yet so bitter was the animosity between them that not only 

did these towns refuse their aid to Owu, but rather rejoiced at 

its misfortunes ! 

The Owus fought with their accustomed bravery, and in one 

furious assault, routed the aUies, and pursued them to Oje, Ofa, 

and Ibadan. The first two places were deserted in the general 

confusion and panic, and all sought refuge at Ibadan. Here the 

allies received reinforcements from the Egbas, and from the Oyo 

refugees from the north whose homes had been devastated by 

the Fulanis and who were now scattered about the provinces 

THE CONSEQUENCES OF THE REVOLUTION IN THE SOUTH 209 

homeless, and without occupation. Glad to find some occupation 

in arms, these refugees flocked to the standard of the allies in 

numbers ; and thus strengthened, the war was renewed. The siege 

lasted about 5 years (usuaJly reckoned as 7). The city was obstin- 

ately defended by the brave inhabitants from the walls, and from 

the forts built on the walls of the city. One Skkulk was an expert 

sharp shooter who was never known to miss his aim ; he contri- 

buted much to the defence of the town. But he was at the same 

time a good-natured man, kind and merciful to his enemies. 

Whenever he saw a young man hazarding his life too close to the 

forts in order to show valour, pitying his youth, he used to hail 

at him from the fort, and warn him as follows : — " I give you your 

life for to-day, but do not venture here to-morrow or you shall 

die." And he was alw^ays as good as his word. Thus Sakulk 

defended the city heroically and killed many a valiant warrior. 

At last, the allies held a council of war, and were determined 

to get rid of S^kulk on the next day. The Ijebus, who had guns 

were the foremost, and the whole army directed their fire and 

showers of darts at the fort where S^kiila was fighting, all kept 

shooting at that one spot, until they saw Skkiilk fall, suspending 

from the fort ! 

Owu was now deprived of her bravest defender, and famine 

also began its fatal work within its walls. 

It was at this time the Owns began for the first time to eat 

those large beans called popondo (or awuje) hitherto considered 

unfit for food ; hence the taunting songs of the alUes : — 

Popondo I'ara Owu nje. The Owns now live on propondo, 

Aje f'ajaga bo 'run. That done, their necks for the yoke. 

Unto this day, whoever would hum this ditty within the hearing 

of an Owu man, must look out for an accident to his own person. 

For all the famine within, the besiegers could neither scale the 

walls, nor force the gates open, until Akinjobi the Olowu opened 

a gate, and escaped to Erunmu, one of the principal towns in his 

territory. The chief of this place was one Oluroko who was 

nearly related to the Ow6ni of Ife. Oluroko protected his over- 

lord. The allies pursued the Olowu to this place, but Oluroko 

when called upon to answer for his conduct, submitted himself, 

and asked for pardon, showing that he could not have acted 

otherwise and be blameless. ^ The allies saw with him, and pardon 

was accordingly granted him. 

Ikija was the only Egba town which befriended the city of 

Owu in her straits hence after the fall of the latter town, the 

combined armies went to punish her for supplying Owu with 

provisions during the siege. Being a much smaller town, they 

210 THE HISTORY OF THE YORUBAS 

soon made short work of it. After the destruction of Ikija,^ the 

allies returned to their former camp at Idi Ogungun (under the 

Ogiingun tree) . 

"Owu was thenceforth placed under an interdict, never to be 

rebuilt ; and it was resolved that in future, however great might 

be the population of Oje — the nearest town to it — the town walls 

should not extend as far as the Ogungun tree, where the camp was 

pitched. Consequently to this day, although the land may be 

cultivated yet no one is allowed to build a house on it. 

[In the year 1873 Akinyemi one of the sons of one Bolude of 

Ibadan happened to build a substantial farm house at Owu. 

Latosisk then the Kakanfo at Ibadan ordered it to be pulled down 

immediately, and Akinyemi was fined besides]. 

After the fall of Owu and Ikija, the army was not disbanded, 

but the commanders of the Ife and of the Ijebu armies returned 

home to give an account of the war to their respective masters, 

but the remnants still in the camp were continually swelled by 

recruits from Oyo refugees whom the Fulanis had rendered home- 

less. 

After a time the Ijebus in the camp invited the allies home to 

their country as friends ; then they broke up the camp at " Idi 

C)gungun " and withdrew to Ipara in the south. 

It should be noted that the Owu war marked a definite period 

in Yoruba history. It was here for the first time gunpowder was 

used in war in this country, and it was followed by the devastation 

of the Egba townships and the foundation of modern Abeokuta 

and Ibadan, to be related in due course. 

§ 2. Consequences of the Revoution : — The Lasinmi War 

Whilst the Owu war was raging in the south, the northern 

provinces were in no less disturbed condition. The Onikoyi, 

not content with being the first and greatest of the provincial 

kings took advantage of the disturbed state of the country to usurp 

the King's prerogative and aimed at subjugating the other chiefs 

under his own authority. Toyeje the Kakanfo at Ogbomosg was 

alone his rival and in order to oppose him, the Onikoyi created 

Edun of Gbogun an opposition Kakanfo to him. But Toyeje 

continued in office, and so there were two Kakanfos at this period, 

a thing quite unprecedented. 

During this reign, it was said that a European traveller visited 

Oyo to whom the King granted an interview. This was most 

probably Clapperton (vide Clapperton'sL as^ Expedition to Africa, 

^ The site of Ikija is now an Ibadan farmstead known as Karaole. 

THE CONSEQUENCES OF THE REVOLUTION IN THE SOUTH 211 

Vol. I., Chap. IV.). The King was said to have complained bitterly 

of the rebellion of his subjects, and that he was King only in name : 

he craved for military assistance in order to reduce his rebellious 

chiefs ; but as it was impossible for the stranger to afford this, 

he tried persuasive measures. He visited the several powerful 

chiefs in the country, remonstrated with them pointing out forcibly 

how " Unity is strength." His advice was favourably received 

and the result was a congress held at Ikoyi in which all the principal 

chiefs were present, and to which the King sent an Ilari. 

After a prolonged deliberation they came to an agreement to 

return to their former loyalty and allegiance. The Onikoyi 

then asked that the Ilari be called in to bear the good tidings to 

his master ; but when called aloud by his official (Ilari) name 

" Kafilegboin," the chiefs all gave a start and were much surprised 

to hear the name of the Ilari sent to them. " What ! Kafilegboin ! 

(i.e. let's have it on stiff) Is that then the King's intention ? A 

name which implies implacabiUty, resolute determination and 

inexorableness! Very well then, let the rebellion continue. No one 

among us can consider himself safe at the hands of the King should 

we return to our allegiance, since he can send us such an Ilari at a 

time as this when he wants to win us back!" The congress was 

then dissolved. 

Whether the King did this intentionally or not, we cannot say; 

but Yorubas being very diplomatic, and very suspicious of one 

another, he should have sent one whose name implies conciliation 

or harmony if he wished to win back the chiefs. 

But we consider all this from God in order that the sins of 

the nation may be purged by judgment from above. 

Shortly after this, there was a serious compUcation between the 

Kakanfo at Ogbomoso and the Timi of Ede. Ede had been 

tributary to Ogbomoso, but after the Pamo war it threw off 

its allegiance, and the Kakanfo had long been seeking for an 

opportunity to reduce it again to subjection. One cannot 

say what was the real cause of the war, but there can be no doubt 

that the Kakanfo made something or other a pretext for commenc- 

ing hostilities. The Kakanfo, however, did not take the field in 

person as he considered it only a small affair ; he sent Lasinmi 

his Balogun to reduce the town. 

Ede was beseiged, and for 15 days desperate battles were fought, 

but the town was defended heroically. 

Bamgbaiye the Timi of Ede at that time, was one of the richest 

of the provincial kings, and it was due to his largesses that the town 

was able to hold out so long. Every morning he ordered bushels of 

corn (maize) to be well cooked, and placing large earthenware pots 

212 THE HISTORY OF THE YqRUBAS 

at certain intervals right round the walls of the town, he filled 

them alternately with the cooked corn and cool drink (well- 

mashed Eko) or pure water, for the combatants, so that no one 

need compldn of hunger or find an excuse for leaving his post 

by day or by night. 

The strength of the besiegers and the besieged was well-nigh 

spent, when Asegbe the Olofa's wise Ilari appeared again on 

the scene to prevent further bloodshed and to save the town. 

With a small body guard, he approached the walls of the town, 

so as to be heard. With his usual persuasive eloquence he induced 

the people to surrender in order to avoid further bloodshed. " We 

are all the same tribe and one family, and why should we destroy 

one another in the very face of our common enemy, destroying us 

from without ? I give you my word, that if you capitulate the 

siege will be instantly raised. " 

These words were soon conveyed to the Timi, and so glad was 

he that he sent Asegbe a bottle of gin, which he and his attendants 

drank on the spot and the empty bottle was sent back as a token 

of good-will, that the gift was accepted. 

The Timi sent again to enquire how the negotiations might 

best be carried on. Asegbe advised him to send lo bags of cowries 

and 10 goats, and to capitulate and the siege would be raised. 

Asegbe returned to the camp to report his success, and the chiefs 

were all glad and thankful. Towards the evening the Timi paid 

the fines imposed and capitulated and the siege was raised. 

Bamgbaiye was the richest Timi that ever ruled Ede. His large 

garden was full of goats and sheep without number so that all the 

green grass in the garden was eaten up. But the creatures were 

all miserable looking as they were more in number than could be 

properly fed at home ; they should have been driven by herdsmen 

to the pastures to graze, but the war without prevented this. 

It was even said that they were so hungry that any one entering 

the garden would have to defend himself with a stick to prevent 

his clothes being eaten off his body ! When presents had to be 

given, or fines and indemnities paid in token of subjection, or to 

purchase peace as above related, selections were made from the 

well-favoured ones among them and the enemy appeased. He 

could afterwards recoup himself by taxation. 

Ede prospered under the rule of this king. 

§ 3. State of the Capital During this Period 

King Majotu was well advanced in age, before he was called 

to the throne, and consequently the business of state was for the 

most part left in the hands of the Crown Prince Adewusi surnamed 

THE CONSEQUENCES OF THE REVOLUTION IN THE SOUTH 213 

Fuhiiniji : unfortunately, he was neither wise nor prudent but 

rather a dissolute and licentious prince, extravagant and cruel 

to a degree. His weak qualities were, however, eclipsed by his 

largess. He acted more like a monomaniac than like a rational 

being. His father was too old and weak to check him. Not- 

withstanding his exalted position he usually spent days and nights 

out-of-doors, roaming from one quarter of the town to another 

without returning home. 

Whenever he was going to s.pend a night in a house in any quarter 

of the town, he usually gave orders that his suite should start about 

half-an-hour after he had preceded them. He would clothe 

himself in tatters, carrying an axe, a club, or a stick just hke a 

madman ! He would reach the gate of the chief whose guest he 

intends to be, long before the arrival of his suite, and mingle with 

the crowd of spectators who were there waiting to see the sight of 

a royal equipage, listening to their remarks and especially to 

those of his intended host. 

If the host were to complain of the undesired visit of an un- 

principled coxcomb putting him to unnecessary trouble and ex- 

pense, and that he would rather do without the honour of his visit, 

or any other such remarks that he might make, he would hear it 

all with his own ears. As soon as his attendants arrived he would 

instantly get himself into the midst of them, change his rags for 

a magnificent robe, and step forth as becomes a prince. When 

the host now rushed forward to show his respect, and bid him a 

hearty welcome, etc., he would burst out "You hypocrite, did you 

not say so and so, when you heard I was coming to you on a visit ? 

I'll curb your lying tongue." When the host lay prostrate and 

trembling, conscious of guilt and pleading for mercy, he would 

deal him heavy blows with his club, which more often than not 

killed or disabled him for life, and in some cases, if he survived, 

he would order him to be sold into slavery. 

But if the host were really solicitous about giving him a loyal 

welcome, and showed himself desirous of giving him an entertain- 

ment worthy of his rank, he would hear and know for himself, 

so that when he joined his attendants and came forward to greet 

his host, he would accept his welcome and bid him not to care 

about how he should entertain him, but would himself order 

refreshments and entertain the host and all present out of his own 

bounty, and give him presents lavishly besides. If this prince is 

spoken of as cruel, and as having killed or sold into slavery several 

of his father's subjects, it was in this way. 

An instance related of his liberahty was as follows : — 

Upon a festival called Isul^ customarily held in the month of 

214 THE HISTORY OF THE YORUBAS 

July, all the members of the royal family gorgeously dressed go 

in procession to a certain place to worship the spirits of their 

dead ancestors. The demonstrations on these occasions are 

very imposing, and usually end with gifts from the Crown Prince. 

On one such occasion, this Prince gave the Ologbo who accom- 

panied him a common gown, but the latter refused to accept it, say- 

ing it was not worthy of the dignity of His Royal Highness. The 

Crown Prince thereupon took off his robes in which he went to 

the Isule, and gave them to the Ologbo, and ordered other members 

of the royal family to do the same. 

Adewusi had his own good qualities but his enormities were 

revolting ! He accounted it a privilege to commit indecencies 

under the open sky, surrounded by his attendants and Eunuchs 

holding large cloths in the four corners as a curtain to shield him 

from sight. In his train were always some of his wives and 

mistresses. 

He would commit rape with impunity, and whether to show 

that he was above law, or out of pure spite to the chiefs, in his 

visits to any of them it was his custom on entering their houses, 

to perform the same act in the open court-yard before he took his 

seat in the piazza ! 

This beastly conduct bemeaned him in the estimation of the 

Oyo chiefs, and not only had he lost all respect from them on that 

account, but, on one occasion, he very nearly lost his life at 

the hands of the Basorun, in whose palace he had the temerity 

to venture on the same action ! On his arrival, his supernal 

highness came out to receive him as his guest, but was shocked 

to find that Adewusi made no exception in his lewd practices 

in regard to himself. He returned in a rage to his inner apart- 

ment, to reappear with a drawn sword, and would have despatched 

him and his mistress on the spot had not the Prince and all his 

attendants fled away in confusion. The Basorun's servants 

pursued after them with clubs and dispersed them. 

Adewusi had no one among all the chiefs to appeal to for 

sympathy, as he had offended every one of them in the same 

way, although none but the Basorun was able to resent it; hence 

their sympathy was rather on the side of the Basorun. 

But the ultimate result of this would have been serious for the 

Prince had not his wise and aged father conciliated the chiefs. 

Knowing what the outcome would probably be, His Majesty 

summoned a meeting of the chiefs, noblemen, and other important 

personages in the city and said to them in a parable : — " The 

Crown Prince was my creditor when we were in the other world, 

and when I could not pay the debt, I escaped to this world. He 

THE CONSEQUENCES OF THE REVOLUTION IN THE SOUTH 215 

pursued me hither demanding payment, and being born of royalty, 

I was able to pay off my debt. 

But my difficulty is this — for the purpose of which I have 

summoned you all my chiefs for your advice and help. The 

Crown Prince not content with the payment, demanded that I 

should carry back the amount paid to the other world ; and for 

this I crave your advice and help." 

The Oyo chiefs asked His Majesty for an explanation of the 

parable and his reply was as follows : — 

" The enormities of the Crown Prince in your quarters and in 

your houses, I have heard of, and what would have been the result, 

if the Basorun had killed liim in his house, we all know. Would 

it not have cost me my own life also ? What I crave of you is 

that in future I should be exonerated, and not be charged with 

his conduct." The Oyo chiefs were appeased and promised not to 

implicate the father in the crimes of his son. 

Added to the scourge of the sword, divine judgment fell upon 

the nation in famine also and pestilence. Towards the end of this 

reign there was a famine in the land for two years which obliter- 

ated every trace of the plenty they revelled in when there was peace 

and prosperity. Many died from it. It was a struggle for many 

to be able to support their family, especially those in exile ; but 

the richness of the soil enabled those whose towns were not 

destroyed to render great assistance to their guests the refugees. 

But unfortunately there was a dearth of the latter rains and the 

dry season crops could not be planted. This following closely 

after the Lasinmi war caused the distress to be more severe. 

Gbogi, an Ijesa town was attacked and destroyed only for the 

sake of the provisions it contained, no one caring for slaves or 

booty. The staple of the Ijesas being yam and not corn, the 

famine was less felt amongst them, as the yam crop does not 

depend upon the latter rain. This famine was called lyan 

Yamord. 

It was said that a subscription was made by several famihes to 

the amount of 6 heads of cowries, and a special messenger was 

sent to the Egba territory to buy corn. The return of the messenger 

was eagerly looked forward to, and at length he returned with a 

merry heart whistling as he walked along : but there was no load 

on his head, the 6 heads worth of corn was carried in a bag slung 

on his shoulders ! and he protected it beneath the cloth he wrapped 

himself with, so that no one may know what he had with him. 

It was a treasure ! It was shared by the subscribers by counting 

the grains. 

This calamity was followed by a pestilence called the Pehe, 

2l6 THE HISTORY OF THE YORUBAS 

a disease of the respiratory organs like the recent {1892) fatal 

epidemic of Influenza ; thousands were swept away by it, and 

King Majotu was among its victims. Of a long succession 

of Kings, it was his good fortune to have died a natural death. 

At the death of the King, the Crown Prince was told to die 

with his father, according to the custom now prevailing. But he 

was unwilling to do so, and was giving out bribes liberally to the 

chiefs that they should give him their support ; and trusting 

to his former largess to the people, he was determined upon a 

civil fight, hoping for a general rising in his favour ; but Akawo, 

his bosom friend quietly undeceived him, and advised him to die 

honourably, or he would have the mortification of seeing himself 

deserted at the most critical moment by those on whom he counted 

most to espouse his cause. Adewusi then committed suicide, 

and Prince Amgdo was placed on the throne. 

Chapter IX 

FURTHER DEVELOPMENT OF THE ANARCHY 

§ I. Evil Days for the Capital 

Prince Amod6 was one of the grandchildren of Ajampati the 

twin brother of King Ajagbo. He came to the throne at a time 

when the kingdom was distracted by anarchy and confusion. 

The Fulanis having an eye on the capital of Yoruba-land, but not 

being confident enough to make an attack on the city whilst there 

were so many powerful chiefs in the land, who might suddenly 

return to their allegiance, were using prudence and astuteness to 

spread the disaffection. They were fanning the flames of discord 

by allying themselves with one or other of the chiefs known to be 

rebellious against their lawful sovereign. None of the provincial 

kings now paid tribute to Oyo or acknowledged the authority of 

the King. He was virtually King of the capital only. 

In order to have a powerful friend and ally in whom he could 

confide in time of emergency, King Amodo made an alliance with 

Lanloke the chief of Ogodo, a market town, at the confluence 

of the river Niger, where Yorubas and Tapas met for an exchange 

of merchandise. Ogodo was originally a Tapa town, but subse- 

quently the Yoruba population predominated, nearly all the 

children of influential Oyo chiefs resided there permanently for 

the purpose of trade. King Amod6 cemented and strengthened 

this aUiance by giving his daughter to Lanloke to wife, and 

treating him as an independent sovereign. 

To show how weak and contemptible the AlAfin has become, 

Lanloke most brutally and cowardly beat the princess his wife 

actually to death, and boasting over it, took to himself the nick- 

name, " My name is Amod6, and I put Amod6 to death. My name 

is Ajebaba, and I enslaved Ajebaba." 

Fearing the resentment and vengeance of Oyo for this act, 

he hastily formed an alHance with the Ilgrins, and assumed the 

aggressive, and so besieged Oyo. Oyo at length capitulated and 

the Ilorin troops entered and sacked the city. Oyo was plundered 

of nearly everything, but no captives were made excepting 

some Oyo beauties who were carried away with the spoils, 

Jimba, one of the head slaves of the Ilorin Emir was the chief 

spoiler. He took away all the Egugun dress, and forced the 

citizens to accept the Koran, which necessitated every one to 

217 

2l8 THE HISTORY OF THE YORUBAS 

change his name for an Arabic name, the only alternative being 

the sword. 

Thus at length Oyo became tributary to Ilorin ! 

§ 2. The Third Attempt to Expel the Fulanis 

The Kanla Expedition 

Amod6 was ill at ease under the yoke of the Fulani Emir of 

Ilorin, and he prevailed upon all the Yoruba chiefs throughout 

the country to unite and rid themselves of their common enemy.' 

Apparently they were united, but between the capital and the 

provinces, the spirit of disaffection and jealousy was strong. 

It was understood full well that the King's policy was to use 

them together to rid himself first of the common enemy, and then 

to subdue the rebel chiefs one after another, by force of arms. 

But the Ilgrins on the other hand were more diplomatic. In 

order to facilitate their plans, they made friendship with some of 

the Yoruba chiefs who were men of power, and who, if united, 

would be able to oppose them successfully ; such were Prince 

Atiba of Ago Oja, Edun chief of Gbogun, the most powerful 

Yoruba general of the day, and Adegun the Onikoyi the premier 

provincial king. 

Whenever there was war with the Ilorins these chiefs usually 

acted against their own real and national interests, either by 

betraying their own nation and people, or by giving their backs 

to the enemy without shooting an arrow, and thus allowing the 

Ilorin horse the advantage of out-flanking their foes. 

King Amod6 having prevailed upon all the chiefs to come 

together, declared war against the Fulanis, and Ilorin was besieged 

by a formidable army raised throughout the country. 

Adegun the Onikoyi was suffering from indisposition and 

was really unfit to take the field ; but Edun of Gbogun his rival, 

forced him to go to the war, secretly planning with the Ilgrins 

that he would give way in the heat of the battle, in order that 

Adegun might be taken alive ! This battle took place at Kanla 

from which the expedition was named. 

Edun having carried out his act of treachery, the Onikoyi 

was surrounded by the Ilorin horse ; but he fought, and fought 

bravely and fell like a hero. Thus the AlAfin's army was routed, 

and the people fled away in confusion. 

It was at the time when the rivers overflowed their banks, 

and a number of people were drowned at the river Ogun. The 

most notable chief drowned on this occasion was Oja the founder 

of Agd (the present Qyo). Prince Atiba, one of the rising power, 

FURTHER DEVELOPMENT OF THE ANARCHY 2I9 

rode his powerful horse into the river, and narrowly escaped being 

drowned. 

The Yoruba towns deserted at this defeat were Esiele and 

Pop6. 

§ 3. The Vicissitudes of Ikoyi 

The fall of Adegun at the Kanla war left the kingship of Ikoyi 

vacant. There were two aspirants to the title, viz., Siyenbola, 

the son of the late Adegun, and Ojo, the son of Adegun's prede- 

cessor. The majority of the people was for Siyenbola, and Ojo's 

partisans were but few. Ojo, however, went to Oyo to have 

the title conferred on him by the Suzerain as of yore, and he 

succeeded in obtaining the Alafin's favour in his claim. 

King Amodo was glad for this mark of recognition and hoped 

for the gradual return of the provincial kings to their allegiance. 

He therefore made Ojo take a solemn oath that he would ever be 

loyal to him. His Majesty strictly charged him against making 

any league with Edun the rebel chief of Gbogun through whose 

town he must pass to reach his home at Ikoyi. This charge was 

occasioned by the treacherous conduct of Edun at the Kanla 

war by which the Alafin lost the day. "I am a King," said 

Amodo, " and you are now a king. Kings should form aUiance 

with kings and not with a commoner." 

The King justly anticipated what would happen, for when 

Ojo the new Onikoyi reached Gbogun on his way home, Edun 

sought his friendship and alliance, and pressed him to take an 

oath with him, that they would always be faithful to each other. 

Ojo stoutly refused to ta to take the oath, alleging that it was unbecoming 

for a king to take an oath with one not of royal blood. But 

Edun was a man of power, and the Onikoyi was already in his 

clutches being in his town and he felt he could do whatever he 

hked with him ; ; he therefore insisted that the oath should be 

taken before the Onikoyi could leave his town. Ojo was in a 

dilemma, his oath of allegiance to the Alafin forbade him to dis- 

obey the King's charge, and now he was at the mercy of this 

miscreant. He had now no option, the oath must be taken and 

the only way out of it the Onikoja could find was to delegate one 

of his attendants to perform the business for him, as the fitness 

of things required from the inequality of their respective ranks. 

The Kakanfo considered this an insult to his dignity, and he 

resented it by ordering Atanda one of his own attendants to take 

the oath with the Onikoyi's delegate. 

Whilst this was taking place at Gbogun, tidings reached Ikoyi 

that Ojo had succeeded in obtaining the title from the AlAfin, 

220 THE HISTORY OF THE YORUBAS 

and Siyenbgla who had usurped it therefore fled from the town 

with all his party to Ilorin. 

The remnant of Ojo's party at home who did not accompany 

him to Ovg met him at Esiele with the news that the town had 

been deserted from disgust that he should reign over them. 

The Onikoyi was too weak to proceed to occupy Ikoyi with his 

small party, he therefore remained at Esiele. 

A week after this, the Ilorin horse came against Esiele to espouse 

the cause of Siyenbgla, and they had seven days of hard fighting, 

but finding it not such an easy business to rush the town, as they 

had supposed, they retreated home to make full preparation for 

a regular siege at the ensuing year. 

The siege was accordingly laid in the following year. Esi§le 

held out for a long time, being heroically defended by its balogun 

Kurumi, and another notable war-chief Dad6 (of both of whom 

we shall hear more afterwards) . When they could hold out no 

longer, the war-chiefs deserted the town, leaving mostly the women 

and children at the mercy of the conquerors. Ojo the Onikoyi 

was slain, and Siyenbgla having now no rival obtained the title of 

Oniko5a from the Emir of Ilgiin, and returned with those of 

his party who went with him to Ilgrin to re-occupy the town. 

Thus Ikoyi was re-peopled but no longer as a vassal state of 

Ovg but of Ilgrin. The city was rapidly refilled by those of Ojo's 

party that escaped the fall of Esiele and they now acknowledged 

Siyenbgla as their king. 

Esiele also was again re-peopled, as it was not actually destroyed 

by war but deserted under stress. The inhabitants were per- 

mitted to remain as they were because the siege was laid against 

the town on account of the late Onikoyi — no longer alive. 

Shortly after this there was a serious complication between 

Edun of Gbogun the Kakanfo and Dada the Bale of Ade)d which 

broke out into a war. Edun marched his army through Esiel§ 

to besiege Adeyi, but Fasgla the Bale of Esiele hearing that the 

Kakanfo's army was to pass through his town having hardly 

recovered from the effects of the late war, and dreading the 

devastation and pillaging of farms consequent on such a march, 

deserted the town. So Esiele was again desolate, the people 

finding refuge at Ogbomgsg and Ikoyi. 

The expedition, however, was unsuccessful. The Kakanfo's 

army suffering many reverses, it had to be given up. 

§ 4. The Gbogun War and Fall of Edun the Kakanfo 

Gbogun was the last of the powerful towns in the country 

and as the aim of the Fulanis was the subversion of the whole 

FURTHER DEVELOPMENT OF THE ANARCHY 221 

country, a pretext for war was soon found in order to lay siege 

against her. 

Abudusalami the Emir of Ilorin threatened the Kakanfo with 

war if he refused to pay allegiance to him ; Edun accepted the 

challenge and began at once to make a vast preparation, offensive 

and defensive. 

Ikoyi being already a vassalage of Ilorin and a neighbouring 

town, Edun regarded her as an enemy and insisted that it should 

be deserted at once or he would take her by surprise. Siyenbola 

the Onikoyi sent ambassadors to Gbogun to arrange terms of peace 

but Edun refused to hear ot any such thing and threatened to 

destroy the town the next day, if not deserted at once as he would 

not afford the Ilorins a base of operation against him at such 

close quarters. There being no alternative, Ikoyi was a second 

time deserted and Siyenbola escaped to Ilorin. 

Gbogun was soon besieged by the Ilorins and desperate battles 

were fought, the defenders fighting heroically and could not 

be overwhelmed until at last the city was reduced by famine and 

thus Gbogun fell, the last of the powerful towns of Yoruba. 

Edun the greatest Yoruba general of the day escaped by way 

of Gbodo where he was overtaken, being hotly pursued by the 

Ilorin horse. He had with him a handful of veterans and such 

was the terror his very name inspired that the pursuers did not 

dare to offer him battle. 

The men of Gbodo were torn between two opinions whether they 

should afford protection to their fallen general or allow him to escape 

in peace. But the pursuers insisted on his destruction, saying ' ' If you 

allow him to escape, your lives will go for his life as you will show 

yourselves thereby to be an enemy to the Emir of Ilorin." This 

decided the men of Gbodo; in order to save themselves they took up 

arms against the fallen general and overwhelmed him and his 

faithful few, the brave man himself falling under a shower of darts 

fighting gallantly at the head of his little band. His head was 

taken off, raised upon a pole and carried in triumph to the camp 

and from thence to Ilorin ; OdQewu his eldest son and some of 

the distinguished war-chiefs who were taken being compelled to 

ride behind it in order to grace the triumph of the conquerors. 

On the 3rd day after their arrival at Ilorin Oduewu succeeded 

in purchasing the head of his father and had it decently buried 

to save himself from disgrace. 

After the fall of Gbogun, Siyenbola returned the second time 

to Ikoyi. Fasgla the Bale of Esiele, who had escaped with his 

family and a few followers to Ogbomgso, also returned to his town. 

On his way to E§i§le, he was the guest of Siy§nbola the Onikoyi 

222 THE HISTORY OF THE YORUBAS 

for three days. He and his sons Sinolu and Abgsede and his 

eldest daughter Omotajo were feasted on the flesh of an elephant 

just killed and brought to the Onikoyi. This was regarded as an 

auspicious omen. 

§ 5. The Pole War and the Death of the Abuousalami 

The Fulanis having subdued all the chiefs in Yoruba proper 

and reduced the large towns by conquest or annexation, his 

ambition led Abudusalami to turn his attention to the Ijesa tribes 

for conquest, and hence he sent an expedition to that province. 

The Fulanis depended more on their cavalry than on their 

infantry, the latter being armed with only a sword and a club. 

In a country with primitive forests like those in the Ijesa province 

horses were of no avail, and hence the Ijesas chased the enemy in 

their mountain tracks and cut in pieces the greater part of their 

horsemen. In pursuing their foot soldiers, they cry after them 

" Pole, Pole," which in their dialect means Down, Down. From 

this circumstance this expedition was termed the Pol^ war. 

After the return of this expedition Abudusalami fell sick and 

died. He was a successful king who raised the Fulani power to 

that pitch of glory which Ilorin has attained. 

The late Abudusalami and Shitta were the children of the slave 

wife of Alimi and being the two eldest they naturally took the lead. 

On their father's death Abudusalami divided his property into 

four equal parts, called all his brothers to take each one his portion 

beginning from the youngest. His half brothers took theirs 

and went away, but as Shitta was about to take his Abudusalami 

stopped him and sent him away with a walking stick. With the 

slaves and riches of himself and his brother, he kept up his royal 

estate and had sufficient means to carry on the war and to effect 

the conquest of Yoruba proper and hence at his death the throne 

and the property devolved upon Shitta, the half brothers having 

no longer any claim. Abudusalami hereby secured the throne of 

Ilorin to his own and his brother's descendants to the total 

exclusion of the half brothers and the succession to this day 

alternates between the family of the two. 

The children of the lawful wives (especially those of the Fulani 

lady) considered the throne theirs by right, but as they could not 

claim anything of the royal estates they were excluded from the 

throne as well. Abudusalami was succeeded by his brother 

Shitta. Olusi the Bale of Ogbomgso also died about this time. 

Chapter X 

THE SPREAD OF ANARCHY AND POLITICAL 

DISPLACEMENTS 

§ I. The Destruction of Egba Towns 

We have seen above (Chap. VII) that after the fall of Owu, and the 

punishment inflicted upon some Egba towns for secretly befriending 

the beleagured city, the camp at Idi Ogugun broke up, and the 

leading Ife and Ijebu generals returned home to their respective 

masters, but the rest of the aUied armies with the Oyo refugees 

were invited by the Ijebus to Ipara, a town of Ijebu Remg. 

Making this place their headquarters, these restless bands of 

marauders found occupation for their arms in conquering and 

subjugating several towns in Ijebu Rem.o under the Awujale of 

Ijebu Ode, viz Ode, Iperu, Ogere and Makun. 

Pretext was soon found for waging war with the Egbas who were 

then living in small villages scattered all over the area between 

Ipara and Ibadan. Several expeditions were made from their 

base at Ipara, and Iporo, Eruwon, Oba, Itoko, Itesi, Imo, Ikereku, 

Itoku, etc., were taken. 

The following are the names of the distinguished war-chiefs in 

this campaign : — Oyo chiefs — Oluyedun, Lakanle, Oluyole, 

Adelakun, Opeagbe, Abitiko, YSmati, Oluoyg, Koseiko, Abidogun, 

Apksa, Osun, Laleitan, Bankole, Fadeyi Ogani-ija, Agbeni, etc. 

All these chiefs oined the allied army as private soldiers, but 

the fortunes of war raised them to positions of great distinction. 

Notwithstanding this, they were looked down upon by the Ife 

and Ijebu leaders under whose auspices they joined the war against 

Owu, and had no voice in their councils. But they were soon to 

show their superiority. 

Ife chiefs — Maye (the generahssimo in the absence of Singusin) 

Ogugu, Derin-Okiin, Labgsinde, Ogini, Aregbe, Olufadi, Degoke, 

Kugbayigbe, Oluygde, Epo, Kudayisi. 

Ijebu chiefs — Kalejaiye, Amoibo, Osunlalu, Oguade, Argwgsanle, 

etc. 

Rich with the booty of these expeditions, and finding no fresh 

fields of operation for their arms they decided to disband the 

army. The Ijebu war chiefs returned home and the Ifes set out 

to return by way of Oorun ; the Oygs who had nowhere to go to 

223 

224 THE HISTORY OF THE YORUBAS 

accompanied them. There were thousands of Oyos already in 

Ife districts. 

At 06run (a Gbagura town) they found fresh employment 

for their arms when the men of that place refused them a passage. 

Another circumstance also occurred which hastened the siege of 

Oorun and the fall of the remaining Egba townships. 

A dispute arose between the people of Idomapa a neighbouring 

town and the Gbaguras about territorial limits which at length broke 

out into war and Oluwole the king of Idomapa who was the 

weaker of the two combatants asked the aid of Labgsinde one of 

the leading Ife war-chiefs, and through him the rest of the Ife 

and Oyo war-chiefs against Ajiboso the king of the Gbaguras. The 

allies encamped at Idomapa and Oorun was the scene of conflict, 

where the Gbaguras concentrated all their forces to oppose the 

Idomapas and their allies. 

The Gbagura army was swelled by re-inforcement from Ika, 

Owe Ikija, Iwokoto. The contest was furious and one Oga 

Oh5roagallantwar-chiefgreatlydistinguishedhimself in the defence 

of 06run. As long as he could handle his bow and arrows, the 

enemy was kept at bay ; but he fell in an engagement, and at the 

same time famine had commenced its direful work, and so the 

assailants successfully reduced the town. 

As their fighting men had all fallen at Oorun the conquest of 

all the rest of the Gbagura towns was complete. Oorun when 

captured was fired ; being a town situated on a high hill, the 

conquerors were able by the aid of the light to pursue their 

victory to the next town which they found deserted, and so on 

to the next and the next until they reached Ojoh6. 

The towns deserted and overrun that night were Oorun, Ijaiye- 

maja, Kosi-kosi, Ikerekuiwere, Ora, Ibadan. Ofa and Oje were 

also deserted, but the conquerors did not know of this till three 

days after as they lay outside their line of march. 

From Ibadan they followed up the conquest to Ojokodo Iwohaha, 

and Eguoto ; all these places were deserted and plundered in 

one night and by the dawn of day they were before 0]6h6. Ojghb 

offered a stout resistance and being weary from long marches the 

conquerors retired to find a resting place. Of all the towns overrun 

the previous night, Ibadan alone they found not destroyed by 

fire, and so this marauding band hastily occupied it, the 

war-chiefs taking possession of any compound they chose, and their 

men with them and thus Ibadan was again re-peopled but not by 

the owners of the town, but by a composite band of marauders, 

consisting of Oyos, Ifes, Ijebus, and some friendly Egbas, Maye 

a bold and brave Ife chieftain being their leader. Next to him 

THE SPREAD OF ANARCHY AND POLITICAL DISPLACEMENTS 225 

was Labgsinde also an Ife, but, through his mother, of Oyo descent. 

These two leaders were men of different character and opposite 

temperament. Maye was of an irritable temper, in manners 

rough and domineering, and never failed at all times to show his 

contempt for the Oyos, chiefly because they were homeless refugees. 

At the head of the Oyos was Lakanl^ a bold and brave leader who 

alone of all the Oyo war-chiefs could venture to open his mouth when 

Maye spoke. Labosinde on the contrary was most agreeable and 

very fatherly in his manners and therefore much respected by all. 

Ibadan now became the headquarters of these marauders from 

which place Ojoho was besieged and at length taken. At this 

time also Ikeiye Owe and a part of Ika were deserted ; the Ika 

people escaping to Iwokoto. All these were Eeba villages of the 

Gbagura section. 

§ 2. Foundation of the Present Abeqkuta 

As stated in the preceding section there were some friendly 

Egba chiefs who joined the marauders at Idi Ogiigun and at 

Ipara, and now they were all living together at Ibadan. The most 

influential among them were : — Lamgdi, Apati, Ogunbona, Oso, 

Gbewiri, and Inakoju. OgQdipe, who afterwards became a notable 

chief at Abeokuta was then but a blacksmith and a private soldier. 

Rivalry was so rife among these various tribes that altercations 

were frequent, and one led to a civil war. In a public meeting 

held at the Isale Ijebu quarter of the town, Lamodi an Egba 

chief shot Ege an influential Ife chief down dead with a pistol, 

and in the commotion which ensued Lamodi himself was slain. 

For fear of the Ifes avenging the death of Ege the Egbas withdrew 

in a body from Ibadan and encamped on the other side of the 

Ona river, about 3 or 4 miles distant Here also they were ill at 

ease and after divination they sent for one Sodeke to be their 

leader, and they escaped to Abeokuta then a farm village of an 

Itoko man, and a resting place for traders to and from the Oke 

Ogun districts. Sodeke was at the head of this new colony until 

his death. This was about the year 1830 They were continually 

swelled by Egba refugees from all parts of the countr}^ and also 

by Egba slaves who had deserted their masters. At Abeokuta the 

refugees kept together according to their family distinctions, viz. : — 

1. The Egba Agbeyin comprising Ake the chief town, Ijeun, 

Kemta, Imo, Igbore, etc. These were under the Alake as chief. 

2. Egba Agura (or Gbagura) comprising Agura the chief town 

Ilugun, Ibadan, Ojohg, Ika, etc., under the Agura as chief. 

3. Egba Oke Ona with Oko the chief town. Ikija, Ikereku, 

Idomapa, Odo, Podo, etc., under the Osile as chief. 

226 tHE HISTORY OF THE YORUBAS 

Here also the Owus joined them, one common calamity throwing 

them together. It was some considerable time after that Ijaiye 

joined them, and so by degrees all the Egba townships about 153 

became concentrated at Abeokuta, the new town comprising Ijemo 

Itoko and a few others who were already on the spot. 

Until the death of Sodeke in A.D. 1844 the Egbas never 

spoke of having a king over them, Sodeke wielding supreme 

power in a very paternal way. Of external relations, very little (if 

any) existed, each of these families managed its own affairs, and 

there was no properly organized central government. 

Even after the foundation ot Abeokuta there were still some 

Egbas residing at Ibadan. Egba women also who were unable 

or unwilling to go with their husbands to the new settlement were 

taken as wives by the new colonists at Ibadan and they became 

the mothers of most of the children of the first generation of the 

new Ibadan. 

From this it will be seen that the current tale of the Egbas 

being driven from Ibadan by the Oygs is lacking in accuracy. 

Such then is the foundation of the present Abeokuta. 

§ 3. The Egbado Tribes 

The Egbados are a Yoruba family bordering on the coast. 

They were very loyal subjects of the AlAfin^ before the revolution 

that altered the pohtical state of the country. The Olu or king of 

Ilaro was the greatest king of the Egbados, having about 443 

ruling chiefs under him, himself a crowned vassal of Oyo. 

The ancient custom was for the Alafin to crown a new Olu 

every three years. After the expiration of his term of office the 

retiring Olu was to take 10 of his young wives, and whatever else 

he chose and proceed to the metropohs, and there to spend the 

rest of-his days in peace. There was a quarter of the city assigned 

to them known as Oke Olu (the quarter of the Olus). 

The parting between these young wives and their mothers 

was most touching. The relatives generally accompanied them 

as far as to Jiga or Jakg, and the wailings and lamentations on such 

occasions were as one mourning for the dead. Hence the sa5nng 

^ In the year 1902 the head chief of Ifo died, an Egbado town 

about 6 hours distant from Ilaro. Sir Wm. MacGregor, then 

Governor of Lagos, asked the chiefs of the town who their overlord 

was, to appoint a successor, they replied the Alafin of Oyo. He 

was much puzzled at this. He told them he was too far, they 

had better apply to the Alake of Abeokuta. Evidently they 

at least were not affected by the revolution. 

THE SPREAD OF ANARCHY AND POLITICAL DISPLACEMENTS 22/ 

" A ri erinkan I'Egba iri Olu " (the Olu is seen by the Egbas but 

once in ahfe time). 

Next to the Olu of Ilaro came the Onisare or king of Ijana, 

but his was not a crowned head. The appointment of the Onisare 

was also from Oyo, and a Tapa was always selected for that office. 

The reason for this is not known. The Olu and the people of Ilaro, 

as well as the Onisare and the people of Ijana were so to speak but 

one people ; they observed the same national customs, and the same 

laws, their national deity was the god Ifa and the annual festivals 

in its honour were observed in both places one after the other in 

the same month, each lasting for a week, the one commencing the 

day after the completion of the other so as to give the people 

of both places an opportunity of taking part in each other's 

festivities. 

The following ceremony usually brought the anniversary to a 

close : — ^Both these kings were to meet in a certain place in the 

open field midway between the two towns : two mounds of earth 

previously raised opposite each other served for each king to 

enthrone himself upon, the one turning his back to the other 

as they were not to see each other's face. The one to reach the 

spot first would sit with his face turned homewards, the other 

on his arrival does the same, and thus they sit back to back, each 

one looking homewards ; communication with each other was by 

messengers. A numerous retinue always attended either to take 

an active part in the proceedings or as mere spectators. 

This custom served as a bond of union and friendship between 

them, a people having identical interests. 

The kings of Ijakoand Jiga are called Abepa : they had a strange 

custom of standing seven days and seven nights in the seventh 

month of the year during the anniversary of their national deity, 

after which they may sit down. 

The Egbados were a commercial people and of a quiet and 

peaceful disposition and. as a result, were considered very wealthy. 

They termed themselves "Egbaluw§" to distinguish them 

from the Egbas in forest lands (now inhabiting Abeokuta) whom 

they designated " Egbalugbo." They traded in kola nuts, palm 

oil, and fish. They had very few slaves, and their wealth consisted 

in beads and native cloths. From Kano and Sokoto they imported 

what they termed Erinla and Esuru beads in quantities, as they 

esteemed them very valuable. 

The Beginning of Disturbance in the Egbado Districts. 

The Ijaka War. A serious complication arose between the 

people of Ijana and Ijaka which ended in the conquest and fall of 

228 THE HISTORY OF THE YORUBAS 

this peaceful tribe. War was very foolishly declared against Ijaka 

by the Onisare of Ijana which resulted in the defeat ot the aggressor. 

There was a rich and influential chief at Ijana called Dekun, 

in whom the Ijanas trusted when they rashly declared war, not 

knowing that he was a great coward. At the height of the battle 

Dekun dastardly gave way and the IjcLnas were completely routed. 

He escaped to Oniyefun and those who like himself escaped with 

their lives murmured against him, and even insulted him to his 

face, calling him " white-feathered," " a poltroon," " the cause of 

their defeat." Dekuri was offended at this, and more from shame 

than from the insult he resolved never to return to Ijana. He 

remained at Oniyefun for a considerable time, until a war 

(which we shall notice afterwards) met him there. 

On the return home of the remnants of the defeated IjSnas 

Dekun's house was plundered. 

Dekun afterwards spent several years at Ijaka with whose 

king he contracted friendship, and later perhaps in order to avenge 

the insults received, he took refuge with the king of Dahomey whom 

he asked to espouse his cause. The king of Dahomey destroyed 

Inubi where thousands of Oyo refugees made their home ; of these 

about 13,000 were children or grandchildren of Oyo nobles or 

well-to-do people " whose fathers had kept horses " before the 

devastation of the Yoruba country by the Fulanis. They were 

all put to the sword by the Dahomians with the exception of one 

Ekuola to whom Dekun was under some obligation, and he 

evidently interposed and had his life spared. Thus did 

Dekun resent his so-called insdlt. Such was the beginning 

of the fall of this peaceful Egbaluwe tribe, and the inroads of the 

Dahomians into the Yoruba country. 

Two years after the destruction of Inubi, the king of Dahomey 

took Refurefu by capture in war. 

A Short Account of Dekun. Dekun was an Ilari of Oyo, placed 

at Ijana by one of the AlAfins as the King's representative. 

Instead of upholding the King's interests when the great chiefs 

of the kingdom rebelled against their sovereign, he also rebelled 

against his master, and made himself great at Ijclna, by appro- 

priating all taxes and tributes he should have forwarded to Oyo. 

He joined the marauders at Ipara in the devastation ot the Egba 

principalities, but at the occupation and settlement of Ibadan he 

returned to Ijana, and did not reside with the new settlers. In 

one of their expeditions Sodeke was captured by him, and served 

him for years as his horse boy. But providence destined Sodeke 

for a great position in life and hence he eventually became the 

renowned leader of the Egbas to Abeokuta

THE SPREAD OF ANARCHY AND POLITICAL DISPLACEMENTS 229 

Dgkun was rich but childless, although he kept a numerous 

harem. There is a story told in connection with him which is 

worth recording : — 

A woman ot an abandoned character called Isokun had left 

her husband and children at Ipokia to become Dekun's mistress. 

This woman on one occasion went on a long journey and required 

some justification for her prolonged absence ; on her way home, 

she saw at the last sleeping place of the caravan, a mother with 

her new born babe 3 days old, she quietly stole this babe from its 

mother's side while she was fast asleep, and immediately went off 

with it. On reaching home she gave it as an excuse for her long 

absence that she was enceinte of this child before she left home, and 

when she might have returned she was unfit for travelling but 

immediately after delivery she was able to hasten home. 

Dekun rejoiced that after all he was now a father and to 

demonstrate his joy he invited all the principal men and chiefs of 

Ijana and of the adjacent towns to a feast held in honour of the 

event. Presents poured in from every rank and station for the 

child and the supposed mother according to the father's dignit}' 

and every care and attention were bestowed on them. 

Meanwhile the real mother was in eager search for her lost 

baby. She at first supposed that it might have been a wolf 

that snatched it away from her side, and consequently she explored 

the surrounding woods if haply she might find the bones. Failing 

in this she was resolved to seek for it in the town ; and taking it 

quarter by quarter she entered every house asking the mothers 

to produce their babies, in order to identify her own. On the 

i8th day of search she reached Dekun's house and discovered her 

baby with Isokun. Then there arose an uproar about the child 

and a regular " to do " about the whole affair with assertions 

and denials on either side. A proper investigation of the case 

having been instituted, and signs of recent delivery not found 

in Isokun she was thus brought to book ; the whole truth was at 

length extorted from her when her arms were bound behind her 

back with a new rope, till both elbows and wrists met. 

From shame she escaped from Ijana to her former home at 

Ipokia where she had left her sons and daughters to become 

D§kun's mistress. Her name was put to vulgar street songs, 

being branded as a man-stealer. 

Dekun lived in Dahomey till the accession of King Atiba of 

the present Oyo who demanded him from the King of Dahomey, 

and he was given up. He was charged as a rebel and a traitor, 

condemned, and pubhcly executed at the market-place. The 

sentence was universally held to be a just one.