has some element of spirituality. Especially in situations where such festival is meant to celebrate and commemorate deities or ancestors the two can intertwined. Some of the popular festival in Yoruba Land include the following Eyo festival, Olojo festival, Edi Festivals, Oranmiyan Festival, Osun Osogbo festival, Gelede, all this and other major festivals in Nigeria will be the focus of this work. The work will compile different information In detail about this festivals in one one spot. We will take the explanation of this festivals town by town. We will start from Ile Ife been a cradle of Yoruba race.
EDI FESTIVAL ( ODUN EDI)
Foreknowlegde/Bird Eye View
Statute At Moremi Shrine in Ile Ife
Odun Edi (Edi festival) is celebrate annualy In Ile Ife as well as other towns in Yoruba Land. The festival itself is not an Orisa, but it is used to commemorate a very fearless and courageous woman named Moremi who liberated people of Ile Ife from the captivity and ravages of Igbo people. Moremi was actually not indigene of Ile Ife but she was marry to Prince of Ife. The birth place of Moremi is Off, Offa town in present Kwara state Nigeria. Hence Edi festivals is celebrated as well in Offa.
The origin of this liberation come after Moremi help Ife people to conquer their enemies. The enemies of Ife then are known as Igbo people.. The Igbo people usually lay
seige on the people of Ife annually when they know their harvest is plenty. They will remove all the harvest from them and take it away their harvest.
These Igbo people generally dressed in strange manner, they usually dress in knitted raffia threads to their clothes in such a way the head, face, and entire body were covered. They will fast little bells to their feets, so that when they work it make strange sounds, that frightened people away. As a result when people Ife people see them they will run away.
Moremi was a courageous woman who did not like this frequent attack of Igbo people on Ife. She took a courageous decision and contact Odo Esiminrin. The goddess of the river prescribe what to do for her to overcome. With the pledge that whatever come out of the house to meet her after the victory will be sacrificed to Esiminrin River she Agreed.
The following year, the Igbo people arrived in their usual way. When people ran away as usual. monremi never run away. So they took her as capitive to Igbo land. Moremi was very beautiful fair in complexion woman. When the people see this, they giver her to their king in marriage. In not too distant time. The Igbo king find her the favorite among his wife.
The ulterior mission of Moremi is to find out the secret behind the invincibility of Igbo people. The marriage to king as given her this Opportunity. She use her charm and beauty and demand from the Igbo king what his people normally do frightened away people. The Oba revealed this to her. She smartly and patiently wait for appropriate time during the night and escape from Igbo people to Ife.
When Moremi get to Ife, she explained the secret of Igbo to the king and people of Ife. She told them, that when ever this people come again. They should not run but light fire and throw it to work around them. That the raffia palm will facilitate settling them ablaze. Another year when the people the ife people did not run away , they set them ablaze. That is how ife set their self free.
But when Moremi is returning back home, it was her only Son Oluorogbo that come and meet him on the road. Before Moremi was taking to land of Igbo she has sought help from Esinmirin river, on how she can save people of Ile Ife from the menace of Igbo people. And she had promise the Esinminrin river that she will sacrifice for her for Thanksgiving what ever first met her on her return . In a bid to fulfill this promise she sacrifices her only son Oluorogbo. Because the river refuse to accept nothing except the first thing that meet her her return. That is how Moremi sacrifice her only son Oluorogbo for Ife people . Ife people annually commemorate this laudable sacrifice of Moremi and his Oluorogbo. That is How Odun Edi come into existense in Yoruba Land.
Edi Festival, also known as Moremi festival or as Odun Edi in the local language is a seven-day annual festival which displays a lot of colourful activities and attires to re-enact Moremi’s heroic deed recorded in the history of Ile-Ife whose people were incessantly attacked and taken into slavery by the Igbo and were eventually rescued by Moremi who also offered her son, Ela Oluorogbo as a sacrifice in return for the success of her ambition. This serves as a platform for her name to be embedded in Yoruba history and serves as a reason why she was held in high esteem by the people of Ile-Ife.
Although Ile-Ife is the home to this festival, it is also being celebrated in the town of Offa, located in the present day Kwara State where Moremi is believed to have come from before getting married to a man from Ile-Ife. This research work will focus majorly on the significance of Moremi’s remembrance in history of Ile-Ife and not much attention would be paid to her connection with Offa town in Kwara State.
Moremi is being regarded as one of the important women in African history but Edi festival is just one of the very many ways through which her name has been kept alive and in memories in Yorubaland. Besides this festival, her name is being kept alive through places named after her such as Moremi students’ hall of residence in Obafemi Awolowo University (O.A.U), Ile-Ife.
Another notable example is a statue erected in her honour at the Ooni’s place in Ile-Ife which could be seen on entering into the palace and lastly, her name was used to name a hostel at University of Lagos. All of these and many more denote her importance in Yoruba history and this work traces the historical contributions of this important figure so as to be able to unravel the cultural significance of her remembrance in the history of the Yoruba.
The festival attempts to create a historical link between Offa and Ile-Ife, the presumed ancestral home of the Yoruba and as a result, due to distortions impacted on history by the use of oral tradition to preserve history, there emerged two sides of the record but regardless, a festival is held every year to commemorate her achievement in both Offa and Ile-Ife. The first side of the record states that, Olofagangan, a prince of Ile-Ife, who was said to have established the settlement of Offa, introduced and continued this commemoration at Offa. The festival is known as Onmoka at Offa, while it is referred to as Edi at Ile-Ife.
The commemoration at Offa is done three months before the one at Ife. Based on the other side of the record, Moremi Ajasoro was acknowledged by some to have migrated from Offa, in the present day Kwara State, but her reason for migration to Ile-Ife is not known. She was said to have gotten married to an Ooni of that period, Moremi, regarded as one of the wives of Oranmiyan, a descendant of Oduduwa. Except for her achievement of rescuing the people of Ile-Ife from incessant raids and enslavement, little is known about her role in the economic and political aspects of Ile-Ife. Due to the limitation of the festival to Ile-Ife alone, this project work would not be subjected to interrogations in finding out the actual connection between Ile-Ife and Offa which the discourse on this notable woman seem to have created.
Origin of the Festival
During Moremi’s era, Ile-Ife was subjected to foreign raids and attacks by a group known as the Igbos who are also referred to as Ugbos. This Ugbo attacked Ile-Ife and took Ife people as captives away into their own Ugbo land. They were able to do this through their god-like appearance which scared the people of Ife.
This continuous raids and attacks placed Ile-Ife under civil unrest. Due to the situation of things in Ile-Ife, Moremi felt the urge to find a way to put a stop to this ongoing problem and save the people of Ife from it. As a result she consulted the river goddess Esinmirin, her plan was granted success in return for a sacrifice of whatever the river goddess requires of her on her return which she agreed to.
On the next raid, Moremi made herself available to be taken into captivity and she was carted away with several unlucky captives to the Ugboland.
As a result of her striking beauty, the king of the Ugbos took her in as wife, so she was not enslaved nor killed. During Moremi’s stay she was able to extract details about the tactics and arrangements for these raids. She found that these Ugbos were not gods but rather human beings who were clothed in Ekan grass and bamboo fire and could be defeated with flaming torches placed on the dried grass on their body.
Upon gathering the needed information, Moremi set forth back to Ile-Ife. On arrival she broke the news to the people of Ife and urged them to attack these raiders with flaming torches and would be defeated. Eventually, these raiders attacked Ile-Ife once again but this time they were attacked and some were taken as captives with an existing family house in Ile-Ife today known as ’Oluyare’. After this victory over this incessant raids and attacks, Moremi was required to offer the sacrifice she pledged to the river goddess Esinmirin. She was required of her only son, Ela and as a result she tried to offer several other items but they were rejected, so she finally had to give up her son, Ela to be offered to the river goddess.
RITUALS AND CEREMONIES OF EDI FESTIVAL
The Edi festival which is one of very many festivals and rituals done in Ile-Ife is an important festival to the people of Ile-Ife, to the history of Ile-Ife and to Ile-Ife itself. The festival which comes on the heels of the Olojo festival since it takes place almost immediately after the Edi festival was originally slated for 3 months as requested by Moremi herself but was reduced to 21 days and later to 7 days. The festival carries a lot of activities with it, a re-enactment of what occurred during the invasion of Ile-Ife and also few included activities to serve as fun for partakers in the festival and also rituals for religious purposes which this chapter would look into. From the previous chapter, the historical account of Moremi in connection to Ile-Ife and her people was looked into therefore putting this write up on a trail of the significance of this woman’s brave achievement to the Ife people which is being reflected in the festival.
The people of Ife promised to always be Moremi’s sons and daughters, and due to the loss of her only son, Oluorogbo to the sacrifice made to Esinmirin River according to oral account, denote how important the festival is in Ile-Ife. The Edi festival or Odun Edi in the local language is an annual seven-day festival which encompasses the re-enactment of Moremi’s heroic achievement. The festival displays how the Ugbos were defeated; it also involves several incorporated activities.
The festival which hold for seven days carries with it several activities, it takes place annually between the end of October and the beginning of November after the celebration of the Olojo festival or Odun Olojo which is dedicated to Ogun, the god of iron. The date for Edi festival is picked 7 days after the Olojo Festival has come to an end and after it has been picked the festival holds 21 days after.1 The traditional materials used for selecting this date are handed to the Araba, whose consultation with Ifa will reveal the date suitable for the Edi Festival by accepting one of the dates in the materials laid down secretly chiefs Obalaran and Chief Obawinrin respectively. If the Obalaran’s date is accepted, Edi will commence on Oja’fe day but if it’s Obawinrin’s date, Edi will commence on Ayegbaju market day.
Days of the Festival (Edi Rituals and Ceremonies)
On the day before the agreed date for the commencement of the festival, there is what is known as ‘Ferekete’ Edi d’ola, Edi is tomorrow. On this day, the Emeses, messengers of the Ooni, go around the town and inform people that the celebrations are about to begin, reminding them of the prohibition against drumming for the next six days.
Edi d’ola ferekete aye o!
Edi alele, Edi alele
This can be translated to English as:
Edi is coming tomorrow, ferekete is there
Edi night is falling, Edi night is falling
This call is often heard during the day, every baale or head of compound will provide a log of wood, known as’ igi ita’ which is split into smaller pieces and will be set on fire during the aisun or vigil which leads to the Oforan, the first day of the festival.
The activity for the first day is Oforan; it is led by Chief Obalaran very early in the morning with these sayings:
Yo! Yo!
Iku Yo!
Arun Yo!
Agbeleoeri Yo!
Awiyoko yo!
Awiyodo yo!
Eni wipe ki n ma se temi, yo!
Translation :
Away, Away
Away, Death
Away, Illness
Whoever stays at home to think badly of someone, Away!
Whoever wishes bad to others on the way to the farm, Away!
Away! The one who does evil on to others on the way to the
Away! He who says I shouldn’t have success.
This then leads to the setting of the ita wood on fire. By this time the burning ita would be thrown to the ground in front of the compound or agbole while the persons flourishing their torches on the streets will assemble at crossroads Orita. This activity is a reminder of the torches used against the Ugbo in the past.
This takes the day into the Ijakadi seresere or ere gidigbo or Eke Jija, the ‘mock wrestling’. This fight takes place at the front of the Aafin, palace of the Ooni who also watches the wrestling. This used to be one of the rare public appearances of Ooni, in this wrestling; the combatants are two Chiefs, Obalayan and Obalufe.
On the second day, a procession from the grove of Moremi to the palace led elders accompanied by songs and the sound of the abebe fans constitute this day. The activity for the day is known as Omolarere day or Ijo Omolarere. Omolarere has been translated to be ‘the child who has gone to a far place is here’. This day was specifically dedicated to , the son of Moremi who was offered to the Esinmirin River as a sacrifice she pledged for the success of her adventure.
The Omolarere ally consists of four long poles prepared as oguso, or torches, with palm oil residue, and wrapped in matting called fafa. These are the torches to be used in tomorrow's public fire ceremony. It was carried corpse-like on the head of one of the Emeses, preceded by another holding a drawn sword. Behind walks the Iyegbata the head of the Emese, followed by the people in general chanting epithets descriptive of Ela: "The grateful people for the sake of Olombe (I .e., Moremi),are noising abroad the comeliness of the sacrificed child, beautiful, plump and full of the gaiety of youth.”
This activity is followed by ere lulu, ‘lulu run’ after the Omolarere has been left at the palace, it is an event whereby all participating indigenes, especially youths gather themselves to showcase their resentment towards suspected thieves and criminals living within the society. During this activity, the residence of this suspected criminal is surrounded and bombarded by people and they make their feelings known through the display of mild violence meant by attacking the house of this suspected criminal with stones and refuse thrown into the suspect’s house. It is being said that the heap of rubbish and stones which would be thrown in the suspect’s house is usually so much that it would take so much effort to get the rubbish out of the house and get the house back in order. Further account states that, excited bands of young men were often seen rushing about the streets. Armed with sticks, stones and rubbish of all kinds, they would proceed on their way to perform a strange ceremony, namely, to unleash vengeance on the houses of those convicted of stealing since the last Edi festival. The violence used during these attacks appears to vary, not only according to the offence committed, but also according to the past record of the culprit. The attackers are usually content to heap the rubbish they carry upon the house.
On the third day of the Edi, young girls called Eluro are carried about the town by their companion. The Ife people claim that this is not a traditional part of the feast, but rather a good will contribution to the general festivities by the non-Ife Yoruba, who occupy a large area of the town. These newcomers to Ife, it was said, wished to join in celebrating the Edi. These Eluro wear the usual Yoruba dress, but with extra marks of adornment. Around their necks and hanging back and front are worn two large strings of beads, while twined around their waists are many similar strings of beads. Their faces are usually well powdered and antimony or dye is used to makes lines over the eyes and on the cheeks. In their hands they carry horsetails. These groups, each carrying an Eluro seated on the up-stretched arms of one of the band, sing and dance about the town collecting money. Most of their songs are used to ridicule the sex organs of the men. For this they are either answered in similar language or threatened to be flogged by the boys. Pornographic songs of this kind are common all during the feast. Other Eluro songs are to encourage patrons to give them money or presents, and especially to censure the miserly.
This third day ceremony is known as INASAN ( that is light lighting during the day) . This is usually perform in the palace of Ooni. The local torch light is said to symbolize the fire which the people of Ife of the old use to drive away Ugbo people away from Ife. The Oluyare which symbolizes the Ugbo people must not see the light. It is after the torch has been extinguished and people went to drop it at Moremi shrine , that is when the Oluyare will come out to perform before Ooni and the his chiefs.
The fourth day is just drinking and merriment at appropriate compound. No ceremony.
The fifth day is ' Owa Ilare' .This term refer to a certain kind of special dance meant for the initiate alone. And it performance is restricted to Ooni palace alone.
The sixth day , the Oluyare will visit Obaloran. There are rituals and rites , they perform. This also involves dancing and merriment.
The seventh day , this is the day that is meant for Chief Tele, to remove all the evil and affliction of the city and carry it away. DDuring this rite , Chief Tele is meant to a load already prepared by the Emese .he will be directed by Emese to all the places he had to visit. When doing this, the people will be praying that he should carry away all the suffering and affliction of the coming year with him.
Another important aspect of this Edi festival is called POKO - DILE - OLE, this is simply mean the act of blocking the house of the thief. This method or rite which is the essential part of Edi festival is used to discourage act of immorality and other socially reprehensible behavior in the society. What they normally do is that if any body have commit theft or other socially reprehensible behavior before the festival. In other to impose social punishment on him and serve as deterrent to other. During the festival people will sing and dance to ridicule such person and pack grasses to block the door of such person to disgrace him or her. This make people try not to involve in socially reprehensible behavior , in other to save them from disgrace or embarrassement.
The visit of Esinminrin river is the last rites.
OLOJO FESTIVAL
Olojo festival is another very powerful festival in ile ife. The festival is meant to commemorate Ogun (The god of Iron) and Oranmiyan.
Ogun is an immortal being who descended from Olodumare along with other Irunmole, like Oduduwa, Obatala , Olurorogbo, Orisa Ikire, Ojugbe which is also known as Obarese and Orisateko etc.
Ogun was a great warriors, and he performs the duty of paving way for others Irunmole, he is remember once a year for his innumerable work. Olojo Festival is peculiar to Ile Ife.
Olojo festival is another special event the proves the rich culture of Ile-Ife as the pilot point that later expanded to other Yoruba settlements.
On this day, the Ooni (king of Ife) appears after several days of seclusion and denial communicating with the ancestors and praying for his people. This is to make him pure and ensure the efficacy of his prayers. Before the Ooni emerge, women from his maternal and paternal families sweep the Palace, symbolically ridding the Palace of evil.
The Ooni later appears in public with the Aare crown (King’s Crown), which is believed to be the original crown used by Oduduwa to lead a procession of traditional Chiefs and Priests to perform at the Shrine of Ogun.
The Aare Crown
About The Aare Crown
The Aare crown is believed to be the original crown used by Oduduwa during his reign in the classical era of Yoruba history. History also holds that the king can only wear the Aare crown once in a year and it is usually during the Olojo festival. This is when the Ooni will lead a procession of traditional chiefs and priests to perform necessary rites at the shrine of Ogun deity. The Ooni will also lead the chiefs with the Aare crown to the Okemogun shrine where he would perform other traditional rites and duties which include the renewal of oath, divination for the Ooni at the foot of Oketase hill (as would be anchored by Araba (Chief priest)
At the shrine, the traditional Chiefs with the swords of office marked with Efun and Osun ( chalk and cam wood), appear in ceremonial attire and dance to rhythms from Bembe, a traditional drum. The style of drum and singing for each Chief is different. Only the Ooni can dance to the drum called Osirigi.
Olojo has remained popular in Ile-Ife because of its myth and history. It connotes the day in the year specially blessed by Olodumare (the creator of the Universe). Olojo can also be literally translated as the “Owner for the day”. Prayers are offered for peace and tranquillity in Yoruba and Nigeria. All age groups participate. Its significance is the unification of the Yorubas.
Tradition holds that Ile-Ife is the cradle of the Yorubas, the city of survivors, spiritual seat of the Yorubas, and land of the ancients.
Chronology of Olojo Festival
On the commencement of Olojo festival, there are usually chants of prayer Gbajure! Gbajure!! Gbajure!!! Ebo re a fin, etutu re a da!, after which the women enter into Ile Oduduwa to herald the arrival of Olojo festival, which can be described as the grand festival of all deities in the ancient city of Ile-Ife.
Gbajure enchantment will be followed by Ikale, a week-long of non-drumming of any kind of traditional drums, because, Ooni, Arole Oduduwa, has gone incommunicado with the four hundred and one deities, who resided in the ancient city of Ile-Ife.
The Olojo festival, according to Ife myth, started with the third Ooni of Ife, Ogun and it is done in honouring Olodumare, the “owner of the day” it is to thank the’ supreme being’ for his abundance over the entire Yoruba nation and also seek his blessing ,peace, fruitfulness and longevity of the people.
According history, no one determines the date when the festival should hold in the month of October, but Ooni himself will hear the sound of unseen drums wherever he may be and that it is time for him to enter into seclusion, so as to communicate with the deities in fasting and prayers without receiving any visitor or attending to the immediate family members as well.
During his seclusion as the representative of the living and link between the gods and the people, he supplicates, atones, and presents the needs of the people to the gods. This act made him the priest to his people, as well as the mouthpiece of Olodumare to his people. The seclusion of Ooni can be likened to that being observed by Benin monarch in celebration of Ague festival, this only reflects the link between Benin and Ile-Ife, as Oranmiyan was the son of Ogun and also Oba of Benin
The Thursday presiding the first Oke-Mogun, is Ilagun day and it is always a vigil affair with the chief host, Osogun, the priest in charge of Ogun, the god of Iron, whom other deities in Yoruba mythology believe paved way for other deities to have their ways to the earth, with other traditional chiefs offering sacrifices at Oke-Mogun shrine.
Friday, which is the first Oke-Mogun day, as early as morning, people throng into Ooni’s palace with Arole Oduduwa, sitting on the throne of his ancestors dishing out prayers to whosoever that visits the palace. It is often time of merriment and celebration for the opportunity of being alive that the Supreme Being bestowed on individuals to be alive, and celebrate the commencement of another calendar year, especially for the people of the ancient city of Ile-Ife. It is time of renewal as kiths and kins renew their love for each other.
It is also time of sharing as families exchange gifts. Among others, it is time to visit relations and make resolutions on issues bordering on individuals and the family at large. It is also a time to settle quarrels, so that families could forge ahead. Before the advent of Christianity, even till early 70’s, no true son or daughter of Ile-Ife would not come home for the festival, because of the opportunity it avail individualsto re-unite with his kins in order to deliberate on the progress of individuals and the community at large.
It is time when young ladies were betrothed to their spouses, to many it is time to report the oppressor to the deities. It also serves as time to plead with gods in supplication for those that seek for the fruit of the womb,
good jobs and fortunes, because most of the sacred grooves were opened for whoever that needs their intervention, as the priests of those deities were often at hand ready for the people.
In the afternoon,towards the going down of the sun, Ooni will enter into Ileegbo and come out with Ade Aare, the beaded crown believe to be won by Oduduwa, after which the princes from all the ruling houses known as Sooko will pay obeisance to Ooni. So, also the traditional chiefs in order of their seniority will as well pay obeisance to Ooni.
For Ooni To Oke Mogun Shrine
At Ilenla, the Lokoloko’s who are the palace aides, but cladded in half camwood and white –chalk with canes in their hands pave way for the movement of Ooni to Oke-Mogun, followed by gun shots. Immediately, Aare crown is being sighted, prayers are often said by the people for whatever they desire, while Ooni would lead the procession of traditional chiefs and the people to Oke-Mogun, passing through specific routes.
Image of Old Oke mogun shrine
Image of New Refurbished Oke Mogun Shrine During Olojo Festival
At the shrine, the Ooni would perform a ritual dance with Osogun and at the end; they would both perform a ritual of sword-crossing, apparently an oath of comradeship. Thereafter, the Osogun performs with chalk and camwood the traditional marking of all chiefs present, as this would mark the renewal of the chiefs’ allegiance to constituted authority represented by Ooni himself. Next, the Ooni and Osogun descended to another shrine called Ogun Ereja shrine for another round of rituals. From there, Ooni would lead the procession to Oja-Ife, where he would perform another ritual at Aje shrine and prayers are offered for the economic and prosperity of the people, before returning to the palace.
On the second day of the festival, the Ooni is kept busy with various entertainments by the Emese, king courtiers in the minor courtyards located within the expansive palace.
The next day, which happens to be the third day of the celebration and the second Oke-Mogun day, the repetition of the event of the first day would hold but Ooni do not wear Aare crown, in addition, Ooni visit Oke-Itase to pay homage to Orunmila and his family quarter which signify the end of the festival.no
Agbon Festival
The primary essence of Olojo festival cannot be over-emphasised, as it is the festival that unites the people together. It is also a celebration of the deities and celebration of the God of the Universe, the owner of the day, for the preservation of the Yoruba race with an abundance of blessing, the creator has bequeathed on them.
AGBON festival in Ile-Ife is woven around the personality of “Osara,” a heroine of Ile-Ife and wife of Oduduwa. It is usually celebrated in May every year.
Interestingly, a lot has been said and written about Oduduwa, the progenitor of Yoruba race. But little is known about “Osara” – his wife without whom Oduduwa could not have been remembered today because Osara was the only wife through whom Oduduwa had children in life. Yoruba oral tradition supports the claim that it is out of these children that other Yoruba kingdoms evolved.
According to Ife Oral tradition, Osara and Olokun were bosom friends. Olokun had married Oduduwa for several years without a child. Olokun was acknowledged to be extremely beautiful and wealthy woman as a result of bead making and trade in beads: She persuaded Osara to marry her husband (Oduduwa) probably through her, Oduduwa might have children. This oral tradition is reminiscence of the story of Abraham and Sarah in the bible.
The marriage between Osara and Oduduwa was blessed with a male child named “Okanbi”. As a result, Oduduwa loved Osara dearly to the extent that she accompanied him wherever he went, to the annoyance of Olokun.
Soon after the birth of Okanbi jealousy, unhealthy rivalry-and serious quarrel ensued between Osara and Olokun over who is dearer and, most precious to Oduduwa between the two of them.
While Olokun was saying “Olobe lo koko” Osara said “Olomo lo loko”, meaning: “A good cook is the husband’s favorite; a fruitful wife is the husband’s favorite.”
Eventually, the quarrel between Olokun and Osara soon became public knowledge to the embarrassment of their husband.
Consequently, Oduduwa and the chiefs fixed a day for the settlement of the quarrel between the two, Olokun and Osara at Aafin Olofini that is Ooni’s palace. On the morning of the agreed day, Olokun being a wealthy woman prepared a delicious feast for everybody present. Olokun is known to be extremely beautiful woman but attire and body adornments on this particular day made her even more beautiful to the admiration of all present. Giving the quality of items Olokun displayed, she was greatly admired and appreciated more than ever before for her beauty, wealth and the assets God has endowed her with, this attracted comments from spectators that Olokun surpasses her rival (Osara) in everything.
Soon afterwards, news went round the town and Osara heard of Olokun’s exploits and display of wealth and affluence in the palace. She gathered all her children and adorned them with Agbon seeds on their arms and feet because she was as rich as Olokun. Nevertheless, Osara’s children became a sight to behold because of their costumes. At the junction of Lakoro’s compound close to Oja Ife market junction, Osara called on Lakoro family members and people around to come and witness her display at the palace. Osara gave eight out of the hand woven palm fan in her possession to Lakoro family members. On getting to the junction of Oriyangi’s compound near the palace, Osara said “Agbonro” and the followers answered by saying
Armed with the hand woven palm fan earlier distributed to them, the followers of Osara and her children started clapping and dancing to the song.
“Olomo lo laye o’
Osara mo Komodeo,
Ololo loo laye o;
Osara mo Komodeo”
“A fruitful woman owns the world, Osara has brought children, a fruitful woman owns a world, Osara has brought children.”
Unlike Olokun, Osara was merely able to feed people present with “Akara” beans cake. This is why ‘Ekuru’ is an important ritual item during Agbon festival. This is also why hand woven palm fan is used to provide music during Agbon festival up till today. Osara being a good dancer, danced to the admiration and delight of everybody even to the extent that Oduduwa and all, the chiefs and spectators gave Osara and her children a standing ovation. In the course of the uproar, Osara’s children and the spectators scattered and disrupted all the priced and precious objects Olokun had displayed. This annoyed Olokun greatly and she sworn never again to have anything to do with Osara in life. But Osara promised to follow her wherever she went.
Olokun gave her priced and precious properties, which include beads and local fabrics “Aso Oke” to Osara’s children. This perhaps explains why up till today Osara worshippers and adherents usually tied “Aso Oke” local fabric round their waist and beads round their neck as part of their costumes during the annual Agbon festival in Ile-Ife.
According to the oral tradition, Olokun in annoyance departed for Ilesa, some few kilometers from lIe-lfe. Osara followed her as promised. When they got to Ilesha Osara fell down and water came out right on the spot. The pond bake is still there up till today at the palace of Owa Aromolaran of Ilesha. The pond is still worshipped till today. Thereafter, Olokun left for Abeokuta and Osara followed her until they got to Lagos where Olokun fell down and turned into “Okun” an ocean, Osara also fell and she too turned into “Osa” an ocean. Olokun, owing to her earlier vow, was still annoyed that she would not have anything to do with Osara.
Magically, the two oceans, “Osa and Okun” separated permanently. This however explains the tiny demarcation that separates “Olokun and Osa” oceans in Lagos even up till today.
The festival is celebrated in the month of May in Ile-Ife. Before the commencement of the festival, the main participants proceed to Oke-Igbo or Ifetedo some towns near Ile-Ife to get the palm fronds and seeds. This is because Ile-lfe does not have the male species of palm tree that is used for the festival in its domain, (it is the female species that produces the coconuts that we eat).
The festival runs for seven days. Participants in the festival represent the followers of Osara and her children. The dried palm fronds will be tied with stones inside round the legs to form rattle like beads which was the prized and precious properties that Olokun gave Osara’s children.
On the seventh day, attention will shift to the palace of the Ooni of Ife where Akara (bean cake) will be freely distributed. They will receive the blessings of the Ooni of Ife and afterwards all the palm fronds, Agbon seeds that was used in adorning the bodies will be removed suddenly and that mark the end of the festival till the following year.
OSOGBO
OSUN OSOGBO FESTIVAL
Every August, lots of people from around the world throng to Osun State, Nigeria, to attend and participate in the famous, two-week long Osun-Osogbo Festival. It is held at the illustrious and sacred Osun Grove, which was named as a UNESCO World Heritage Site in 2005. Although a sizable number of the participants are Osun indigenes, the festival has, over the years, morphed into an event that attracts the attention of tourists and visitors from other parts of the world.
The Early Years...
The Susanne Wenger Effect...
The Osun-Osogbo festival has evolved beyond just being a cultural event celebrated by the Yoruba peoples of Osogbo to being a renown international celebration that keeps attracting new participants yearly. The story of the festival would be incomplete without talking about the significant impact that Susanne Sawyer - the Austrian born artist - had on the culture.
Susanne Sawyer and her husband, Ulli Beier, where stationed in Ibadan in the early 1950s. Ulli was hired at the University of Ibadan as a phonetician. They relocated to Osun soon afterwards and, there, Susanne cultivated a deep interest in the Yoruba religion, meeting and communicating with one of the priests of the religion at the time. She later became a Yoruba priestess herself, with the traditional title: Iwinfunmi Adunni Olorisha which loosely translates as ‘the loved one who or serves the deity.’
The White Priestess:
Main Attractions During Osun Osogbo Festival
The Osun-Osogbo festival, without a doubt, is more than just sacrifices performed to celebrate the Osun River goddess. Not anymore, at least. There are several activities planned around the festival, as tourists and visitors all come to witness, interact and partake in the two-week long celebration. However, there is a sequence of rituals that kick off the celebrations and they are:
1. The Iwopopo Ritual: This is a ritual done to cleanse the city from evil. It is done first before the festival starts properly.
2. The Ina Olujumerindinlogun Ritual: This is the traditional ritual that involves the lighting of a 16-point lamp which is believed to be 600 years old. This ritual is carried out three days after the Iwopopo ritual is done.
3. The Iboriade Ritual: The Iboriade ritual is when all the crowns of the past kings - Ataojas - are assembled for blessings by the sitting Ataoja of Osogbo, the Arugba, the Yeye Osun, and a committee of priestesses.
4. The Arugba Ritual: This is one of the major highlights of the festival. A calabash containing the sacrifice materials that would be used to appease and worship the goddess is carried across town by a votary virgin, on her head. As she leads the procession to the river, the people, seeing her as a representative of the goddess, cast their problems on her and say prayers.
Beyond the traditional rites enumerated above, the Osun-Osogbo festival has a lot of other side attractions and activities that make the event a wholesome experience for even first time visitors and tourists. There are trade fairs, games and other fun activities planned out that make it an exciting two weeks of celebration.
EYO FESTIVAL
Adamu Orisa was introduced to Lagos by Ejilu and Malaki brothers to Olugbani, the Olori to Oba Ado. Oba Ado was the first ruler of Lagos to have his seat of government at Iga Iduganran.
One source stated that Ejilu and Malaki first visited Lagos during the funeral of Oba Ado and as their contribution to the funeral, they brought their set of Adamu Orisas (that is, Adamu, Oniko and Ologeda) to take part in the funeral rites.
History had it that Oniko was first brought to Lagos, because it was reputed to have spiritual powers like, the Elegbara of Esu, as well as those of Ogun (God of Iron) and, therefore, capable of driving away all evil spirits and forces on their routes.
Ologede came next because it is also a representative of Elegbara, sharing powers as stated above with Oniko. However, in the hierarchy of Adamu Orisa cult, the Oniko takes precedence.
Adimu Orisa or Adamu Orisa, Orisa for short was the last to be brought to Lagos, but, however, was regarded as being more sacred than the other two and the eldest.
In the early days, the Adimu was usually kept in a boat on the Lagoon to parade the fore-shore for people to view and pay homage. It was at this stage of its history that it acquired the appellation of Orisa Oko.
The order upon which three Orisas were brought to Lagos has since been the order of their outing on each, Adamu Orisa play day. It is a taboo for Adimu to come out without due notification that Oniko and Ologede have paraded the streets, and visiting the various shrines in the early hours of an Adamu Orisa Day.
In fact, it has become a practice for the Oniko and Ologedo to call at the conclave of Adimu which today is at Ita-Ado on their return or homeward journey which usually is around 5.00 or 5.30 in the morning. At the conclave, the Orisas would be received by the elders of the Adimu Cult where prayers and necessary rituals would be exchanged.
It is necessary to state, for the avoidance of doubt, that what Ejilu and Malaki introduced or brought to Lagos were the three Orisas (that is, Adimu, Oniko and Ologede) excluding the Eyo, the masquerade, that wears the flowing gown (Agbada) with an over flowing cloth, carrying the Opambata stick.
THE NAME ADIMU ORISA OR ADAMU ORISA
The name Adimu simply means one with blocked nasal passage (with blocked nose) while Adamu suggests obstructed nose. But the names are applied to suit each occasion, if you have an Adimu, then you can pick the voice when it speaks. But if you have the Adamu, then it does not speak of himself but by demonstration or through the aide de-camp, is the Laba (bag of mystical powers) bearer.
The other Orisas while retaining their district name and characteristics became identified with the name Adamu Orisa.
AWO-OPA
It is also an historical fact that Ejilu and Malaki established an "Irele," conclave of Awo Opa cult at Idunmagbo which is known as Irele Oke Ipa or Irele Ita Ado.
It is interesting to note that the story of Awo Opa and its brother Egungun stated in Ife in the Odu Okanran-Ogunda and its origin is tied to the early Oyo settlement. Evidence of contact with Oyo by Ejilu and Malaki would be seen when we examine the Igbo songs for the Orisas.
It is not certain if they were the first set of people to introduce Awo-Opa to Lagos. The Onikoyi Chieftaincy Family claimed that their ancestor, one Adeyemi, a former Onikoyi at Ikoyi Ile in old Oyo, who migrated to Lagos at the time of Olofin brought Awo-Opa to Lagos. However, it is to be noted that the Eletu Awo owned the Irele Ishagbe which is regarded as the headquarters of Awo-Opa in the whole of Lagos State.
Two other Lagos chiefs, the Modile and Onisemo, both Ogalado chiefs owned and maintained an Irele each. Namely, Irele Offin at Olowogbowo in Lagos and Irele Agege Omi at Pedro Village, Shomolu. It is to be observed that the Ijebus, particularly within the Lagoon area have adopted the Awo Opa and today it appears as if Awo-Opa originated from the Ijebus.
CAMPING THE ORISAS
It was the belief in the ancient time that the dress, the head carvings and all instruments for the staging of the Orisas should not be kept within dwelling houses or within urban communities.
Therefore, it was the practice to create camp for them in villages of scheduled places to protect their sacredness. History had it that the Orisas were kept at places like Ibefun, Oke Ipa and even near Iperu. It was, therefore, common in the past for people to say that Eyo was coming from Oke-Ipa or at the close of Eyo Day, people would say Eyo, was going to take a boat to Iperu.
Oke-Ipa is a village across the Lagoon beyond Ikoyi. It was as a result of lodging the Adimu in various places for safe keeping that you have it today at Ita Ado, though it is stated that there is a blood relationship through marriage with the Abegede group.
In fact, the Adimu was once kept with a Chief Olumegbon. The fact, therefore, remains that keeping the Orisas in any particular place does not change its ownership or origin.
The origin and family of Ejilu and Malaki and the Orisas Ejilu Malaki and Olugbani their sister were said to have come to Lagos from Benin at the time of Oba Ado.
The descendants of Ejilu and Malaki subscribed to the above history as a result of their testimony at the inquiry into the Onilogbale Chieftaincy. The second opinion as advocated by the late Chief Aminu Kosoko is that they (that is, Ejilu and Malaki) came from Ibefun to Lagos to ask for their sister Olugbani. It is, however, to be noted that Benin Influence covered a larger area of the Water side, the Lagoon Area of Lagos State.
Benin influence has been noted in Ikorodu, Baiyeku, Ibefun and a host of towns and villages within Lagos State.
Today, the various Orisas are kept by descendants or relations of Ejilu, Malaki and Olugbani. Oniko is kept by the Onigemo family who are descendants of Adamu or Sogbo. The Ologede is maintained by the people of Erelu Olugbani (Olori to Oba Ado) at Idunmagbo.
The Adimu is maintained by the Abegede group of the Olorogun Igbesodi or Olorogun-Ntebo and the Ita Ado Group who are also descendants of an Akarigbara Chieftaincy. It is claimed that Chief Kebo or Olorogun-Atebo, brought Adimu and Esu from Benin to Lagos. The Akinshiku, the titular hard of the Adimu Cult is usually appointed from the Abegede Group. The Adimu is called, Mole Ejilu, Mole Malaki. The Oniko is called Mole Ejilu, Mole Malaki, Egungun Onigemo. The Ologede is called Mole Ejilu, Mole Malaki Egungun Olugbani.
AGERE AS AN ORISA
Agere was created an Orisa in the present century. It ranks last on the list of Orisas. It is, indeed, a modern edition to the play. One Bante Seda is said to be the first Agere.
INCLUSION OF EYO
The Adamu Orisa play continued in Lagos after its establishment with the three Orisas as the only set of masquerades.
In order to protect the Orisas and control the surging crowd the idea of the Eyo in white flowing robes (Agbada) was conceived.
With the approval of the Oba, the idea was implemented and a number of Eyos in white Agbadas came out on the Adamu Orisa Day at the Oba's Palace and six each were allocated to each Orisa for its security. The Eyo Group became known in later years as Eyo Oba, Eyo Oniloba or Eyo Alakoto Pupa.
The Eyo group thus became the fore-runner of all Eyos and was made the leader and Police with a carrier of "Loba", a bag containing mystical powers of juju to enable the group punish both Eyos and individuals who might break the rules and regulations governing the Adamu Orisa Cult and play.
After sometime, the Orisas and later the chiefs were granted permission to constitute a group of Eyos in their conclave of palaces.
Thus, you have Eyo Adimu, Eyo Oniko, Eyo Ologede and for the chiefs you have Eyo Eletu-Odibo. Eyo Ojore, and Eyo Egbe etc.
From the above, it clear that Eyo Laba is the fore-runner of all Eyo groups and hence it is right to call the group the "Olori Eyo." It has to be stated that the Eyo Laba Group is attached to the Akala Cult and most of the leaders of the group in the past belonged to the cult.
The Adimu Cult has some interaction with the Osugbo Cult due to the involvement of late Apena Ajasa, who held the offices of Akinshiku, the Apena of the Osugbo Cult and that of Olorogun-Atabo, all at the same time.
THE ORIGIN OF EYO
To which tribe or ethnic group does Eyo or Adamu Orisa play belong?
In answering the above question, one has to examine the history of Ejilu and Malaki and other related matters in order to come to a fair conclusion.
The origin of Malaki and Ejilu is a bit confused, some said Benin, some said Ibefun. Previous writers have advanced different origins to it. Talbars in his book The People of Southern Nigeria described "Eyo as Ijebu Juju." But Rev. J. Olumide Lucas in his book The Religion of The Yorubas stated that the cult of Adamu Orisa is peculiar to the Aworis. Another author Rev. Johnson in his book The History of the Yorubas disposed that Eyo was an initiation of Egungun seen at Oyo.
From a document collected from the National Archives titled Report from Yesufu Agoro, The Head of the Family of Agoro Ogebi Eletu-Iwasha descendent dated November 3, 1937, at page three of the document the following were recorded as Item 10: "Abudu Karimu Docemo and Bakare Jose went to Oba Falolu at Iga-Idunganran to request for their grand-mother father's masquerade, Adimu, from Apena's people to return it to them. Adimu and Esu are brought by Chief Kebo from Benin to Lagos."
Abudu Karimu Docemo mentioned above is likely to be a member of the Dosunmu Family at Abegede while Bakare Jose was a former Chief Eletu-Iwase of Lagos. In considering the subject matter, it is essential to consider, the principal actors or participants of the Adamu Orisa Play and their origin. The Abegede and Ita Ado group belonged to the Benin class of chieftaincy, the Akarigberes. They belonged to the following: Olorogun Igbeaodi, Olorogun Atebo, Olorun Agan.
However, it is necessary to consider the contents of the "Igbe" songs that are used in glorifying the Orisas and Ejilu and Malaki over the years on each Adamu Orisa Day.
The Igbe runs thus: Imalaki won ki saiye Ijaiye ejilu sa yato Eyin gbo o , 2ce Iyee, o moo lo si oyo Ajaka Oyo Ajako o, On rohun mu bo si irele O fi akala mawo mesi ikole On lo nse oniko, eleyo Eyin iba gbajo kato, ti ito a ho, E do ri iwo kodo si irele Omo wewe abese lo ma leko A i kowo lo si oja lara agba
In the the Igbe song quoted above, the story is related of how, Malaki and Ejilu, were performing wonders and how one of their stock visited Oyo Ajaka (that is, the ancient Oyo where Sango reigned as king) and he brought something back to the 'Irele,' the conclave of Awo-Opa.
From the above, one can see some basis for Rev. Johnson's assertion that Eyo was an imitation of the Egungun made at Oyo. The sticking similarity between the Egungun Baba-lago, and Eyo cannot be over looked. It is pertinent to refer to the history of Elegba at Iddo on the Lagos Mainland as typical example. History has it that Opeoluwa, An Ogalade chief consulted Ifa and suggest to Olofin to worship Elegbara.
There is a popular Elegbara shrine at Iworo in Awori area and the Iworo people were contacted and Opeoluwa and Olofina people were initiated into the cult and granted permission to establish an Elegbara shrine and grove at Iddo. As a result of this history, it has become a custom to sing the following Elegba song for the first Elegbara masquerade that would appear at the grove to dance.
"Eku lo koko njade (2ce) Alara Omo won ni Iworo Eku lo koko njade."
Meaning: Rat is usually the first to come out
The wonder-one, child of Iworo. The song is, therefore, a testimony to the history of Elegba as stated above. In answering the question which I posed, my answer is that Eyo and Adamu Orisa play belonged to the Ekos. Although it may be a mixture of the Esu from Benin, the Awo-Opa, the Akala.
It is Eko's creation, it has no parallel, anywhere in Yoruba land. There is no trace of Eyo in Ijebuland, not even Ibefun. The Ijebus are noted for Agemo, Oro and Eluku. The main purpose of this writing is to remove the impression created in the mind of many people by past writers and commentators on the subject ascribing the foundation of Eyo to the Ijebus. The Lagos Island Council should resuscitate its special committee on the history of Lagos to examine the aspect relating to Eyo.
Features Of The Eyo Festival
The Eyo together with friends and family of the Iga(palace) parade from one end of Lagos Island to the other.
A full week before the festival(always a Sunday), the ‘senior’ eyo group( Adimu) , goes public with a staff. This means the event will take place on the following Saturday.
The “Orisa Oniko” parades early in the morning on the day of the festival. This is believed to drive away evil spirits from the occasion
Each of the four other ‘important’ groups (Laba (Red), Oniko (yellow), Ologede (Green) and Agere (Purple)) take their turns to parade in that order from Monday to Thursday.
There Are Certain Prohibited Items And Activities During The Festival
During the Eyo festival, certain practices are not permitted amongst people around the festival area. Some things to avoid include:
• Smoking
• Wearing Sandals
• Riding motorcycles and bicycles
.• Making the ‘Suku’ (yoruba).
• Women are not to tie headties or wear shoes.
It is a taboo to wear the Eyo costume
overnight or wear it to cross a lagoon or river.
The Festival Has Become A Major Tourist Attraction For The State
Its popularity stretches beyond the shores of this country, it can be concluded that the Eyo masquerade itself represents Lagos.
The Eyo Festival Is Unique To Lagos
Due to its history and tradition, the Eyo festival is only held in Lagos. It is Eko’s creation, it has no parallel anywhere in Yoruba land.
Witness The Crème De La Crème Of The Yoruba Society
The final parade in the square is a convergence point for dignitaries in the state and outside the state. Some prominent guests include; The Obas of different palaces, their decorated chiefs, the Lagos state Governor, the Elegushi of Ikateland, and so on.
What The Eyo Wears During The Festival
Each Eyo comes out of an Iga (palace) of a ruling family in the morning and heads for the shrine (Agodo). It is robed from head to toe in white flowing cloth. The white flowing costume consists of an ‘agbada’ (the top robe), and the ‘aropale’ (the bottom wrap around). No part of the person carrying the Eyo is expected to be seen. The Eyo also wears an ‘Akete’ a hat that bears the colours and shield of the Iga from which he comes. An Eyo may tie ribbons in his Iga’s colours to the Opambata (palm branch) that he carries. An Iga’s Eyo may have up to 50 to 100 or more members. Each person carrying a robe as Eyo must pay a fee for the privilege. This fee is paid to the Iga – ruling house, whose colours and Akete the Eyo wears.The Adimu is identified by a black, broad-rimmed hat.
The Relevance And Significance Of The Festival
The Eyo festival is organized under the auspices of the Yoruba tradition, as well as social organizations or clubs. It is an outlet used to showcase the culture of the Isale Eko people, since it can be organized for special occasions apart from the death of prominent chiefs, elders, or installation of a new Oba. It can also be used to entertain at special state functions or occasions.
GELEDE = Powerful Mothers…
Mothers * Ancestors * Deities…
The Gelede spectacle of the Yoruba & Fon is a public display by colorful masks which combines art and ritual dance to amuse, educate and inspire worship. Gelede Celebrates Mothers – Awon Iya Wa, a group that includes female Ancestors and Deities as well as the Elderly Women of the community, and the power and spiritual capacity these women have in society. However, this power may also be destructive and take the form of witchcraft; therefore, Gelede serves the function of appeasing this power, as well. The Gelede social agenda rests on – life is delicate and should be lived with caution and with an emphasis on diplomacy, consideration, respect and harmony.
Most Yoruba myths of origin can be found in the divination narratives knows at Odu Ifa which contains a number of poems called Ese Ifa. An Ese Ifa explains the origins of Gelede as beginning with Yemoja, “The Mother of all the Deities and all living things.”
Yewajobi – Yemoja could not have children and consulted an Ifa oracle, who advised her to offer sacrifices and to dance with wooden images on her head and metal anklets on her feet. After performing this ritual, she became pregnant. Her first child was a boy, nicknamed “Efe“- Humorist; the Efe mask emphasizes song and jests because of the personality of its namesake. Yewajobi – Yemoja second child was a girl, nicknamed “Gelede” – Obese like her mother Gelede loved dancing.
After getting married themselves, neither Gelede or Efe‘s partner could have children. The Ifa oracle suggested they try the same ritual that had worked for their mother. No sooner than Efe and Gelede performed these rituals- dancing with wooden images on their heads and metal anklets on their feet- they started having children. These rituals developed into the Gelede masked dance and was perpetuated by the descendants of Efe and Gelede.
Although Gelede ceremony may be staged at any time of the year to better the lot of an individual, to cleanse the society of pestilence, to induce rain, to enrich human fertility, to enlist the support of supernatural forces and the – Powerful Mothers in wartime, and to honor the dead, the most elaborate performance occurs during the annual festival.
Once the exact dates of the festival are fixed, usually through divination, the Chief Priestess – Iyalashe notifies the head of the community and the important chiefs. Messages then go out to all members of the Gelede society outside the town or working far away to return home for the celebration.
The festival begins with an all-night concert called Efe, which features the Efe male mask, who uses satire to entertain and educate. Given the concern of the Gelede society with peace and social stability, it is not surprising that didactic themes recur in Efe songs. After the Efe dance, most of the attendees spend the morning sleeping in preparation for the afternoon dance, which takes place in the marketplace and features pairs of male dancers who perform to fast-paced music with a vigorous beat.
The Gelede ceremony involves carefully choreographed dance, singing and music, and especially drumming. The performances are given by men, wearing masks that feature sculpted images of scenes including animals and people or sewing machines and drums. The pairs of men masquerade as women to amuse, please and placate the mothers who are considered very powerful, and who may use their powers for good or destructive purposes. These powers are especially linked to childbirth. The abilities they possess may be activated either consciously or unconsciously.
The Gelede “Mask” is more accurately a headdress, since it rests on top of the head and the wearer’s face is covered by a cloth veil. The headdress takes the form of a human head, on top of which are motifs that are intended to entertain onlookers but, in addition, usually address social concerns that may also be expressed in songs that are part of the masquerade. Individuals or families will usually go to any length to make their headdresses as attractive and humorous as possible.
Most of the headdresses have facial adornments, ranging from lineage marks to decorative tattoos, which are either incised or painted. The headdress is to the costume what the Head – Ori is to the human body. It is an index of identification and the essence of the masker’s personality as long as he is inside the mask. In spite of the comical representations that often appear on the headdress, the face below the superstructure remains serene, as if stressing the paradox that is life-and the need to live life with special care.
The Ketu-Yoruba people are credited with the invention of Gelede sometime in the latter part of the eighteenth century according to Oral traditions throughout the region. A popular Yoruba saying proclaims, oju to ba ri Gelede ti de opin iran – The eyes that have seen Gelede, have seen the ultimate spectacle. Gelede effective power and impact comes from its multi-media format in which the arts of song, dance, costume and music combine to create moving artistic experiences.
Gelede pays homage to the Spiritual Powers of Women, especially Elderly Women known affectionately as “Our Mothers,” Awon Iya Wa. The powers possessed by such Women, comparable to those of the Gods, Spirits, or Ancestors, may be used for the benefit or the destruction of society. When manifesting their destructive dimension such Elderly Women are termed Aje – Witches. If angered, they can bring down individuals and entire communities.
The Yoruba & Fon Markets Are Controlled By Women…To honor Women’s economic power and contributions, many Gelede headdresses depict Women’s heads carrying the goods they sell in the marketplace. Many Gelede masks depict animals that serve as metaphors for human actions and attributes as well as illustrations of popular proverbs and songs that often accompany the mask’s appearance. Animals in devouring motifs are an important means of conveying the concept of competing forces in social as well as spiritual realms.
This Gelede mask displays two snakes wrapped around gourd rattles at the sides of a peaked hairstyle. The rattles are the regalia of priestesses whose spiritual powers are evoked by the snakes. Notice that the face of the male performer is clearly seen through the thin veil of cloth. Unlike other Yoruba masking traditions where the performer’s identity must be hidden because they deal with spiritual forces, Gelede maskers can be seen since they focus on forces in the world.
As dusk approaches after a dazzling array of masqueraders imaging countless aspects of Yoruba life and thought, a final masker – one that synthesizes Goddess, Ancestress, and Priestess appears to conclude and bless the Gelede spectacle. Her white ensemble glowing in the growing darkness, Iya Odua (Mother Odua) moves with measured stride toward the marketplace accompanied by her priestess, her attire mirroring that of the masker visually to unite spiritual and earthly realms. Iya Odua slow, stately tread conveys her Age, Wisdom, and Sacred Power. Her whiteness symbolizes her cool, covert demeanor and her post-menopausal purity for she is the creative, protective, nurturing mother of the gathered crowd, her offspring. Iya Odua appearance assures the community that the lavish spectacle has pleased and placated her, and that the Mothers will use their power and influence for the benefit of all.
Gelede masquerades are spectacles performed by the Yoruba people in Nigeria and DanXome that celebrate the Mystical Power Of Women. Gelede refers to the concept of honoring women and their innate powers so that the entire community may reap the benefits of their life-giving forces. There are many different variations of the Gelede spectacle, which varies from region to region, but this concept remains consistent throughout all of them.
It is an incredible artistic manifestation of the power of Women which is evident in the concepts, costumes and masks, and location of the spectacle. The World is fragile, meaning that the Gelede celebration is warring with the evil of the world without killing. The preservation of the Gelede celebration and its significance and homage to Women is a critical foundation of a community in so far as its cultural and social identity.
The festival involves colorful masks, striking headdresses, festive music, and miraculous performances and importantly the celebration of Womanhood.
SANGO FESTIVAL
How Sango Festival is Celebrated in Oyo Town, Oyo State Nigeria
The Sango Festival is an annual festival that is celebrated during the month of August in the palace of the Alaafin of Oyo.
It is a special day used to celebrate Sango, a popular Yoruba deity who was believed to possess magical powers. The festival was rebranded as World Sango Day by the Oyo State Government to signify its international wide spread. The festival plays host to visitors from all over the country and followers from foreign countries like Cuba, Brazil, Trinidad and Tobaggo and the Caribbean.
Who is Sango
Sango was the third Alaafin-king of old Oyo empire. He took over from his brother Ajaka who was regarded as weak. During his reign he was constantly fighting battles with other towns. He mistakenly destroyed his palace with lightning which brought about the end of his reign.
Sango is widely referred to as the God of thunder. He ruled Oyo kingdom for seven years and married three wives Oya Oba and Oshun. He is worshiped on the fifth day called ojo Jakuta. His followers like to wear a red attire which was his popular clothings.
Significance Of The Sango Festival To The Yorubas
Sango is a popular Orisa in Yorubaland, as such his festival plays a very important traditional and cultural role with the Yoruba people. Sango is regarded as one of the founding fathers of the present Oyo State. It is a day when Yorubas used it to reconnect which each other, and to showcase the rich cultural heritage of the Yorubas such as drumming, dancing and singing.
Brief History of Sango Festival
The festival dates back over 1000 years ago when Sango mysteriously disappeared from the palace. He was believed to have committed suicide after he was challenged by one of his powerful chiefs who ordered him to leave the palace. Since then the festival has been celebrated by the people of Oyo.
International Recognition of Sango Festival
The Oyo State Government in 2013 decided to put Sango Festival on global stage when it changed the name to world Sango Festival. It has since been recognized by UNESCO. It was a day used to serve as home coming of Yorubas from all over the world notably Cuba, Brazil, Trinidad and Tobaggo and the Caribbean as well as to celebrate Sango.
How Sango Festival Is Celebrated
The Sango Festival is a 10 days event, which is marked with pomp and pageantry. Worshippers and visitors can be seen in a happy mood. The worshippers are usually adorned with white or red attire.
Day one
The first day of the festival is celebrated with games of different kinds. Some of the activities lined up for the day are
Ayo competition
Ogun Ajobo Day traditional night rites.
Ayo Competition
Ayo is a special game that is popular among the Yorubas. It is one of the oldest games in Yoruba land and it is usually played by aged men sitting face to face. It involves moving pebbles from one hole of the board to another.
Description of the Ayo Board Game
It is a carved wooden, fairly rectangular object with a total of twelve circular carved out pockets arranged in two rows, six pockets in each row. The wood used to make the Ayo is very light due to the continuous drying of the wood. It contains elaborate decorations on both side of the board.
The board is trapezoidal in nature and the appropriate size measured top – 20”x 12” / bottom – 22” x 12”.
Ayo board can be made of wood or clay and it has a lot of carvings on it.
Ayo board game is not only a recreational game it is seen as a spiritual connection to the essence.
Ogun Ajobo Day
The Ogun Ajobo Day is celebrated on the second day of the festival. On this day, the traditional groups from the Oyo zone make great display to the cheers of people. Olode Cultural Display from Oyo, Ondo, Ekiti, Osun, Ogun and Kwara States would be paraded from Owode in Oyo town to the palace of Alaafin. A night party is usually held called the Aisun Koso featuring some popular Yoruba artist amidst drinking and eating.
Third Day of Sango Festival
On the third day; Friday other cultural groups such as the Igunu and Omolulu would display their performance. This day is called the Sango Obakoso day.
Fourth Day Sango Festival
On this day the shrine of Sango koso would be opened. This is usually marked by wide celebrations from performance from the members of the Association of Nigeria Theatre Arts Practitioners (ANTP) and followed by a night party for Oya Okenira.
Fifth To Ninth Day of Sango Festival
From Sunday down to Thursday and Friday, there would be celebrations of Oyo State, Oya Day, Aje Oloja Day, Sango Oyo Day, Osun State Day and Iyemonja Day, Esin Elejo Day as well as Kwara State Day. This period is usually filled with excitement and wide celebrations among the people.
Grand finale
This day marks the ending of the festival. On this day, a group of followers called Elegun Sango would entertain the crowds with magic which many, find frightening. The Elegun Sango come from different parts of the country such as Oyo, Ekiti, Ede, Ibadan, Ajagba and Koso. They usually plait their hairs and their eyes are usually looking frightening.
The Elegun Sango Koso Alaafin, is usually the last to appear on the stage at the grand finale. He would go round Oyo township, praying for people, before coming to the palace. He greets the people and goes to Iya Ilekoto before leaving the palace.
Agungun Fishing Festival
The historical Argungu fishing and culture festival in Kebbi State
The historical background of the Argungu fishing and culture festival
The Argungu International Fishing and Cultural Festival (The most widely attended in Nigeria and perhaps the oldest known festival of its kind) predate the “Conquests” of Kanta of Kebbi in early 16th Century. The festival started initially in the form of religious rites prior to the time of Surame Gungu of Kebbi Kingdom. In other words it began as an informal family and communal affair. Since that time the festival has undergone several changes and modifications.
More than 30.000 fisherman had taken part to the annual Argungu fishing festival in Nigeria's Kebbi state. People from all west africa has come to partecipate to the main event: the fishing contest in the waters of the river Mata Fada, using nets and traditional gourds made with calabashes a sort of punpkin dried and hollowed. The fisherman who take the biggest fish wins a prize of 7000 dollars, a huge amount of money for nigerian people
The evolution of the festival at Argungu seems to go hand with the socio economic development of the Kabawa (people of Kebbi) generally. Since the 16th century (Kanta’s days), the festival as we know it today has become more elaborate and stylish. At the same time it has, since the jihad period, been getting progressively enriched with the fielding of more events for the general entertainment of the attending public.
To make this write up comprehensive, we shall here categorise the historical background of Argungu fishing into two main adaptation phases:
Fishing festival from 16th century to 1934 in brief
In the 16th century - the days of Kanta - the fishing festival at Kabi probably assumed a sort of nationalistic character. The spectacular rallying powers of Kanta who used to travel in a boat receiving homage through out his riverine empire must have served to bring in bold belief the desirability as well as efficacy of a centralised festival. Kanta himself was known to have encouraged both localised and annual festivals as a passport to having a very firm hold on his subject people. Kanta had to work hand in hand with the officials and chiefs of fishing and waters who also advised him in matters of significance for the welfare of his kingdom such as during warfare, communal fishing and harvests. In this period four major public rituals were observed.
Gyaran Ruwa
The Fashin Ruwa
The Gyaran Gari and
The Shan Kabewa and Fura
The first two ceremonies, (Gyaran Ruwa and Fashin Ruwa) relate to water and have direct bearing on fishing while the last two ceremonies are land propitiations.
Specifically the Gyaran Ruwa refers to the basic rituals of purification of waters that precedes the great fishing day with the view to have a hitch-free fishing festival on the appointed day. On the day of Gyaran Ruwa, the priests and the Bori parishioners enter big and traverse the length of Kabi Rivers. In the process, the Jirgi (Master of the river) pours libations in the middle of the river to the Queen Spirit of the Water (Doguwa). At this junction, the Bori practitioners leap into the water and perform some incantation for the protection of the fishermen throughout the year.
The Fashin Ruwa signifies the opening up of the waters for fishing. In this case the Home seeks formal permission from the Emir of Kabi who then fix a date for beginning of the fishing season. Through the Home, the Fashin Ruwa rite attracts a great deal of social interaction. It is a national event with open displays of music, dance, acrobatics, wrestling etc serving as side attractions witnessed by huge crowds of men, women and children.
The Gyaran Gari (Purification of the town) and Shan Kabewa (Testing the Pumpkin porridge) were specialised rituals of land propitiations. They were replete with sacrifices, bori and tsafi demonstrations; music, dancing and artistic exhibitions all aimed at purging evil spirits from the land and soliciting for bountiful harvest. As part of thanks giving profuse sacrifices are made at the food of some specific rocks and trees and at the top of some hills.
All the four festivals mentioned above were heavily attended and naturally called for the presence of side attractions and the presence of entertainers of all traditional occupations. With the steady penetration of Islamic culture in the area, the three rites namely the Gyaran ruwa, Gyaran gari and Shan Kabewa were stopped leaving the Fashin Ruwa rite which is the origin of the present Argungu International Fishing and Cultural Festival.
Within this period, the festival at Argungu had already assumed a fairly non-religious or non-animistic tone, devoid largely of the usual Bori and Tsafi exhibitions. However even though Islam had by this time become very widely adopted in the area, the presence of Islam appears to have merely served to neutralise the base for Bori and Iskoki rites so well associated with the festival. This is suggesting that with the wide spread acceptance of Islam among the Kabawa, most individual families in the area have increasingly given up animist practices but continued to look up to the festival occasion for periodic displays of the traditional cult. At the same time, attendance to this festival appears to have increased considerably with community representatives taking some fairly conspicuous position at the festival venue. Dignitaries from the neighbouring riverine areas also featured regularly as guests during the festival.
The 1934 festival was the most conspicuous in attendance by a non-Argungu notable dignitary with the historic visit by the Sarkin Musulmi, Sultan Hassan Dan Mu’azu. In response to an earlier invitation extended by the Emir of Argungu, Muhammad Sama, the newly appointed Sultan of Sokoto paid a visit to Argungu in 1934.
In anticipation of the visit, the Emir and his council decided to arrange a grand fishing exhibition which will serve as a momentous symbol of the Kabawa identity. Initially the Emir and his officials had felt that local entertainments and feats of manhood like boxing and wrestling would alone appear demeaning and totally unworthy of entertainment for a whole Sultan. Neither would anything short of water-craft portray this in clear focus than organising a grand fishing fiesta devoid of the traditional rituals of spirit propitiation.
Between 1934 and 1950 the festival began to record a certain degree of consistency in terms of dating and attendance. For the first time women and small children were being admitted into the festival ground. Besides, the grand day for the fishing finale began to alternate between Saturdays and Sundays of a special period during the post rainy season. In late 1870’s, however the most preferred day of the week for the grand fishing finale has consistently been a Saturday in February or March.
Prior to 1934, the financing of the four rituals has been on a purely individual familial or communal basis. Individual families and participants sponsor themselves or live on one another’s reciprocal hospitality and upkeep of the sacrifices and other material rituals that are to be performed by the Bori practitioners and the fishing functionaries.
From 1934 up to the 1960’s the Emirate Council, the Native Authority and the Northern Government started in turn to invest in the festival with a view to making it grandiose particularly in the wake of increasing waves of invited guests.
Active government participation however, came with the establishment of a Northern Regional Government when for the first time a substantial grant of £500 (Five hundred pounds) was made to the Argungu Native Authority. In 1969, the then North Western State government, decided to involve itself directly with the general development and restructuring of the festival. The federal military government waded in with a substantial donation of £10, 0000.00 (Ten Thousand Pounds) each in 1970 and 1977.
In fact in February 1977, the Argungu Fishing Festival was organised specifically as a major side event of immense cultural value. In recognition of the value of the festival in reviving the state heritage and enhancing the development of tourism, subsequent Sokoto state administrations drew up a multi-million naira master plan for the festival village and for the provision of infrastructure.
In the case of attendance, before 1934 the attendance to the four rituals remained chiefly a local affair. However, after 1934 the festival at Argungu became not only a community affairs but essentially a national event worthy of being witnessed by dignitaries from the international community. Indeed since the memorable visit of Sultan Dan Mu’azu, the festival has been attracting such a growing followership from all over the country. Tourists and guests for the occasion troop in large numbers from Europe, Britain, United States, Russia, South East Asia, and neighbouring African countries like Niger, Benin Republic, Cameroon, etc.
By 1970 the attendance figure to the festival had exceeded 100,000 people. The first visit by a Nigerian Head of State was also recorded in 1970 with the visit of His Excellency Gen. Yakubu Gowon and his counterpart from the Republic of Niger, Alh. Diori Hammani. Both statesmen attended in the company of their wives. In the same year, (1970), fishermen from Rivers state and cultural troupes from the South, Western and Eastern State of Nigeria began participating. In fact by 1979, Rivers state had established a permanent camp for its fishermen and cultural troupes in the Fishing Village. The Festival was used by the Federal Government during the period to heal the wounds of the civil war and build confidence and mutual respect between Nigerian people. In contrast, 1977 marked the beginning of the attendance of high profile International guests to the festival. Notable amongst the visitors were Mr. Andrew Young, the American Secretary of State, the Russian Ambassador to Nigeria and the Consul-General of the Saudi Arabian Embassy.
Cultural troupes and Heads of Missions of most nations that attended FESTAC ‘77 also witnessed the Festival. All Nigerian Heads of State and Presidents witnessed the festival with the Exception of Gen. Ibrahim Babangida, Gen. Abdulsalam Abubakar and Chief Ernest Shonekan. Former president, Chief Olusegun Obasanjo has a record attendance of four visits to the festival. To date, more than 200 traditional Rulers have witnessed the festival from all over Nigeria and neighbouring African countries, with the Sultan and many of others making it a duty to attend annually until the end of their individual reigns.
The 1980 festival was witnessed by no less than nine state governors among whom were Alhaji Abubakar Rimi of Kano, Abubakar Barde of Gongola, Adamu Attah of Kwara, Solomon Lar of Plateau and Tatari Ali of Bauchi.
On the whole approximately 105,000 persons attended the 1980 (46th) festival. In his vote of thanks, the Guest of Honour of the occasion, Governor Tatari Ali of Bauchi remarked that, the festival was simply marvellous beyond description. He said “with all my travels the world over I have not yet come across a festival of this nature drawing so huge and so complex a multitude of persons.
Events which feature in the festival have over the years become diversified and secular. Unit 1950 the Festival has been consistently fielding three major events, Bori and Gyaran Gari. From 1970 to date the festival has been featuring amongst other, things a highly diversified and multi-sponsored agriculture show, a grand fishing competition, craft exhibitions, national wrestling and boxing tournaments, cultural entertainments, traditional symphonies, instrumentalists, etc. It also features the much cherished Kabanci display which includes swimming competitions of different styles, bare hand fishing, wild duck catching, diving competition (Shako), canoe race of different categories, etc. The Motor-rally and Archery competitions were introduced in 1973 and 1981 respectively. In 1980, 175 varieties of Artistes and Entertainers performed during the festival.
The Argungu Fishing and Cultural Festival has contributed highly to the infrastructural and socio-economic growth of Argungu town and its environs. It has also brought fame and acclaim, both national and International, for
l, for the Argungu Emirate, Sokoto and Kebbi States and for Nigeria as a whole.
Indeed as a result of a growing interest in the festival Argungu as a town and Sokoto and Kebbi states are becoming increasingly identified as some of the most reputable tourist centers in the entire continent of Africa.
In his speech at the 1978 fishing festival, the Late Emir of Argungu, His Royal Highness Alhaji Muhammadu Mera (May his soul rest in peace) said:
“We are proud to notice that the Argungu Fishing which started as a humble traditional ceremony each year has now developed to its present size drawing visitors from both within and outside Nigeria. This year we are pleased to notice that our traditional Fishing Festival has truly become not only an international event but also the greatest traditional festival in the country. With the presence of such a great number of distinguished guests than as ever attended any traditional festival in the country at any one time.”
Ofala Festival
Background
Onitsha is a popular town located in Anambra State, in the South-Eastern part of Nigeria. Onitsha is known for its popular Main Market, which is said to be the biggest in West Africa (Nigerian Information Guide). The town and its environs also have one of the largest tributaries of the River Niger, thereby allowing fishing and its allied businesses to thrive around there.
Famous schools like the Denis Memorial Grammar School (DMGS), Christ the Kings College (CKC), and Queen of Rosary College (QRC), have produced so many prominent Nigerians, both serving and retired.
Onitsha indigenes are a people, who cherish their heritage and value their culture very much in spite of their early contact with education. This is why they pay attention to the traditional ceremonies that abound. Some of these ceremonies include, the coronation of a new monarch, chieftaincy installation, initiation into the masquerade cult, Ozo title-taking, initiation into the Otu Odu Cultural group, burial rites, and so on.
However, the Ofala festival seems to be the most significant and prestigious of all the ceremonies performed in Onitsha. The festival varies from community to community in Igbo land. In other places, it may be the coronation of a chief, to mark an anniversary, or the coronation of an igwe or eze.
The Ofala Festival
The Onitsha Ofala festival dates back to about 700 years ago, at the time of Eze Chima, the first monarch, who migrated to the area, now known as Onitsha (Henderson 42-46). In those early days, the King of Onitsha, referred as, Igwe-Onitsha, was always confined to the palace. He did not have any business going anywhere because the responsibilities of administering the community was assigned to his lieutenants, who are the elders, known as the Ndi-Ichie, and other rank and file of the community. The Igwe, also known as the Obi-Onitsha, only made public appearances during the Ofala festival. It is pertinent to note here that the Ofala festival is celebrated only once a year, precisely in the month of October, the period that is the climax of the celebration of the new yam. Four days before the festival, the Igwe goes into seclusion. He retreats to commune with his ancestors, and to thank them for protecting him and his subjects for the past one year as well as pray for peace and prosperity in the year to come.
On the day of the festival, the Obi makes three appearances. After the early morning rituals, the trumpeters announce his entry before he shows up, fully dressed in his royal regalia, highlighted with the royal crown (okpu ododo), acknowledging the crowd that would have gathered by waving at all the directions to the people and then returns inside.
During the second outing, the trumpets are blown again and the Obi comes out and seats on his throne. This is followed by the entrance of the red-capped chiefs (ndi-Ichie) also well-dressed in their traditional attires in batches, according to their village music and in order of seniority, proceed to pay homage to the Obi by kneeling down to bow before him and sing his praises, after which he now performs the function of Iwa-ji (celebration of the first yam) to mark the official declaration of harvest season. After this, the Igwe (Obi) returns into the inner chambers before he finally comes out the third time.
At the third entry, the royal music plays and sets, the rhythm for Obi’s dancing (egwu ota) as he makes his appearance, amid cheers and praises from the crowd, he steps into the arena and dances to the tune of the drummers. He dances in turns with his first wife, his first son and first daughter and returns to his throne giving way to a parade of dances by different groups such as titled men, the Otu Odu Association, age-grade groups, friends and well-wishers all dressed in colourful traditional apparels.
Relevance
The significance of the festival includes that: The Ofala festival is a means by which the ‘Onitsha people strive to keep their cultural heritage alive. It is a cultural avenue through which the king socializes with both his subjects and other well wishers, this is because it attracts friends from far and wide, for instance the 2011 celebration attracted dignitaries included “members of the world famous Jackson five musical family including Tito, Marlon and Fred, others were the Mayor of Inkster, Michigan, Mayor Hill Hampton, historian Bruce Bridge and Hollywood actor, Walter Jr.” The festival gives room for deep reflections, stock taking, and setting goals for the future, it is in order words, a forum for community development.
The festival is a means by which the Onitsha people strive to keep their cultural heritage alive. It is an avenue through which the king socializes with both his subjects and other well-wishers. The festival gives room for deep reflections, stock-taking, and setting goals for the future. In other words, it is a forum for community development.
The religious implication is that it is a season for thanksgiving to the ancestors, for sparing the lives of the people and allowing a successful planting season. The social significance is that the festival brings home indigenes from far and near, as well as foreigners.
The Ofala festival has survived all these years among the Onitsha people, in spite of the impact of Westernization. The festival attracts corporate organizations who offer to sponsor it and use that as an avenue to market their products. It attracts potential investors and business entrepreneurs like the telecommunication companies such as MTN and GLO to contribute in the sponsorship and eventual development in the community.
You May like to read this book below to have a bird eye view of language of Yoruba culture and spirituality.
THE HISTORY OF THE
YORUBAS
From the Earliest Times to the Beginning of the
British Protectorate
BY
The REV. SAMUEL JOHNSON
Pastor of Oyo
EDITED BY
DR. O. JOHNSON, Lagos
C.M.S. (NIGERIA) BOOKSHOPS
LAGOS
First published 1921
Reprinted 1937
Reprinted 1956
Reprinted 1957
Reprinted 1960
PRINTED IN GREAT BRITAIN BY
LOWE AND BRYDONE (PRINTERS) LIMITED, LONDON, N.W.IO
AUTHOR'S PREFACE
What led to this production was not a burning desire of the author
to appear in print — as all who are well acquainted with him will
readily admit — but a purely patriotic motive, that the history of
our fatherland might not be lost in oblivion, especially as our old
sires are fast dying out.
Educated natives of Yoruba are well acquainted with the
history of England and with that of Rome and Greece, but of the
history of their own country they know nothing whatever ! This
reproach it is one of the author's objects to remove.
Whilst the author cotild claim to be a pioneer in an untrodden
field, he can by no means pretend to have exhausted the subject ;
but he hopes by this to stimulate among his more favoured brethren
the spirit of patriotism and enquiry into the histories of the less
known parts of the country. It may be that oral records are
preserved in them which are handed down from father to son,
as in the case of the better known Royal bards in the Metropolis,
such records though imperfect should surely not be under-rated.
In the perusal of this feeble attempt, the author craves the
forbearance of his readers ; he deprecates the spirit of tribal
feelings and petty jealousies now rife among us. In recording
events of what transpired, good or bad, failures and successes,
among the various tribes, he has endeavoured to avoid whatever
would cause needless offence to anyone, or irritate the feelings of
those specially interested in the narratives, provided only that the
cause of truth, and of public benefit be faithfully served.
With respect to the ancient and mythological period he has
stated the facts as they are given by the bards, and with respect
to the History of comparatively recent dates, viz., from the time
of King Abiodun downwards, from eye-witnesses of the events
which they narrate, or from those who have actually taken part
in them. He has thus endeavoured to present a reliable record of
events.
He is greatly indebted especially to the honoured David Kukomi,
the patriarch of the Ibadan Church, (the now sainted father of
the Rev. R. S. Oyebode). Kukomi was a young man in the days
of King Abiodun, and it was his fortune (or misfortune) to take
part in the wars and other national movements of the period as
a common soldier, and was thus able to give a clear and reliable
account of the sajdngs, persons, and events of those stirring times,
being a cool man of judgment, observant, and remarkably
intelligent.
Vlll AUTHOR S PREFACE
Also to Josiah Oni, an intrepid trader in those days, an active
and intelligent observer who was well acquainted with almost
every part of the country, and took part in some of the most stirring
events of a later period.
And last though not least to his highness the venerable Lagunju,
the renowned Timi of Ede, so well known all over the country as a
gifted and trusty historian of the Yoruba Country.
And to others also who are not here mentioned by name.
The histories of all nations present many phases and divers
features, which are brought out by various writers in the lines in
which each is interested ; the same method we hope will be pursued
by writers in this country until we become possessed of a fuller
History ot the Yorubas.
S. JOHNSON.
Oyo, 1897. Aiila Ogun.
EDITOR'S PREFACE
A SINGULAR . misfortune, which happily is not of everyday
occurrence, befel the original manuscripts of this history, in
consequence of which the author never lived to see in print his
more than 20 years of labour.
The manuscripts were forwarded to a well-known English
publisher through one of the great Missionary Societies in 1899 and
— mirabile dictu — nothing more was heard of them !
The editor who was all along in collaboration with the author
had occasion to visit England in 1900, and called on the
publisher, but could get nothing more from him than that the
manuscripts had been misplaced, that they could not be found,
and that he was prepared to pay for them ! This seemed to the
editor and all his friends who heard of it so strange that one could
not help thinking that there was more in it than appeared on the
surface, especially because of other circumstances connected with
the so-called loss of the manuscripts. However, we let the subject
rest there. The author himself died in the following year (1901),
and it hcis now fallen to the lot of the editor to rewrite the whole
history anew, from the copious notes and rough copies left behind
by the author.
But for many years after his death, partly from discouragements
by the events, and partly from being appalled by the magnitude
of the task, the editor shrank from the undertaking, but circum-
stances now and again cropped up showing the need of the work,
and the necessity for undertaking it ; besides the almost criminal
disgrace of allowing the outcome of his brother's many years of
labour to be altogether lost. No one, who has never made the
attempt, can have the faintest idea of the great difficulties that
attend the efforts to elicit facts and accuracy of statements from
an illiterate people : they are bewildering with repetitions, prolix
in matters irrelevant, while facts germane to the subject in hand
are more often than not passed over : they have to be drawn out
by degrees patiently, and the chaff has to be constantly sifted from
the wheat. In no sphere of labour is patience and perseverance
more required than in this. It shows strongly the magnitude of
the labours of the original author, labours undertaken along with
the unremitting performance of his substantive duties.
When all this had to be done with the daily exactions of a busy
profession, and other demands on his time, friends will judge the
editor leniently for having taken such a long time to repair the loss
sustained many years ago. Some chapters had to be rewritten,
X editor's preface
some curtailed, others amplified, and new ones added where
necessary.
But this history has a history of its own, for apart from the
mishap that befel the original manuscripts as above detailed, its
vicissitudes were not yet over. When at last the task of re-writing
it was completed, jt was forwarded to England by the " Appam,"
which left Lagos on the 2nd of January, 19 16. The Appam was
at first supposed to be lost, but was afterwards found in America,
having been captured by the raider Moewe. Nothing was heard
of the manuscripts again for nearly two years, when they were at
last delivered to the printers ! By that time, paper haci become
so dear in England that it was deemed advisable to wait till after
the War before printing. The manuscripts were next sent back by
request to the editor, wl^o in order to obviate a future loss, under-
took to have it typewritten, but in the meantime even j;ypewriting
paper became difficult to obtain. All these drawbacks were success-
fully overcome in the end, as well as the difficulties in passing the
work through the press.
He now lets the book go forth to the public, in the hope that it
will fulfil the earnest desire of the original author.
O. JOHNSON.
Ajagbe Ogun.
CONTENTS
PART I
THE PEOPLE, COUNTRY. AND THE LANGUAGE.
§1. Introduction xix
§2. The Yoruba Language xxiii
§3. A Sketch of Yoruba Grammar . . . xxxiii
CHAPTER I
Origin and Early History i
CHAPTER II
The Origin of the Tribes 15
CHAPTER III
Religion 26
CHAPTER IV
Government 40
CHAPTER V
Yoruba Names 79
CHAPTER VI
Yoruba Towns and Villages 90
CHAPTER VII
The Principles of Land Law 95
CHAPTER VIII
Manners and Customs 98
§(a) Social polity ....... 98
§(6) Facial marks ....... 104
§{c) Diet 109
§{i) Dress no
§{e) Marriage 113
§(/) Trades and professions . . . . • "7
l{g) Learning 125
§(A) Wealthy Personages ..... 126
§(») The Iwofa system ...... 126
§(;■) Distraining for debt 130
§(*) War 131
§(/) Funerals 137
Xll
CONTENTS
PART II
FIRST PERIOD
MYTHOLOGICAL KINGS AND DEIFIED HEROES
§1.
§2.
§3.
§4-
§5.
CHAPTER I. — The Founders of the Yoruba Nation
Oduduwa ........ 143
Oranyan ........ 143
Ajuan alias Ajaka ....... 148
Sango alias Olufiran . . . . . .149
Ajaka's second reign ...... 152
SECOND PERIOD
GROWTH, PROSPERITY AND OPPRESSION
CHAPTER II.— Historical Kings
§1. Aganju 155
§2. Kori 155
§3. Oluaso 158
§4. Onigbogi 158
§5. Ofinran 159
CHAPTER III.-
§1. Eguguoju
§2. Orompoto
§3. Ajiboyede
§4. Abipa or Oba m'oro
-The Kings of Oyo Igboho
161
161
162
164
CHi^I'TER IV. — A Succession of Despotic Kings
§1. Oba lokun Agana Erin ...... 168
§2. Ajagbo ......... 168
§3. Odarawu ........ 169
§4. Karan 170
§5. Jayin . . . 170
§6. Ayibi 172
§7. Osinyago 173
§8. Ojigi 174
§9. Gberu 175
§10. Amuniwaiye ........ 175
§11. Onisile 176
CHAPTER V. — Basorun GahA and his Atrocities and
Abiodun's Peaceful Reign
§1. Labisi 178
§2. Awonbioju alias Oduboye ..... 178
§3. Agboluaje ........ 178
§4. Alaje ogbe ........ 180
§5. Abigdun alias Adegolu ...... 182
§6. Abiodun's peaceful reign ...... 186
CONTENTS Xiii
THIRD PERIOD
REVOLUTIONARY WARS AND DISRUPTION
CHAPTER VI.— The Revolution
§1. Aole surnamed Arogangan
§2. The King's enemies .
§3. The rebellion of the Oyo Chiefs
§4. The rising of Ojo Agunbambaru
§5. Maku
188
189
193
194
196
CHAPTER VII —The Rise of the Fulanis to Power
§1. The spread of anarchy and fall of Afonja . . . 197
§2. The first attempt to recover Ilorin. Battle of Ogele . 200
§3. The second attempt : The Mugba mugba War . . 201
§4. TheBattleof Pamo 202
CHAPTER VIII.— Consequences of the Revolution
§r. The Owu War 206
§2. The Lasinmi War ....... 210
§3. State of the Capital at this period .... 212
CHAPTER IX, — Further Development of the Anarchy
§r. Evil days for the Capital ...... 217
§2. The third attempt to recover Ilorin. The Kanla war 218
§3. The vicissitudes of Iko3d . . . . . .219
§4. The Gbogun War ....... 220
§5. The Pole War and death of Abudusalami . . . 222
CHAPTER X. — Spread of the Anarchy
§1. Devastation of Egba towns and villages . . . 223
§2. Foundation of Abeokuta ...... 225
§3. The Egbado Tribes ....... 226
§4. The founding of Modakeke ..... 230
CHAPTER XL— The Revolution in the Epo Districts
§1. The destruction of the Epos, and death of Ojo Amepo . 234
§2. The occupation of Ijaye and end of Dado . . 236
§3. How Ibadan became a Yoruba town. The Gbanamu and
Erumu Wars ....... 238
§4. The Settlement of Ibadan ..... 244
CHAPTER XII. — Wars for the Consolidation and Balance
of Power
§1. The evacuation of Opomu and Owiwi War . . . 247
§2. The fall of Ilaro and Ijana 248
XIV CONTENTS
CHAPTER XII.— (coniinued)
§3. The Orayefun War ....... 250
§4. The Arakanga or Jabara War . . . . .251
§5. The Onidesg and Oke I§ero Wars .... 252
§6, The Iperu War ....... 253
§7. The faU of Ota 255
CHAPTER XIII.— The Last of Katunga
§1. Final efforts to throw off Fulani yoke . . . 258
§2. The Eleduwg War 263
CHAPTER XIV.— The Interregnum
§1. Civil war at Abemo ....... 269
§2. The destruction of Abemo 271
FOURTH PERIOD
ARREST OF DISINTEGRATION. INTER-TRIBAL WARS
BRITISH PROTECTORATE
CHAPTER XV.— The New City, New Government, Ilorin
Checked
§1. Prince Atiba, early life and history .... 274
§2. Atiba's accession ....... 279
§3. Conferring of titles ....... 280
§4. The Osogbo War 285
§5. The expulsion of ElSpo from Ibadan . . . 289
CHAPTER XVI.— Fratricidal Wars
§1. The Osu War, Aaye and Otun .
§2. The Egbas and Egbados ....
§3. Ibadan and I jkye. TheBatgdoWar
§4. Abeokuta and Abiki ....
§5. The He Bioku expedition and the end of ElSpo
§6. Sagaun and Igbo Ork ....
293
296
297
301
301
303
CHAPTER XVII.
-Subjugation of the IjesAS and Ekiti's
Social Reforms
§1. The Opin War ....
§2. Subjugation of the Ijesas
§3. The first Dahomian invasion of Abeokuta
§4. The Aii War and relief of Otun
§5, Raids by minor chiefs of Ibadan
§6. Social reforms ....
308
309
313
317
321
324
CONTENTS
XV
CHAPTER XVIII.-
-A Glorious End and a Gory Dawn of
Two Reigns
§1. The death of King Atiba .
§2. Circumstances that led to the Ijaye War
§3. When Greek meets Greek
§4. Famine and the sword
328
331
336
345
§1.
§2.
§3.
§4.
§5.
CHAPTER XIX.— Sequels to the Ijaye War
The Awayfe War .....
The Iperu War .....
The Ikorodu War
The second Dahomian invasion of Abeokuta
The atonement .....
355
356
360
361
363
CHAPTER XX.— The Close and the Opening Careers of
Two Heroes
§1. Ogunmola's administration
§2. The Igbajo campaign
§3. The late Ogunmola Basorun of Ibadan
§4. Ogedemgbe and the fall of Ilega
365
368
371
377
CHAPTER XXL— Two Administrations of Opposite Policies
§1. Orowusi's administration ..... 383
Ibadan under a Kakanf 6 .
An unprovoked war. Ado
§2.
§3.
§4.
§5.
The Are's administration
The Emure War
387
390
391
394
CHAPTER XXII.— A New Reig
CHAPTER XXV. — Ibadan at its Extremity
§1. Home defences ...... 450
§2. Closure of roads and the results .... 452
§3. Distressing episodes ....... 454
§4. New developments, clouds and sunshine . . . 457
CHAPTER XXVI.— Failures at Reconciliation
§1. The Alafin's efforts for peace . . . . . 462
§2. The Alafin's messenger ...... 464
§3. The Governor's delegates ..... 467
§4. The lion at bay 473
CHAPTER XXVn.— A Rift in the Cloud
§1. A turning point ....... 479
§2. Rambling talks of peace ...... 480
§3. Desperate movements ...... 490
CHAPTER XXVIII.— The Rev. J. B. Wood and the
A.O.K.
§1. The visits of the Rev. J. B. Wood to the camps . . 494
§2. The death of Latosisa the A.O.K 500
§3. The vicissitudes of war . . . . . . 503
CHAPTER XXIX.— The Intervention of the British
Government
§1. Measures by Governor Moloney . . . . 508
§2. The Ilgrins and peace proposals . .... 515
§3. The messengers and preliminary arrangements . .521
§4. The treaty of peace 527
§5. The reception of the treaty by the Kings and Chiefs . 532
CHAPTER XXX.— Dispersal of the Combatants by Special
Commissioners
§1. Special Commissioners sent up .... 53^
§2. The Commissioners at Kiriji ..... 543
§3. The Proclamation of Peace and firing of the camps . 547
§4. The Commissioners at Modakeke. Failure . . 552
CHAPTER XXXI.— Disturbance in every part of the
Country
§1. Ilorin intrigues and the fall of Of a . . . • 5^1
§2. Revolutionary movements at Ijebu .... 5^7
§3. " A mild treaty " 57^
§4. The exploits of Esan and the controversy thereupon . 576
CONTENTS
xvu
CHAPTER XXXII.
-Abortive Measures to Terminate the
War
§1. The mission of Alvan Millson
§2. Subsidiary efforts of the Rev. S. Johnson .
§3. The AlAfin's diplomacy
§4. Correspondence and a treaty
§5. The AlAfin's measures for peace and the issues
§6. The Ilorins at Ilobu ....
§7. The conduct of the chiefs at Ikirun .
CHAPTER XXXIII.— The Dark before the Dawn
§1. Liberation of the Egbados
§2. Troubles at Ijebu ....
§3. Strained relations with the Ibadans .
§4. Death of Aliku the Emir of Ilorin
§5. Ijebu excesses and infatuation
§6. Causes that led to the Ijebu War
§7. Further causes that led to the Ij ebu War
§8. The Ijebu campaign
§9. Effecte of the Campeiign .
CHAPTER XXXIV.— The End -of the War
§1. Governor Carter s progress up country
§2. The return home of the Ibadans
§3. The return of Governor Carter to Lagos
§4. Local opinions about the war
§5. Constitution of the Ibadan Town Council
CHAPTER XXXV.— The Establishment of the British
Protectorate. The Sequel
Abeokuta 643
§1.
§2.
§3.
§4-
§5-
§6.
Ibadan .
Ijesa
The Ekitis
If e and Modakeke
Ilorin
APPENDIX A
Treaties and Agreements
§1. Abeokuta
§2. Oyo
§3. Ibadan (an agreement)
§4. Egba (boundaries) .
§5. Abeokuta (railway)
§6. Ibadan (railway)
XViii CONTENTS
Appendix A — [continued)
§7. Ijs§a (human sacrifices) ...... 663
§8. Ekiti „ „ 664
§9. If§ „ „ ....... 665
§10. Between England and France for the West Coast . 666
§11. Porto Novo . . , . . . . . . 667
§12. Proclamation ........ 668
APPENDIX B
§1. Yoruba Kings, Basoruns, etc. ..... 669
§2. Ibadan chief rulers ....... 670
§3. Ab§okuta leading chiefs ...... 670
§4. Emirs of Ilorin ....... 671
Index 673
Map of the Yoruba Country ..... at en<i
§1. INTRODUCTION
The Yoruba country lies to the immediate West of the River
Niger (below the confluence) and South of the Quorra {i.e., the
Western branch of the same River above the confluence), having
Dahomey on the West, and the Bight of Benin to the South. It
is roughly speaking between latitude 6° and 9° North, and longi-
tude 2° 30' and 6° 30' East.
The country was probably first known to Europe from the
North, through the explorers of Northern and Central Africa, for
in old records the Hausa and Fulani names are used for the country
and its capital ; thus we see in Webster's Gazetteer " Yarriba,"
West Africa, East of Dahomey, area 70,000 sq. miles, population two
millions, capital Katunga. These are the Hausa terms for
Yoruba and for Oyo.
The entire south of the country is a network of lagoons connect-
ing the deltas of the great River Niger with that of the Volta, and
into this lagoon which is belted with a more or less dense mangrove
swamp, most of the rivers which flow through the country North
to South pour their waters.
It will thus be seen that the country is for the most part a table-
land : it has been compared to half of a pie dish turned upside
down. Rising from the coast in the South gradually to a height
of some 5-600 ft. in more or less dense forest, into a plain diversified
by a few mountain ranges, continuing its gentle rise in some parts
to about 1,000 ft. above sea level, it then slopes down again to the
banks of the Niger, which encloses it in the North and East.
In a valuable letter by the Rev. S. A. Crowther (afterwards
Bishop) to Thomas J. Hutchinson, Esq., Her Britannic Majesty's
consul for the Bight of Biafra and the Island of Fernando Po,
published as Appendix A to the book entitled " Impressions of
Western Africa,"^ we find the following graphic description of
the country : —
. . . " This part of the country of which Lagos in the Bight
of Benin is the seaport, is generally known as the Yoruba country,
extending from the Bight to within two or three days' journey to
the banks of the Niger.^ This country comprises many tribes
governed by their own chiefs and having their own laws. At one
time they were all tributaries to one Sovereign, the King of Yoruba,
including Benin on the East, and Dahomey on the West, but are
now independent.
' Longmans, Green & Co., 1858.
"^ i.e. At the time of writing. — Ed.
XX INTRODUCTION
The principal tribes into which this kingdom is divided are as
follows : —
The Egbados : This division includes Otta and Lagos near the
sea coast, forming a belt of country on the banks of the lagoon in
the forest, to Ketu on the border of Dahomey on the West ; then
the Jebu on the East on the border of Benin ; then the Egbas of the
forest now known as the Egbas of Abeokuta.
Then comes Yoruba proper northwards in the plain ; Ife, Ijesha,
Ijamo, EfoH, Ondo, Idoko, Igbomina, and Ado near the banks of
the Niger, from which a creek or stream a little below Iddah is
called Do or Iddo River."
. . . " The chief produce of this country is the red palm oil,
oil made from the kernel, shea butter from nuts of the shea trees,
ground nuts, beniseed, and cotton in abundance, and ivory — all
these are readily procured for European markets.
. . . The present seat of the King of Yoruba is Ago other-
wise called Oyo after the name of the old capital visited by Clap-
perton and Lander.
A King is acknowledged and his person is held sacred, his wives
and children are highly respected. Any attempt of violence
against a King's person or of the Royal family, or any act of
wantonness with the wives of the King, is punished with death.
There are no written laws, but such laws and customs that have
been handed down from their ancestors, especially those respecting
relative duties, have become established laws.
The right to the throne is hereditary, but exclusively in the male
line or the male issue of the King's daughters.
The Government is absolute, but it has been much modified
since the kingdom has been divided into many independent states
by slave wars, into what may be called a limited monarchy ..."
Physical features. — ^The country presents generally two distinct
features, the forest and the plain ; the former comprising the
southern and eastern portions, the latter the northern, central and
western. Yoruba Proper lies chiefly in the plain, and has a
small portion of forest land. The country is fairly well watered,
but the rivers and streams are dependent upon the annual rains ;
an impassable river in the rains may become but a dry water-course
in the dry season.
There are a few high mountains in the north and west, but in
the east the prevailing aspect is high ranges of mountains from
which that part of the country derives its name, Ekiti — a mound
— being covered as it were with Nature's Mound.
The soil is particularly rich, and most suitable for agriculture,
in which every man is more or less engaged. The plain is almost
entirely pasture land. Minerals apparently do not exist to any
appreciable extent, expect iron ores which the people work them-
selves, and from which they formerly manufactured all their
implements of husbandry and war and articles for domestic use.
INTRODUCTION XXi
Flora. — The forests teem with economic and medicinal plants
of tropical varieties, as well as timber, of which mahogany, cedar,
brimstone, counter, and iroko are the principal.
There are also to be found the Abura, useful for carving purposes,
ebony, Ata 2i hard wood used for facing carpenters' tools, the Iki,
a hard wood which when dry is very difficult to work, as it speedily
blunts edged tools. The Ori, another hard wood useful for making
piers on the coast, and the Ahayan, a very hard wood, unaffected
by ordinary fires, dry rot, or termites.
All these are indigenous, but recently " Indian teak " has been
introduced, and it flourishes widely, as well as the beef wood tree
on the coast.
Although a large variety of fruits can be grown, yet the people
do not take to horticulture ; what there are grow almost wild,
very little attention being paid to them. Papaw, bananas of
several varieties, plantcdn, oranges, pineapples, the Oro, plums
(3'ellow and black), the rough skin plum, the butt lime, are to be
found everywhere. Some fruit trees have been introduced, which
have become indigenous, e.g., the sweet and sour sop, the avocado
(or alligator) pear, guavas of two kinds, pink apples, rose apple,
mangoes, the bread truit and bread nut trees, the golden plum,
etc. All these are cultivated, but not widely.
Vegetables, of which there are several kinds, are largely culti-
vated. Yam, koko, cassada, sweet potatoes, are the principal
" roots " used as diet, also beans (white and brown), small and
large, and the ground nut are largely grown for food. The guinea
corn grows in the north, and maize in the south. The calabash
gourd and the Egusi from the seeds of which Egusi oil is pressed,
grow everywhere.
Fauna. — ^Big game abound, especially in the north, where the
lion is not far to seek, also the elephant, buffalo, leopard, wolf,
foxes, jackals, monkeys of various species, deer, porcupine, etc.
The hippopotamus is found in large rivers, and alligators in the
swamps and lagoons in the south.
The usual domestic animals and poultry are carefully reared.
Of birds, we have the wild and tame parrots, green pigeons, stork,
crown birds, and others of the tropical feathered tribe.
The country was at one time very prosperous, and powerful,
but there is probably no other country on this earth more torn and
wasted by internal dissensions, tribal jealousies, and fratricidal
feuds, a state of things which unhappily continues up to the present
time.
When the central authority which was once all-powerful and far
too despotic grew weak by driving the powerful chiefs into rebellion
and internecine wars, the entire kingdom became broken up into
petty states and independent factions as we now know them.
As far as it is possible for one race to be characteristically like
another, from which it differs in every physical aspect, the Yorubas
XXU INTRODUCTION
— it has been noted — are not unlike the English in many of their
traits and characteristics. It would appear that what the one is
among the whites the other is among the blacks. Love of inde-
pendence, a feeling of superiority over all others, a keen commercial
spirit, and of indefatigable enterprise, that quality of being never
able to admit or consent to a defeat as finally settling a question
upon which their mind is bent, are some of those qualities peculiar
to them, and no matter under what circumstances they are placed,
Yorubas will display them. We have even learnt that those of
them who had the misfortune of being carried away to foreign
climes so displayed these characteristics there, and assumed such
airs of superiority and leadership over the men of their race they
met there, in such a matter of fact way that the attention of their
masters was perforce drawn to this type of new arrivals ! And
from them they selected overseers. These traits will be clearly
discerned in the narratives given in this history. But apart from
the general, each of the leading tribes has special characteristics
of its own ; thus dogged perseverance and determination character-
ise the Ijebus, love of ease and a quickness to adapt new ideas the
Egbas, the Ijesas and Ekitis are possessed of a marvellous amount
of physical strength, remarkable docility and simplicity of manners,
and love of home.
Among the various families of Yorubas Proper, the Ibarapas
are laborious farmers, the Ibolos are rather docile and weak in
comparison with others, but the Epos are hardy, brave, and rather
turbulent ; whilst the Oyos of the Metropolitan province are
remarkably shrewd, intelligent, very diplomatic, cautious almost
to timidity, provokingly conservative, and withal very masterful.
The whole people are imbued with a deep religious spirit,
reverential in manners, showing deference to superiors and respect
to age, where they have not been corrupted by foreign intercourse ;
ingrained politeness is part and parcel of their nature.
The early history of the Yoruba country is almost exclusively
that of the Oyo division, the others being then too small and too
insignificant to be of any import ; but in later years this state of
things has been somewhat reversed, the centre of interest and sphere
of importance having moved southwards, especially since the
arrival of Europeans on the coast.
Such is the country, and such are the people whose history,
religion, social polity, manners and customs, etc., are briefly given
in the following pages.
THE YORUBA LANGUAGE
The Yoruba language has been classed among the unwritten
African languages. The earliest attempt to reduce this language
into writing was in the early forties of the last century, when the
Church Missionary Society, with the immortal Rev. Henry Venn
as Secretary, organized a mission to the Yoruba country under
the leadership of one of their agents, the Rev. Henry Townsend,.
an English Clergyman then at work at Sierra Leone, and the
Rev. Samuel Ajayi Crowther, the first African Clergyman of the
C.M.S., also at work in the same place.
After several fruitless efforts had been made either to invent
new characters, or adapt the Arabic, which was already known to
Moslem Yorubas, the Roman character was naturally adopted, not
only because it is the one best acquainted with, but also because it
would obviate the difficulties that must necessarily arise if
missionaries were first to learn strange characters before they could
undertake scholastic and evangehstic work. With this as basis,
specizd adaptation had to be made for pronouncing some
words not to be found in the English or any other European
language.
The system, or rather want of system, existing among various
missionary bodies in Africa and elsewhere emphasized the need of
a fixed system of orthography. It was evidently essential for the
various bodies to agree upon certain rules for reducing iUiterate
languages into writing in Roman characters, not only because this
would facilitate co-operation, but also because it would render
books much cheaper than when separate founts of type must needs
be cast for every separate system (scientific or otherwise) that each
body may choose to adapt for one and the same purpose.
In this effort, the Committee of the C.M.S. were ably assisted
by certain philological doctors, as Professor Lee of Cambridge,
Mr. Norris of London, and notably by Professor Lepsius of BerUn,
to whom was entrusted the task of establishing a complete form
of alphabetic system to which all hitherto unwritten languages
could be adapted.
The following remarks are largely derived from the second edition
of Prof. Lepsius' work.
The Professor consulted earher efforts that had been made in
India and elsewhere to transliterate foreign (Eastern) characters
into the Roman, and out of the chaos then existing he estabUshed
XXIV THE YORUBA LANGUAGE
on a firm scientific basis the Standard Alphabet in which the
Yoruba language is now written. This was adopted by the
C.M.S. in 1856. By this system therefore former translations had
to be transliterated under certain fixed rules.
The number of letters in the Standard Alphabet is necessarily
very large, as it was designed to meet the requirements of all
nations ; but with diacritic marks on cognate sounds and accents,
and the introduction of three characters from the Greek, the
Roman characters furnish all that is necessary from which every
unwritten language can draw.
It is very unfortunate indeed that the system has not been
faithfully followed by all, for reasons we regard as inadequate and
inconclusive. This has provoked the caustic remark of the distin-
guished philologist. Dr. R. N. Cust, that ..." no class of man-
kind is so narrowminded and opinionated as the missionary except
the linguist." For even in the Yoruba which professed to have
adopted Lepsius' Standard, certain particulars (as we shall see)
have been departed from, by no means for the better. Keen was
the controversy on these points between the English and German
missionaries of the Yoruba Mission in its early days. In the
following' pages the style commonly used in the familiar Yoruba
translations is departed from in some important particulars, as
they present some peculiar defects which ought to be rectified.
We shall endeavour to follow Professor Lepsius' Standard Alphabet
as closely as possible.
The Professor himself has conceded that shades of sound can
be adapte
THE YORUBA LANGUAGE XXV
its own peculiarities. A few only of our most distinguished
grammarians are possessed of a penetrating insight into the living
organisms of sounds in those very languages they have discussed ;
much less can it be expected of missionaries, who are often obliged
without previous preparation to address themselves to the reduction
and representation of a foreign language, that everything which
belongs to a correct adjudication of particular sounds (frequently
apprehended only with great difficulty even by the ear) or to
their connection with one another and with other systems of
sounds, should present itself spontaneously to their minds."
Certain rules of transcription are imperative for a correct
scientific method of procedure. Whatever may have been the
difficulties encountered in the ancient written languages, so far as
the Yoruba and other unwritten languages are concerned, the
field hes clear.
The Enghsh mode of pronouncing the vowels had to be rejected
in favour of the Italian or continental mode.
The following rules or principles have been laid down : —
1. The power of each letter as representing certain sounds as
handed down from antiquity should be retained.
2. The orthography of any language should never use (a) the
same letter for different sounds, nor (b) different letters for the
same sound.
In violation of (a) note the force of the letter g in the Enghsh
words give, gin ; of a in man, name, what ; of ea in treat, tread ;
of ei in weight, height ; of the consonants ch in archbishop, arch-
angel ; of augh in slaughter, laughter ; also the sound of ch in
chamber, champagne, chameleon where the same letters are used
for different sounds.
In violation of (b) note the last syllables in the words atten/fow,
omission, fsLshion, where different letters are used for the same
sound.
3. Every simple sound is to be represented by a single sign.
This is violated by writing sh to represent the " rushing sound "
of s. This, as we shall see below, is quite unnecessary in the
Yoruba language. Here we find an application of the principle
that where a new sound is not found in the Roman alphabetic
system a diacritical mark on the nearest graphic sign should be
used. A diacritical mark therefore over s will more fitly represent
the English sound of sh. ^ This is also in accordance with the
sin and shin in the Hebrew and Arabic, where the difference
1 Publishers' Note. It must be noted, however, that in printing
this work s has been used throughout to represent the sh sound.
XXVI THE YORUBA LANGUAGE
between the soft and the rushing sound is indicated by diacritical
points, e.g.,
Heb. to tD Arab. - ^
Again the letter A is a sign of aspiration (as the spiritus asper
in the Greek) as in it, hit ; at, hat ; owl, howl, etc. It would
therefore be unscientific to accord it a new meaning altogether
by such a use of it in violation of rule i.
Apart from this is the fact that the letter s with a diacritical
mark over it has been employed about twenty years previously
by oriental scholars transcribing Indian letters into the Roman.
4. Explosive letters are not to be used to express fricative
sounds and vice versa, e.g., the use oi ph as f where p is clearly
an explosive letter.
5. The last rule is that a long vowel should never be represented
by doubling the short. This method seems to have found favour
with some transcribers, there being no fixed system of transcription.
THE ALPHABET
In a purely scientific alphabetic system, it would seem more
correct that the alphabets be arranged according to the organ
most concerned in the pronunciation of the letters, e.g., all sounds
proceed from the fauces, and are modified either at the throat,
by the teeth, or by the lips ; hence they may be classified as
guttural, dental, or labial. But nothing is gained by altering
the order which came down to us from remote antiquity as the
Romans received it from the Greek, and these from the
Phoenicians, etc.
The Vowels.
The vowels in Yoruba may
be built upon the three funda-
mental vowels, a, i, u, with the
two subsidiary ones, e formed
by the coalescence of the first
two a and i, and o by the coal-
escence of a and u from which
we have a, e, i, o and u. These are the recognised principal
vowels and are pronounced after the Italian method (ah,
aye, ee, o, 00), but whereas in the Enghsh language the
short soimd of e is written eh and that of o as aw. these sounds,
according to the standard system in accordance with rule 3, are
represented by a dot or dash under the cognate sounds, hence we
THE YORUBA LANGUAGE XXVll
have e and o. A complete representation of the vowels in Yoruba
therefore is as follows : — a, e, e, i, o, g, a (prpnounced ah, aye,
eh, ee, oh, aw, oo), the original taking precedence of the diacritic.
Note that u is not to be pronounced as " you " but as oo in food.
Nasalization. — The clear vowels are capable of a peculiar
alteration which is produced by uttering the vowel through the
nasal canal. There is no consonantal element brought into
play, but it is an alteration entirely within the vowel. Nasalization
is very largely used in the Yoruba, and consequently its ortho-
graphy should be free from any ambiguity. In the Standard Alpha-
bet the circumflex (~) is placed over the nasalized vowel to indicate
such a sound. Unfortunately the Yoruba as written by mission-
aries substitute the letter n for this sign, a cause of some ambiguity
in writing certain words as Akano, Akinola, Morinatu, Obimeko,
where the letter n stands between two vowels, and is liable to be
pronounced with the latter, e.g., A-ka-no, A-ld-no-la, MQ-ri-na-tu,
0-bu-ne-ko ; but following the Standard Alphabet, the words
should be written Akao, Obueko, just as the Portuguese
names are written Semao, Adao, JoSo, etc. Indeed certain
sections of the Yoruba tribes that use nasalization very
sparingly do pronounce these words as written without any sign
of nasalization. The n therefore is not only unnecessary but it
is also misleading.
In the following pages, the Standard System will be adhered to,
where such ambiguities are liable to occur : but for the sake of
simplicity and to avoid the unnecessary use of diacritical marks,
n as a nasal sign may be used where it cannot cause any ambiguity,
e.g.,
1. When it precedes a consonant as nje, ndao, nk6.
2. When it closes a word, as Awon, Basorun, Ibadan, Iseyin.
As nasahzation is said to be caused by the dropping of a nasal
consonant, such a Umited use of « as a nasal soimd may be justified.
No pure, uneducated Yoruba man can pronounce a word ending
in a consonant, he will instinctively add an i or u to it. There is
therefore no closed syllable in Yoruba, n at the end of a word is
purely nasal.
The System of Consonants
There are sixteen distinct consonantal sounds in the Yoruba
language, each having the same force and power as in the English
alphabet ; they are : b, d, f, g, h, j, k, 1, m, n, p, r, s, t, w, y.
No consonants are used to represent a vowel by perverting them
from their legitimate consonantal sounds as h, w, and y are some-
times used in English.
XXVlli THE YORUBA LANGUAGE
Besides the above, there are two other sounds not represented
in the Roman or in any other European system ; they are ex-
plosive sounds peculiar to the Yoruba and alhed tribes formed by
the lip and jaw, viz., gb and kp. They are regarded as guttural
modifications of b and p, and as they appear to result from a
combination of two organs concerned in speech, but the com-
ponent parts of which are so intimately connected they are rightly
represented by two letters, though not contravening rule 3.
As to kp, since usage makes it evident that the Yorubas never
pronounce the letter p but as kp, it is therefore not considered
necessary to include kp in the Yoruba alphabet as
now used : —
abdeefggbhijklmnooprsstuwy .
THE YORUBA LANGUAGE XXIX
Accents or Tones
An accent in the accepted sense of the term denotes the stress
laid upon a particular syllable, be it the ultimate, penultimate
or antepenultimate syllable of a word. In Yoruba it is used
differently. What are called accents, and for which the usual
symbols are used are really tones, of which there are three : the
elevated, the middle and the depressed ; for the first and the
last the acute and the grave accents are used respectively, the
middle tone in its simplest form requires no accent sign.
In Yoruba, vowels are of greater importance than consonants,
and tones than vowels ; hence the peculiarity of this language,
that musical sounds can be employed to convey a correct idea
of words in speech.
Another error into which those responsible for the present mode
of writing Yoruba have fallen, by departing from the Standard
System, is the introduction of the circumflex (~) and its indiscrimi-
nate use as a sign of a so-called long vowel.
There are really no long or short vowels in Yoruba as under-
stood in the English language ; what appears to be long is the
coalescence of two or more vowels with an elision of the inter-
vening consonants, e.g., Bale is a contraction of Baba-ile, i.e.
father (or master) of the house. Here the second h is dropped, the
two a's coalesce, and the i is absorbed in them, being represented
by a prolongation of the tone. The vowels are therefore simple
and compound.
The meaning of a word varies as the tone, e.g., we may say : —
ba ba, bk, the voice being raised, even or depressed respectively.
The first ba means to meet, the second ba to he in ambush, and
the third hk to ahght upon.
So we may have be, be, b^ : b§ means to split open, be to be
officious, and b^ to beg.
Also bu, bu, bu : bu means to abuse, bu to be mouldy, and
bu to cut open.
In this way each vowel with each tone accent may be combined
with each of the consonants to form words of different meanings ;
or in other words, thus may every consonant be used with each
of the vowels in turn, forming different words by varying the
tone.
The Use of the Accents
To this method of using the accents over the vowels Professor
Lepsius made the strongest objections, as by such a use the accents
have been diverted from their proper uses to serve another purpose.
XXX THE YORUBA LANGUAGE
He therefore proposed to place the tone accents to the right-hand
side of the vowel instead of over it, so as to distinguish a word
accent from a tone accent, as is done in the Chinese and other
cognate languages: e.g., word accent would be written ba, bk;
tone accent, ba , ba\
In this proposal the professor agrees with the Rev. T. J. Bowen
an American Baptist Missionary in his Yoruba Grammar and
Dictionary published in 1858 by the Smithsonian Institution.
But Crowther — a Yoruba man — did not in his grammar make any
such distinction. He thinks the existing accents will do well
enough, and for the best of reasons, there is no word accent in
Yoruba, the tone governs everything, and Europeans cannot speak
without a word accent.
The language moreover abounds in contractions and elisions,
a whole syllable may be dropped but the tone remains. This is
the crux of difficulty with foreigners trying to speak the language,
and to what extent they are able to overcome this, to that extent
their Yoruba is said to be perfect.
Combination of the Accents
As remarked above, there are no closed syllables in the Yoruba
language, every syllable must end in a vowel and every vowel
must be one of the three tones represented by the accents. Words
of three or four syllables are often contracted into two, the
coalescence of the tones forming the compound vowels.
The entire scheme of the accents or tones may be thus repre-
sented: —
I. Simple vowels with the varied tones.
a, in which the tone is raised : as ka, to pick ; ba, to meet ;
la, to lick,
a, in which the tone is even : as pa, to kill ; ba, to ambush ;
ta, to kick.
a, in which the tone is depressed : as rk, to buy ; ki, to count ;
fa, to draw.
II. Compound vowels in which a single vowel bears more
than one tone :—
A. Compounds of the raised tone,
a, in which the raised tone is doubled, e.g., A'yan, contracted
from Arfyan, i.e., cares, worries.
4-, in which the raised tone is combined with the middle, e.g.,
Ki-nla from Kinila — a form of exclamation.
& in which the raised tone is combined with the depressed,
e.g., beni from b^h^ni, so it is.
THE YORUBA LANGUAGE
XXXI
B. Compounds of the middle tone.
a' in which the middle tone is combined with the raised ; e.g.
A'yan from a-hayan, a cockroach ; O'ri from Oriri, a tomb,
a" in which the middle tone is combined with itself, e.g., Ta'ni
from Ta-ha-ni — who is it ?
a' in which the middle tone is combined with the depressed,
e.g., E "ru from eriru, spice ; kere from keh^rg, a screen.
C Compounds of the depressed tone.
k' in which the depressed tone is combined with the raised,
e.g., a'nu from cini-inu, mercy ; 6'to from 6tit6, truth.
k- in which the depressed tone is combined with the middle,
e.g., ko"'^^ from kdriko, a wolf.
i' in which the depressed tone is combined with itself, e.g.,
Ori contracted from Oriri, black plum.
In this way words of four or five syllables may, by elision and
absorption, be contracted into two or three ; e.g., «ifin from
aw6fin, the palace ; hence Alafin from Ani-k-w^-fin, Lord of the
royal palace.
0-oni fromOw6ni, which is itself a contraction of Omo oliiw^ni,
son of a sacrificial victim.
The consonants may be dropped, the vowels absorbed, but the
tones are always preserved ; the first and last syllables only are
essential, the voice can gUde over all the intervening tones for
the sake of shortness.
This is at once the chief characteristic and — to foreigners — the
main difficulty of the Yoruba language. In order to avoid such
complicated tone accents it would be preferable to write out the
words in full, although the contracted form may be used in
speaking or reading, e.g., otito for 6'to ; korik6 for k6"'"''
Words similar in form, distinguished only by their tones.
Words of two syllables : —
Api
. the arm
Ina
. . fire, louse
Apa
. a prodigal
Ink
. . flogging
Apa
. a scar
Lia
. . a tattoo mark
Aid
. a riddle
Idi
. . the eagle
A15
. something ground
\di
. . the seat
Alo
• going
Idi
. . bunch of fruit
Awo
. a dish
llii
. . a town
Aw6
. a crash
m
. . a drum
Aw6
. . a fishing net
llu
. . a gimlet
Awo
. a guinea-fowl
Awo
. . a secret
XXXll
THE YORUBA LANGUAGE
Agba . . a rope lya
Agba . . an elder lya
Agba . . a cannon lya
A'yan . . anxiety, care Ik6
A'yan . . a cockroach Ik6
A'yan . . a hardwood Ikd
Baba . . father Ori
Baba (adv.) quite full Ori
Bkbk . . guinea corn 6ri
Epo . . palm oil 0p6
Epo . . bark Op6
Ep6 . . weeds Opd
E'ri . . corn chaff Oko
E 'ri . . dirt Okg
Eri (for Ori) the head 6k6
Words of three syllables similarly
Apata . . a rock korfko
Apata . . a shield k6rik6
Apatk . . a butcher
a mother
punishment
a separation
a cough
a state messenger
a hook or hanging
the head
shea butter
black plum
a post
a widow
to be busy
a husband
a hoe
a spear
distinguished : —
grass
wolf
Words of four syllables.
Koldkdlo . . stealthily
Kolgkolo . . circuitously
K^16kolo . . muddy, miry
K616k^l6 . . the fox
A SKETCH OF YORUBA GRAMMAR
The efforts we have seen made to produce a Yoruba Grammar on
the exact lines of an EngHsh or Latin Grammar represent in our
opinion an honest labour, highly commendable indeed it may be,
but totally in the wrong direction, and little calculated to elucidate
the genius of the language. On the contrary, they go a long way
to obscure it.
The Yoruba belongs to the agglutinated order of speech, not to
the inflectional. When therefore particles are used to form cases,
etc., it is mere pedantry to talk of declensions.
It is a notorious fact that educated Yorubas find it much easier
to read an Enghsh book than a Yoruba production — which until
recently are mostly translations. With an effort they may plod
through it, but they do not enjoy reading it, and sometimes do
not even understand it. The main reasons for this are : —
1. The orthography of the language is still very defective.
2. The style in which the books are written. This may simply
be described as English ideas in Yoruba words : the result is often
obscurity and confusion of thought.
In the " Church Missionary Intelligencer " for March, 1880, a
missionary to Japan, who had experienced a similar difificulty,
wrote thus : —
" There is great danger, in all use of this language, of thinking
that when we have rendered various English words into Japanese
we have of necessity expressed the thoughts which the English
words convey. Language may correspond to language, but the
thoughts to which the language is the vehicle may be as distant
as the poles. Our language must be idiomatic or the natives will
fail to see the points on which we are endeavouring to lay so much
stress."
The writer has on several occasions- read portions of Yoruba
translations to intelligent but purely uneducated Yoruba men.
They would show that they comprehended (not without an effort)
what was read to them by putting pertinent questions, but then
they would add, " We can understand what you mean to say, but
what you read there is not Yoruba ; it may be hook language
(£de I we)." The rock of stumbling is the desire of translators to
reproduce every word and particle of the English in its exact
equivalent in Yoruba, regardless of idiom, and thereby obscuring
the sense of the latter.
XXxiv A SKETCH OF YORUBA GRAMMAR
In taking up a Yoruba book one is forcibly struck by the
difference in style between quotations of pure Yoruba stories,
phrases, or proverbs, and the notes and observations of the writer.
The former runs smooth and clear, the latter appears stiff and
obscure, because the writer, with his knowledge of the English
grammar and language, wrote English ideas and idioms in Yoruba
words, illustrating what is said above.
When such systems are employed in writing a Yoruba Grammar,
such a grammar may be usefiil in teaching English to Yoruba
boys, but that is not a Yoruba grammar.
We deem these observations necessary because in the following
pages we shall have occasion to render Yoruba words into English
and vice versa ; a very literal translation will not be adhered to
when, by so doing, the sense and force of the language will be
obscured and weakened.
The Formation of Words
The formation of words in Yoruba appears to be a very simple
process ; any consonant with a vowel attached will form a word
(or three words, according to the variation of the tone or accent).
That word will probably be a verb ; it will certainly possess the
form of one, either current or obsolete. This word will, moreover,
be the root of a whole class of words. By prefixing a vowel to it
a noun may be formed ; with other prefixes also some other
words may be formed from the same root, e.g., da to make, gda,
a creature ; from which we have eleda, creator. Lk, to spUt ;
ilk, a cut ; elk, halves of a whole ; kla, a boundary. Rii, to carry ;
eru, a load ; alarij, a carrier ; elerii, owner of a load. Fe, to
love ; Ife, love ; Ifeni, brotherly love, charity.
Thus verbs are mostly monosyllables, formed by one consonant
and a vowel, and nouns disyllables in which the first syllable is
a vowel, and the second a verbal root. The penultimate vowel is
sometimes strengthened by a consonant.
Adjectives are mostly formed from nouns (or as nouns) by pre-
fixing the consonant of the verbal root ; e.g., dida, made or created ;
hlk, fissured ; so also from m6, to know ; im^, knowledge, mim^,
known.
Adverbs are generally dupUcation of the adjective, e.g., didun,
sweet ; didun-didun, very sweet ; dara, good ; dara-dara, very
good.
What is here called a verbal root may be an obsolete word or
one not generally in use, but other words can be formed from it
all the same.
There are some primitive words the origin of whose roots has
A SKETCH OF YORUBA GRAMMAR XXXV
been lost, e.g., omi, water ; ina, fire ; igi, wood ; aso, clothes ;
etc.
With rare exceptions, nouns not beginning with a vowel are
either of foreign origin, or onomatopoetic : this latter being very
common.
There are, of course, exceptions to the above rules, but these
will be found to be the fundamental methods of forming Yoruba
words.
We cannot within the compass of an introduction, give a
complete sketch of a Yoruba Grammar, but we may state that
the Unes laid down in Crowther's Vocabulary of the Yoruba
language and in Notes on the Formation of Words by the Rt. Rev.
O. E. Vidal, the first Bishop of Sierra Leone, if properly developed
and fully worked out, will prove both very useful and instructive.
The Parts of Speech
There are eight parts of speech. They are as in the English
Grammar, the " Article " being excepted.
The Yoruba language has no article, but when definiteness is
required the numeral kan (contracted from Okan, one) is used for
a or an, and the demonstrative na or ni (that, the said one) is
used for the definite article the.
The use of the numeral one in place of the article is not unknown
even in English. " The numeral one is an indefinite demonstrative
when used as the article an " — Mason,
The word kan therefore cannot be correctly called an article
simply because it is made to do duty for it.
In Yoruba books translated from the Enghsh, where the
translator endeavours to render ever
translator endeavours to render every word and particle into its
Yoruba equivalent, we often find these particles used where a
pure Yoruba, speaking, would not use an article. Hence the
Yoruba of translations often sounds rather quaint.
Literal translations regardless of differences of idiom, often
result in ambiguity or nonsense.
In the British colonies of Sierra Leone and Lagos, where the
Yoruba element predominates, and where the English language is
often heard spoken with local accents and local idioms, the articles
are frequently left out where an Englishman would use them,
e.g., I see snake, for I saw a snake. Water full, for the river is full.
Here the local English sounds rather quaint, because the speaker
simply expresses his Yoruba ideas in EngUsh words without the
article. Again, we may say in Yoruba, O joko lori aga " (He is
sitting on a chair) " nmu koko taba " (he is smoking a pipe)
No one would ever think of adding the particle kan after aga or
XXXVl A SKETCH OF YORUBA GRAMMAR
koko taha by way of expressing the article a. So also we may say
" Mo pade Yesufu ni Odo Osun " (I met Joseph at the River
Osun), or " Mo iilo sf gja " (I am going to the market). No one
would use the particle nd after Osun or oja to indicate the article
the as its English equivalent. But we can say " Okonrin na ti de "
(the man is come). " Mo pade Okonrin na " (I met the man).
" Omode kan nduro de g " (a child is waiting for you). " Mo pa
ejo kan " (I have killed a snake). In which cases definiteness is
required and consequently the particles representing the articles
a, an and the are used.
These examples are sufficient to show that the articles do not
exist in the Yoruba language, but where definiteness is required,
equivalents can be found.
We deem these illustrations necessary as in books on Yoruba
Grammar the " article " forms one of the Parts of Speech.
Noun
Nouns generally in their simplest form are formed by prefixing
a vowel to a verbal root ; as b§, to shear ; abe, razor ; de, to cover
(the head) ; ade, crown ; da, to cease ; oda, drought ; s^, to
offend ; ese, sin. So also the verbals alo, going ; abg, coming from,
Ig, to go ; and bg, to come.
But the prefixes have certain peculiarities of their own. Thus :
a prefixed indicates an agent, one who does a thing, e.g., ke, to cut ;
ake, an axe — an agent for cutting wood. Da to break ; ida,
a cutlass ; yun, to file, ayun, a file or a saw.
o or 0, the same as a but restricted in their use, e.g., lu, to bore ,*
olu, a gimlet ; 16, to grind ; ol6, a grinder ; we, to swim ; ow^,
a swimmer ; de, to hunt ; gde, a hunter.
e prefixed indicates a noun in the concrete, e.g., ru, to carry ;
eru, a load ; mi; to breathe ; emi, the breath, spirit.
i prefixed denotes a noun in the abstract, e.g., m6, to know ;
im5, knowledge ; ri, to see ; iriri, experience.
The vowels e and u are rarely used.
Gender. — The Yoruba language being non-inflective, genders
cannot be distinguished by their terminal syllables, but by pre-
fixing the words ako, male, and aho, female, to the common term ;
and sometimes okonrin, a man and obirin, a woman ; e.g., akg-
esin, a horse, stallion abo-esin, a mare ; akg-malu, a bull ; abo-
malu, a cow. Omc okonrin, a boy, i.e., a man child ; gmg-birin,
a girl.
In one case the masculine seems to be formed from the feminine,
e.g., lyawo, a bride, gkg-iyawo, a bridegroom.
A SKETCH OF YORUBA GRAMMAR
XXX vu
Baba
. . father
lya
. mother
Okonrin
. man
Obirin
. woman
Oko
. husband
Aya
. wife
Apgn
a bachelor
Wundia
. a spinster
Apon
. a widower
Opo
a widow
)ruba langu
age in which different
female of the objects, e.g. : —
Igbekun
. . a male captive
Igbesin
. a female captive
Oso"
. a wizard
Aje
. a witch
Agbo
a ram
Agutan
. a sheep, a ewe
Obuko
. a he-goat
Ewure
. a goat
Akuko
. a cock
Agbebo
. a hen
No other distinction of genders is known.
The words arakgnrin and arabirin, used in translations for brother
and sister, are purely coined words, not known to the illiterate
Yoruba man not in touch with missionaries. To him they are
" book-language " and must be explained.
The English words brother and sister show th« relations as to
sex only without indicating the relative age ; but the Yorubas,
with whom distinction in age and seniority of birth are of primary
importance, generally use the words egbgn and aburo, i.e., the elder
and the younger relative, words which show the relative age only,
without indicating the sex and are equally applicable to uncles,
aunts, nephews, nieces and cousins however far removed, as well
as to brothers and sisters.
Our translators, in their desire to find a word expressing the
Enghsh idea of sex rather than of age, coined the above words
" arakonrin," i.e., the male relative ; " arabirin," the female
relative ; these words have always to be explained to the pure
but ilUterate Yoruba man.
But the words egbon okonrin or obirin and aburo gkonrin or
obirin would be more intelligible to them and should be preferred,
especially as it is always easy enough to find out the relative ages
of the said brother or sister.
We would recommend this to our translators.
Proper names rarely show any distinction of sex, the great
majority of them apply equally well to males as to females. See
under " Yoruba Names," page 79-
Number. — The plural of nouns cannot be formed from the
singular, either by addition or by a change of form ; only from the
context can it be known whether we are speaking of one or more
than one : but when specification is desired the demonstrative
pronoun awQti (they) or won (them) is used with the words, e.g.,
B
XXXviil A SKETCH OF YORUBA GRAMMAR
Aw on okonrin na ti lo (the men have gone away). The bells are
ringing — Awon agogo na nlu. Awon, however, is rarely used with
things without life. When the plural nouns are indefinite, that is
to say, without the definite article, the demonstrative awon is
omitted, e.g., Walaha okuta meji — two tables of stone.
Case. — There are three cases, the nominative, objective and
possessive, as in the English language ; but in none of them is
there a change of form. The nominative precedes and the objective
follows after the transitive verb and preposition as usual, but in
the case of the possessive, the thing possessed stands before the
possessor with the particle ti expressed or understood between
them, e.g., Moses' book, Iwe ti Musa, in which the particle ti
is expressed. Iru esin, the horse's tail, in which the particle ti
is understood. But although the particle ti is not expressed, yet
its middle tone is preserved by lengthening the tone of the final
vowel of the thing possessed. Thus we may say : Iwe (e) Musa,
the book of Moses, Iru(u) e§in, the tail of the horse. Qro(g)
Olorun, the word of God. Agbala(a) Oba, the court of the King.
Oko Ore(e) mi. My friend's farm.
The sound of the added tone is sometimes so slight as to be
almost imperceptible, but it is always there, and is one of those
fine points which are so difficult for the ear of foreigners to catch,
and the absence of which marks out their defective accents.
But when the noun in the possessive case stands alone, the
particle ti must be expressed, e.g., David's,
Ti Musa. It is Joseph's, Ti Yesufu ni.
Adjectives
Adjectives are generally placed after the nouns they qualify,
as Esin dudu, a black horse ; omo rere, a good child. They are
placed before the nouns when some special attribute of that noun
is to be emphasized, e.g., agidi omo, a stubborn child ; apa omo,
a slovenly child ; alagbara okonrin, a brave fellow ; akg okuta,
a very hard stone.
These are really substantives used attributively. They may
more correctly be regarded as nouns in the construct state, and
not pure adjectives, e.g., " a brute of a man " is a more emphatic
expression than " a brutish man." This view of showing the
identity of a substantive with an adjective is clearly shown by
Mason : —
" The adjective was originally identical with the noun which, in
the infancy of language, named objects by naming some attributes
by which they were known.
" In course of time the adjective was developed into a separate
A SKETCH OF YORUBA GRAMMAR XXXlX
part of speech; the function of which was to attach itself to the
noun ; even now it is sometimes difficult to draw the line between
them, as nouns are sometimes used attributively and adjectives
pass by various stages into nouns."
Comparison of Adjectives
Degrees of comparison cannot be formed from Yoruba adjectives.
The words ju and juld which are generally used in Yoruba books
and translations, and even stated in some grammars as forming
the comparative and superlative degrees, are really adverbs
signifying a greater or less degree than and as such may give
a comparative sense only to the adjectives to which they are
attached. The superlative is really non-existing ; it can only be
gathered from the context. The wordy« is only used in an elhptical
sense iox julo when a comparison is being made, and it often appears
in the form of tmesis ; e.g., He re tobi ju ti emi lo — Your house is
larger than mine ; where lo is separated from ju by the words ti
emi, and may be omitted without affecting the sense. When used
otherwise, i.e., without any idea of comparison, ju is purely an
adverb signifying too, too much or too little, e.g., ga ju, it is
too high ; O kere ju, it is too small. But a comparative idea
can be gathered only from the context, and also whether the
comparison is between two or many, and it is in that way alone
a comparative and a superlative degree can be made out. " If
we say, ' John is taller than all the other boys in the class,' we
express the same relation as to height between John and the rest
as if we should say, ' John is the tallest boy in the class.' But in
the former case John is considered apart from the other boys of
the class, so that the two objects which we have in mind are John
and the other boys in the class. When the superlative degree is
used John is considered as one of the group of boys compared
with each other." — Mason.
This latter sense is what cannot be expressed in Yoruba and
therefore the language cannot be said to possess a superlative
degree. The superlative idea can only be gathered from the context.
It would be absurd to thus compare the adjective tall : —
Positive, ga (tall) comparative, ga ju (too tall) ; superlative,
ga ju lo (more tall than) which are not adjectives in the compara-
tive and superlative sense at aU.
To use words like these : Oga ogo julo, for the Most High ; or,
Owu mi behe pup6 julo for I am most pleased at it, is to speak
vile Yoruba. No pure Yoruba man uncontaminated with Enghsh
ideas would speak in that way at all.
As the genius of the Yoruba language, the working of the
Xl A SKETCH OF YORUBA GRAMMAR
Yoruba mind, its ideas and idiosyncracies do not run in an Anglo-
Saxon channel, it is not to be expected that the mode of expression
will agree in every particular. Some teachers of the Yoruba
language often fall into this error in their endeavours to find the
exact equivalent in both languages.
The Forms and Uses of Adjectives
Every adjective has two forms, the attributive and the predica-
tive, each depending upon the use thereof, e.g. : —
A high mountain (attributive), Oke giga.
The mountain is high (predicative), Oke na ga.
In Yoruba, the attributive is formed from the predicative by
reduplicating the initial consonant with the vowel i, e.g., strong
pred., le, attrih., lile ; sweet, pred., dun, attrib., didun ; hot pred,
gbona, attrih., gbigbona ; good, pred., dara ; attrib., didara, etc.
Disyllables with the vowel m as a rule undergo no change, e.g.,
tutu, cold ; dudu, black ; funfun, white, etc. (the n being purely
nasal). Although not in use, the same rule even here may also
be applied.
Pronouns.
Pronouns are used in the same sense as in EngUsh. They are:
I Personal, II Relative, and III Adjective ; there is no distinction
in genders in any of the forms.
The Personal includes the Reflexive.
I. Personal Pronouns,
(a) Nominative Case.
Singular Plural
ist Pers. : I Emi, mo (mo, mi) n We Awa, a
2nd ,, thou Iwo, o, (g) you eyin, e
3rd „ he, she it On, 6, (6) they Awon, won
The full forms (sing.) emi, iwg, oii, (plural) awa, eyin, awon,
are used when emphasis is to be laid on the person, but ordinarily
the second forms (sing.) mo, o, 6, (plural) a, e, won, are used.
Those in brackets (mo, mi, o, 6) are mere provincialisms for the
former.
5J in the ist person is used only with the incomplete and future
tenses, e.g., iilQ for emi yio lo, or Mo iilo, I am going, 5Jo lo for
Emi yio lo, I shall go.
He, when used in an indefinite sense, is eni, as : Eni ti o ba se e.
He that doeth it. Eni ti o ba wa si ihin. He who comes here.
A SKETCH OF YORUBA GRAMMAR xli
(b) Possessive Case.
Singular Plural
1st Pers. : Mine Ti emi Ours ti awa
2nd „ Thine Ti iwg or ti ire yours ti ^yin
3rd ,, his, hers, its Ti on or ti irg theirs ti awon
It will be observed that the possessive forms, are simply the
nominatives with the particle ti (meaning of) prefixed ; so that
hterally they are of me, of you, of him, etc. In ordinary speech,
however, the vowel of the particle always suffers elision in the
singular number, but in the plural it is the initial vowel of the
pronoun that is elided. Thus we have : —
Sing. : t'emi, t'iwo or fire, t'ofi or fire
Plural : ti'wa, ti'yin, ti'wgn.
The apostrophe mark of elision is generally dispensed with in
writing, e.g., we write temi, tiwa, tiwon, etc.
Special notice should be taken of the forms tire and tir^ ; in
the 2nd and 3rd pers. singular the difference lies only in the tone
(or accent) ; in the 2nd pers. the tone of the first syllable is de-
pressed, the second is middle, it is vice versa in the 3rd person.
(c) Objective Case.
Singular
Plural
ist Pers.
: me mi
us wa
2nd „
thee
you yin
3rd ..
him, her, it a, e, e, i, 0, g, u
them wgn
The objective case as may be seen, consists of fragments of
the nominative. It is really the terminal syllables of the first
second and third persons, singular and plural. The third person
singular calls for special rernarks : —
It consists of the whole of the vowels, but the particular vowel
made use of in each case is that of the transitive verb which pre-
cedes the pronoun and governs the case, e.g., pa a (he killed it),
Mo pe e (I called him), Wgn te e (they bent it), A bo o (we covered
it), etc. Where the verb ends in a nasal sound the vowel is also
nasal, e.g., O kan a (he nailed it), A fun u (we gave him), etc.
The tone of the pronoun in the objective case is influenced by
that of the verb which governs it ; when that of the verb is raised
the objective maintains the middle tone, e.g., O 16 g (he twisted
it). Mo ka a (I picked it) ; and vice versa when that of the verb is
middle, that of the objective is raised, e.g., O se ^ (he did it),
O pa a (he killed it), kan mi (it aches me). Again, when the
tone of the verb is depressed, that of the pronoun is raised,
Xlii A SKETCH OF YORUBA GRAMMAR
e.g., kkn mi (it touched me), Mo k^ a (I counted it), A pe won
(we called them).
The Reflexive
The word tikara, incorporated wih the personal forms, is used
to indicate the Reflexive. It is placed between the nominative
and possessive cases, e.g.,
Singular Plural
1st Pers. : Emi tikara mi Awa tikara wa
2nd ,, Iwo tikara re Eyin tikara yin
3rd ,, Ofi tikara r§ Aw on tikara won
The harsh r is generally softened into / so that instead of tikara
we say tikala ; but in a flowing speech the / is dropped off altogether
and the two a's blended and lengthened ; so we often hear
Emi tik5 mi, Oil tika r^, Awa tika wa.
II Relative Pronouns
The Relative pronoun who, whose, whom, which, what, or that
in Yoruba, is the simplest in any language. It consists solely
of the particle ti and is used for every number, gender, person or
case, e.g., I who called thee, Emi ti o pe o. The man whom I
saw, Okgnrin ti mo ri. The birds which flew, Awgn eiye ti won fo.
III. Adjective Pronouns
These are : — (a) Possessive ; (b) Demonstrative ; (c) Distribu-
tive ; (d) Indefinite ; and (e) Interrogative.
(a) Possessive : — Singular Plural
My mi Our wa
thy re your jan
his, her, its rfe their won
Note. — Like adjectives, they come after the nouns they qualify,
e.g.. My king, gba mi ; your children, awon omo jdn ; their cattle,
awon eran-osin won.
(b) Demonstratives : — Singular Plural
this yi, eyi, eyiyi these wonyi, iwonyi
that ni, eyini,na those wonni,iwgnni
Note. — The simple forms yi, ni, wgnyi, wgnni, are used with the
nouns tbey quahfy, e.g., This man, gkgnrin yi ; that book, iwe ni ;
these children, awgn gmgde wgnyi ; those houses, ile wgnni.
But when the nouns are not expressed, the forms with a vowel
prefixed are used, e.g., This is not good, eyi ko dara ; this very one,
eyiyi ; these are not ripe, iwgnyi ko pgn ; those are very good,
i wgnni dara jgjg. Na refers to something spoken of or understood.
A SKETCH OF YORUBA GRAMMAR
xliii
[c) Distributive : —
each
olukuluku, enikankan
every
enikan, or gbogbo
either
enikan
neither
ko si enikan
Note. — The Yoruba use of the distributives is rather idiomatic.
" Each " is olukuluku, but when used in the sense of " one by one "
it is enikankan. For " every one " the Yoruba is gbogbo, i.e.,
all, e.g., it touches every one of us. (In Yoruba) It touches all of
us, Gbogbo wa li o kan. "Either of them," is "one of them."
Either of us may go, Okan ninu wa le lo.
(d) Indefinite : —
All
Any
Both
. . Gbogbo
. . eyikeyi
. . mejeji
One
Other
Another
• •
kan, §nikan
ekeji
elomiran
Certain
. . (eni) kan
One another
Each other
}'
ara won
Few
Many
Much
None
. . die
opolgpo, pupQ
. . pup6, opo
. . ko si enikain
Several
Some
Such
Whole
••
pupo
die (a few)
bayi
ototg, gbogbo
The Yoruba language s very defective in distinctive terms
expressive of the indefinite pronouns. One word must do service
for different terms in which there is a shade of difference of
meaning, e.g.,
Gbogbo is used for all, whole.
PuPq or bpo for many, much, several.
Enikan for certain, one.
None is expressed by " there is no one."
(e) Interrogative : —
Who ? Tahani ? contracted to tani ?
Whose ? Titahani ? contracted to titani ?
Which ? Ewo ? wo ?
Whom ? Tani ? eniti ?
What ? Kini ? '
Note. — -The n in kini is often converted or rather softened into
/ in speech. What shall we do ? Kini awa yio se ? is softened
into Ki r a o se ?
Verbs
Verbs are transitives and intransitives. There are no auxiliary
verbs as known in the EngHsh and other languages ; certain
particles are used to mark out the moods, tenses and other forms.
XllV A SKETCH OF YORUBA GRAMMAR
for which auxiliary verbs are used, consequently the verb " to be "
as an auxiliary is wanting.
In. the English language there are six auxiliary verbs, viz.,
be, have, shall, will, may, do ; each of them may be used as the
principal verb, and also as an auxiUary to other verbs when they
help to form the moods and tenses ; but the particles that are
used in Yoruba for such purposes are not verbs, and cannot be
used as such, and therefore cannot be correctly termed auxiUary
verbs as some compilers of Yoruba grammars have tried to make
out. For example, the particle ti placed before a verb denotes a
completed action, e.g., Ajayi ti lo, Ajayi has or had gone. The
particle jyj'o in the same way points out a future tense, ^.^., Ajayi
yio lo, Ajayi will go. The nasal n prefixed to any verb shows an
incomplete action as Ajayi rilo, Aja)^ is going.
There being no auxiliary verbs as such, the Passive Voice
cannot be formed in the usual way, the first or third person plural
of the verb transitive is used for the passive voice, e.g., " A snake is
killed " will be A pa ejo kan, or Won pa ejo kan. Or if we say
" The snake was killed by Joseph " the Yoruba will be " A ti owo
Yesufu pa ejo na, which is literally, " We by the hand of Joseph
killed the snake," but usually the active transitive is preferred,
viz., Yesuf u U o pa ejo na, " It is Joseph that killed the snake."
As was observed above, the majority of Yoruba verbs in their
simplest form consist of monosyllables — a consonant and a vowel,
e.g., ka, to pick, kd. to count, rd to buy, lo to go, wa to come,
sun to sleep, etc. They are non-inflective and do not show any
distinction in number or person.
Disyllabic verbs are almost invariably compound words
resolvable into their component parts ; they may be a verbal
root compounded with a preposition, a noun or an adverb (some
roots, however, have become obsolete), e.g., Bawi, to scold, from
ba, with, and wi, talk. Dahun, to answer, from da, to utter,
ohun, a voice. Dapo, to mingle, from da, to pour or mix, and
Pq, together. Sunkun, to weep, from sun, to spring, and ekun,
tears.
Some are transitives
Some are transitives, others intransitives.
The noun or pronoun governed by the transitive verb is in-
variably placed between the component parts, e.g., Bawi, to scold.
O ba mi wi, He scolded me.
Pade, to close. O pa ilekun de. He closed the door
Here the mi is placed between the ha and the wi. It. is not
O bawi mi for He scolded me, but ha mi wi.
So also ilekun is placed between pa and de, not O pade ilekun,
but pa ilekun de for He closed the door.
A SKETCH OF YORUBA GRAMMAR xlv
Verbs compounded with a Preposition : —
Bawi, to scold. O ba mi wi, He scolded me.
Pade; to shut. Pa ilekun de, Close the door.
Dimu, to take hold of. Di mi mu, Take hold of me.
Dasi, to spare. Da won si, Spare them.
Verbs compounded with an Adverb : —
Baje, to spoil. Ba inu je, Grieve, " Spoil the mind."
Dapo, to mingle. Da won po. Mix them together.
Tuka, to scatter. Tu won ka, Scatter them.
Daru, to confound. Da won ru, Confound them.
Pamo, to keep. Pa mi mo, Keep or preserve me.
In verbs compounded with a noun, the noun always has the
preposition ni (softened into li) before it, e.g.,
Daju, evident, from da, clear, and oju, the eyes — clear to the
eyes. da mi I' oju. It is evident to me
Tiju, to be ashamed, from ti to cover, oju, the eyes — covering
the eyes. ti mi I' oju. It shames me.
Dahun, to answer, from da, to utter, ohun, a voice. Da mi
I'ohun, Answer me.
Jiya, to suffer, from je, to eat, iyk, punishment, je mi ni iyd,
He punished me.
Gbowg, shake hands, from gba, take, owo, hand. gbd mi
I'owQ, He shook hands with me.
Ranse, to send a message, from ran, send, ise, a message. Mo
ran a ni i§e, I have sent him.
The Intransitive verbs of this class are usually neuter verbs
compounded with nouns of similar import and therefore do not
admit of any nouns or pronouns being inserted into their com-
ponent parts, e.g.,
Sunkun, to cry, from sun, to spring, shed, ekun, tears.
Sorg, to talk, from so, to utter, org, a word.
Kunle, to kneel, from kun, to fill. He, the ground.
P^de, to meet, from pa, to keep, ade, a coming.
Duro, to stand, Irom da, to keep, iro, upright.
Moods and Tenses
In the formation of Moods and Tenses certain particles are
made use of. They may have been the roots of obsolete verbs,
but they cannot now be used as verbs but as particles ; we there-
fore refrain from applying the terms " defective " or " auxiliary
verbs " to them. Such are the following : —
Bi, ha or iha, implying if, should, or would, e.g. Bi o ba lo,
if he should go. Oia iba lo, should he go
Xlvi A SKETCH OF YORUBA GRAMMAR
Je or ki, or j ski, implying permission, e.g., Je ki o \q or ki o lo,
let him go.
Lb, implying permission. O le lo, he may go.
Md or Mase, implying prohibition (authoritative).
Maha, impljdng permission (authoritative), e.g., Maha lo, be going
Yio, often contracted to o, sign of the future, e.g., Yio lo, he
will go. Emi o \o, I will go.
Ati or ni ati, softened into lati, implying an intention, e.g.,
Ati lo, to go, Lati jeun, to eat (intending to).
N or ng, sign of incomplete action, e.g., Emi filo, I am going.
Ojo fir6, it is raining.
Ti, a sign of the past tense, e.g., ti lo, he has gone.
From these particles the Moods and Tenses are formed.
Moods
The Indicative, Subjunctive, Potential, Imperative, Infinitive
and the Participal Moods can be well expressed in Yoruba, and
all but the first can be formed by the use of one or other of the
above particles.
The Indicative is the verb in its simplest form, e.g. lo, to go.
Emi Ig, I went. Ojo sare, Ojo ran.
The Subjunctive is formed by prefixing the conjunction hi (if)
before the subject of the verb, with or without the particle
ha, e.g., Bi emi lo or Bi emi ba Ig, If I were to go. Bi emi ba
fe Ig, If I wish to go.
The Potential is formed by adding the particle le before the
verb, e.g., Emi \h Ig, I may go (lit. I am able to go).
The Imperative is formed by the permissive sign J§ ki, e.g.,
Jg ki emi Ig, Let me go. [Besides the direct forms Ig (go thou) ;
^lg(goye).]
The Infinitive is formed by adding the particles ati or lati before
the verb, e.g., Ati lo, to go. Lati mo, to know.
The Participle is formed by prefixing the particle ii (or ng) to
the verb, e.g. nlo, going.; nbQ, coming.
Tenses
There are only three tenses in Yoruba, properly speaking, the
preterite, the incomplete, and the future.
An action just done is a completed action and is therefore past ;
one doing is incomplete, consequently what may be considered
present may be merged in the completed action, and is therefore
taken as preterite, or in the incomplete, as the sense may require.
The simple verb is always expressed in the past indefinite or
A SKETCH OF YORUBA GRAMMAR xlvii
preterite tense, e.g., Mo lo, I went ; Mo we, I washed. O rerin,
he laughed or laughs ; joko, he sat or sits.
The complete tenses, past or present, are expressed by prefixing
the particle ti before the preterite, e.g., Mo ti we, I have, or had
washed. O ti lo, he has or had gone.
The incomplete tense is formed by prefixing the particle ii (orng) to
the verb, e.g., Emi nwe, I am washing. Emi iirerin, I am laughing.
The future tense is formed by placing the particle jyj'o (contracted
to o) before the verb, e.g., Emi yio we, I shall wash. Emi o lo,
I shall go. Awa o maha yo. We shall be rejoicing.
The future complete (or second future) tense is formed by
adding the particles indicating the future and the complete tenses
to the verb e.g., Emijyw ti we, I shall have washed. Emi o ti lo,
I shall have gone.
Adverbs
Adverbs are used in the same way as in the English, to modify
or hmit the meaning of a verb, an adjective, or another adverb,
and are generally placed after the words they qualify, e.g., sorg
daradara. He spoke well. soro jojg. It is very difficult. After
an intransitive verb, they come directly after the verb, as sun
fanfan. He slept soimdly. O sure tete. He ran swiftly. But
after a transitive verb they come after the noun or pronoun
in the objective case, e.g.. Mo mo Yesufu daju-daju, I know
Joseph well. O le won sehin-sehin. He drove them far back.
Adverbs of manner, quahty and degree are mostly formed by a
reduplication of the word (especially an adverb or a verb), e.g.,
O sorg daradara. He spoke very well, O duro sinsin. He stood
firmly. Dajudaju, evidently. Mo feran r^ gidigidi, I love him well.
Adverbs of time, place and quantity are used in the same way
as in the EngHsh, and call for no special remarks.
Adverbs of time, place and quantity are used in the same way
as in the EngHsh, and call for no special remarks. We may note,
however, that in these, words of more than one syllable not
onomatopoetic in origin are capable of being resolved into their
elementary parts — usually into a particle (a preposition) and a
noun, e.g.,
Nigbagbogbo, always, can be resolved into ni (at), igba (time),
gbogbo (all), i.e., at all times.
Kigbose, when, can be resolved into ni (at or in), igba (time),
ti (which), se (it happened), i.e., at the time when it happened,
i.e., when.
Nihiyi, here, ni (at), ihin (here), yi (this), at this place.
Loke, upwards, ni or li (at), oke (the top).
Nibomiran, elsewhere, ni (at), ihi (place), omiran (another), at
another place.
Xlviii A SKETCH OF YORUBA GRAMMAR
But there is also a use of adverbs peculiar to the Yoruba lan-
guage, an onomatopoetic idea is often connected with it, and
consequently it is always formed to suit the word it qualifies, and
thus intensify the idea conveyed by the word. A form that is
applicable to one verb or adjective may not be appHcable to
another, and therefore adverbs of degree or quality cannot be
enumerated. For instance :
The adverb gogoro can only apply to height, as o ga g6g6rd,
It is very high. A reduplication of the word can further intensify
the idea, O ga gogoro gogoro. It is very, very high. In the same
way the word gbagada can only apply to something of a huge
size, and a redupHcation of it, gbagada gbagada, intensifies the
idea. Also the word repete or rapcita-rapata implies not only a
large size, but also a massive one, one in which the space covered
is much more than the height.
Apart from intensifying the ideas, other quaUties can also be
expressed by the character of the adverb made use of ; in other
words, the adverbs often suggest some other ideas inherent in the
qualities they describe although they cannot be so expressed in
Enghsh, e.g., we may say, pon fo 6, It is bright red. Here the
adverb fo 6, besides being aptly applying to what is red, also
suggests the warmth of the colouring. So also O pon roro. It is
deep red ; O p6n rokiroki, i.e., It is bright red, almost yellow.
In the last two examples roro and rokiroki refer simply to the
depth of the colouring.^
One or two more illustrations will develop the above ideas
fully. In the matter of length, we may say O gim tunu tunu.
It is very long. This can only apply to a long road, the idea of
distance being imphed. O gvm gboro-gbgro. It is very long. This
conveys an idea of a long pole, or a rope, or a serpent or the like.
So also with respect to height, we may say, O ga.fio fio, It is very
high. This can only apply to something on the top of a great
height, or the top of a high object — as a tree, standing on the
ground. O ga tian-tian, It is very high. This can only apply to
an object at a great height, not connected with the ground, as a
bird flying at a great height.
In all these examples, the adverb very is used to qualify the
adjectives in English, no other ideas being conveyed ; in this
respect the Yoruba is more expressive.
Prepositions
Prepositions are particles placed before nouns or pronouns to
show their relation to other words in the sentence.
^ See Vidal's Notes to Crowther's Yoruba Grammar.
A SKETCH OF YORUBA GRAMMAR xlix
In Yoruba they are mostly monosyllables, e.g., si, ni, fun, de,
etc., as : O lo si ile. He goes into the house. O wa ni oko. He is
in the farm. O ko ile fun Baba, He has built a house for the
father. Duro d^ mi, Wait for me.
Words of more than one syllable when used as prepositions are
capable of being resolved into their component parts, e.g., O nbo
lehin mi, He is coming behind me. Here, the preposition lehin is
resolvable into li (at) and ehin (the back). O wa leti ile. He is
near the house ; leti is resolvable into li (at) and eti, the ear, or
the edge that is within the hearing or at the edge of the house.
Under Verbs we have already considered those pecuhar forms
compounded with prepositions.
Conjunctions
Conjunctions are particles which serve to connect words or
sentences ; they are copulative and disjunctive.
Copulative.
Ati, and or both. Ati Baba ati omo, Both father and son. The
initial a may be omitted, e.g., Tiwo tir^ for ati iwo ati ixh
(you and he).
On, and or both. O lo t'ofi ti omo. He left both himself and
child. It may be noted that on is never used to copulate
pronouns of the ist and 2nd persons.
Bi, if. Bi o je se omo. If he would be a child. (This is used
for an obedient child).
Nitori, because. Nitori t'emi. Because of me.
Nje, then. Nje o yio lo ? Then will you go ?
Disjunctive.
Sugbgn, but. O de ile sugbon ko ba mi. He called but did not
meet me at home.
Tabi, or. Emi tabi iwg, I or you.
Bikose, unless. Bikose pe o juba re, Unless he pays regard to
him.
Adi. although. Adi o ngbo gbogbo rh, Although he hears it all.
Amgpe, idiomatic for be it known.
Interjections
Interjections are any form of exclamation or ejaculation ex-
pressing some emotions of the mind. Any words may be used
for the purpose, but very few convey any meaning apart from
the tone in which they are expressed.
Exclamations of surprise : Ye ! O ! pa ! emo ! hepk !
Exclamations of disgust : S6 ! Siyo !
1
A SKETCH OF YORUBA GRAMMAR
It is rather curious that tribal peculiarities are marked in some
forms of exclamations.
Favourite expressions of Oyos : Ha ! Kinla ! Em ode ! Gbaga-
dari !
Favourite expressions of Egbas and Ijebus : Here or herek^ 1
heparipk ! payentiwk !
The usual exclamation in law courts for " silence " is : Atoto !
lit, enough of your noise !
Kagbohun ! lit, let us hear the sound of a (single) voice.
The tone of voice thrown into the exclamation in particular
marks the expressions of grief, surprise, admiration or contempt.
We close this portion with the exclamation usually addressed
to kings — Kabiyesi ! May long life be added !
Numerals
Numerals in Yoruba, although formed on a definite plan, yet
are more or less compUcated ; the tone (or accent) plays an im-
portant part in them.
All numerals refer to some noun (person or thing) expressed or
understood. They are Cardinal and Ordinal or Serial. .
The Cardinal has three forms, viz. : (i) simple enumeration ;
(2) numeral adjectives ; and (3) numismatics. To these may be
added adverbs of number and of time.
1. Simple Enumeration
I .
Eni
22 .
... Ejilelogun
2 .
u
23 .
... £talelogun
3 .
£ta
24 .
... ferinlelogun
4 •
5 •
6rin
Arun
25 .
26 .
... Edogbgn
... Jlrindilggbgn
6 .
Efa
27 •
... Stadilogbgn
7 ■
Eje
28 .
... Ejidilggbgn
8 .
Ejo
29 .
... Okandilggbgn
9 •
... Esan
30 .
... Ogbgn
10 .
£wa
35 •
... Arundilogoji
II .
... Okanla
40 .
Oji
12 .
£jila
45 .
... Arundiladgta
13 •
£tala
50 .
... Adgta
14 .
... Erinla
55 .
... Arundilgggta
15 •
£dogun
60 .
... Oggta
16 .
... £rindilogun
65 .
... Arundiladgrin
17 •
... fetadilogun
70 .
... Adgrin
18 .
... ]^jidilogun
75 .
... Arundilgggrin
19 .
... Okandilogun
80 .
... Oggrin
20 .
Ogun
85 .
... Arundiladgrun
21 ..
... Okanlelogun
90 .
... Adorun
A SKETCH OF YORUBA GRAMMAR
Simple Enumeration — Continued.
95 -.
... Arundilogorun
4,000 ...
.. Egbaji
100 ...
... Oggrun
5,000 ...
.. Edegbata
200 ...
... Igba
6,000 ...
.. Egbata
300 ...
... Odunrun
7,000 ...
.. Edegbarin
400 ...
... Irinwo
8,000 ...
.. Egbarin
500 ...
... Edegbeta
9,000 ...
.. Edegbarun
600 . . .
... Egbeta
ro,ooo ...
.. Egbarun
700 . . .
... Edegberin
20,000 ...
., Egbawa or
800 ...
... Egberin
Oke kan i.e
'. one bag (of
900 ...
... Edegberun
cowries) .
1,000 ...
... Egberun
Higher num
bers as 40,000,
2,000 ...
... Egb^wa
60,000, etc. being so many bags.
3,000 ...
... Egbedogun
.
Quantitative or
Numeral Adjectives
One
Okan
Twenty -nine .
.. Mgkandilggbgn
Two
Meji
Thirty ...
Ogbgn
Three ...
Meta
Thirty-five
.. Marun dilogoji
Four
Merin
Forty ...
Oji
Five
Marun
Forty-five
.. Marundiladgta
Six
Mefa
Fifty ...
Adgta
Seven ...
Meje
Fifty-five
. Marundilogota
Eight ...
Mej g
Sixty
' Ota
Nine
Mesan
Sixty-five
, Marundiladgrin
Ten
Mewa "
Seventy...
... Adgrin
Eleven ...
Mgkanla
Seventy- five
.. Marundilgggrin
Twelve ...
Mejila
Eighty ...
... Oggrin
Thirteen
Metala
Eighty-five
, . Marundiladgrun
Fourteen
... Merinla
Ninety ...
Adgrun
Fifteen ...
Medogun
Ninety-five
..Marundilgggrun
Sixteen ...
Merindilogun
One hundred .
Orun
Seventeen
Metadilogun
One hundred an
d ten ... Adgla
Eighteen
Mejidilogun
>> i> i>
twenty Qggfa
Nineteen
... Mgkandilogun
II 1) >>
thirty Adoje
Twenty
Ogun
II .. II
forty Ogoje
Twenty-one
... Mekanlelogun
II II ..
fifty Adgjo
Twenty-two
Mejilelogun
>> II II
sixty Qggjg
Twenty-three
Metalelogun
II II II
seventy Adgsan
Twenty -four
Meiinlelogun
II II II
eighty Oggsan
Twenty -five
Medggbgn
II II II
ninety
Twenty-six
... Merindilggbgn
Mewadinigba
Twenty-seven
... RIetadilggbgn
Two hundred .
Igba
Twenty-eight
Mejidilggbgn
etc., etc.
3. Numis
matics
One cowry
06kani
Three cowries ..
Eeta
Two cowries
Eejii
Four
E erin
1 Lit., one money, two monies ; cowry shells being used for money.
Hi
A SKETCH OF YORUBA GRAMMAR
N UMI SM ATics — Continued
Five cowries ... ... A arun
Six ,, E eik
Seven ,, ... ... E eje
Eight ,, E ejo
Nine ,, ... ... Eesan
Ten , Eewa
Eleven ,, ... ...0-6kanla
Twelve ,, ... ... E-ejila
Thirteen ,, ... ... Eetala
Fourteen ,, ... ... Eerinla
Fifteen ,, Eedogun
Sixteen ,, ... Eerindilogun
Seventeen cowries Egtadilogun
Eighteen ,, Eejidilogun
Nineteen ,, Ookandilogun
Twenty ,, ... Ok6wo
Twenty-five ,, Eedogbon
Thirty ,, Ogbonwo
Forty ,, ... Ogoji
Fifty ,, ... A-adota
Sixty ,, ... Qgota
Seventy ,, A-adorin
Eighty ,, ... Qgorin
Ninety ,, A-adgrun
One hundred ,, ... Ogorun
no cowries ... ... A-adofa
120 ,, Qgofa
130 ,, ... ... A-adoje
140 ,, ... ... Ogoje
150 ,, ... ... A-adojo
160 ,, Qg6jg
170 ,, ... A-adosan
180 ,, ... ... Ogosan
190 ,, ... Ewadinigba
200 ,, ... ... Igbiwo
210 ,, ... Ewalerugba
220 ,, ... Ogunlugba
230 ,, Ogbonwolerugba
240 ,, ... - Ojulugba
250 ,, A-adotalerugba
260 ,, ... Otalugba
270 ,, A-adorinlerugba
280 ,, ... Orinlugba
290 ,, A-adorunlerugba
300 ,, ... Odunrun
400 ,, ... ... Irinwo
500 cowries . . . E-edegbfeta
600
, Egb^ta
700
E-edegberin
800
Egb^rin
900
E-edegberun
1,000
Egb^run
1,200
'Egb^fa
1,300
E-edegbeje
1,400
Egbeje
1,500
E-edegb^jg
1,600
... Egb^jg
1,700
E-edegb^san
1,800
Egbesan
1,900
,, Egbadin-gggrun
2,000
,, Egbkwa
2,200
Egbokanla
2,400
„ Eg'b^jila
2,500
,, Egb^taladin-gggrun
2,600
Egbetala
2,800
Egb^rinla
3,000
Egbeedogun
3.500
... Egbejidilogun-
din-gggrun
3,600
... Egbejidinlogun
4,000
Egbaji
4.500
... Egbetalelogun-
din-gggrun
5,000
5gbedggbgn
5.500
...Egbetalelggbgn-
din-gggrun
6,000
Egbata
7,000
Edegbarin
8,000
Egbarin
9,000
Edegbarun
10,000
Egbarun
15,000
Edegbajg
16,000
Egbajg
18,000
Egbasan
20,000
Egbawa (Oke kan)
30,000
E-edogun
32,000
Erindilogun
34,000
Etkdilogun
36,000
Ejidilogun
38,000
,, ... Ok&ndilogun
40,000
,, Egbagun (Oke meji)
A SKETCH OF YORUBA GRAMMAR
liii
The Ordinal
The first
,, second
„ third
,, fourth
„ fifth
,, sixth
,, seventh
,, eighth
„ ninth
,, tenth
,, eleventh
,, twelfth
,, thirteenth
,, fourteenth
,, fifteenth ..,
,, sixteenth ...
,, seventeenth
,, eighteenth
,, nineteenth
,, twentieth ..
,, twenty-first
,, twenty-fifth
Ekini
Ekeji
Eketa
Ekerin
Ekarun
Ekefa
Ekeje
Ekejo
Ekesan
Ekewa
Ikokanla
Ikejila
Iketala
Ikerinla
Ikedogun
Ikerindilogun
Iketadilogun
Ikejidilogun
Ikokandilogun
Ogun
Ikgkanlelogun
Ikedogbon
The thirtieth Qgbon
,, thirty-fifth Ikarundilogoji
,, fortieth ... ... Oji
,, forty-fifth ... Ikarundiladota
,, fiftieth Adota
,, fifty-fifth ... Ikarundilogota
,, sixtieth ... ... Qgota
,, sixty-fifth Ikarundiladorin
,, seventieth ... Adorin
,, seventy-fifth Ikarundilogorin
,, eightieth ... ... Ogorin
„ eighty-fifth Ikarundiladorun
,, ninetieth ... ... Adorun
,, ninety-fifth Ikarundilggorun
,, hundredth ... Ogorun
,, hundred and first... Ikokan-
lelogorun
From the first to the ninth —
Ikokanle to Ikokandin — the
tenths merge into those of simple
enumeration.
Adverbs of Number
One by one ...
Two by two ...
Three by three
Four by four
Five by five . . .
Six by six
Seven by seven
Eight by eight
Nine by nine
Ten by ten ...
Continue to
numerals up
nineteen then —
Twenty by twenty
Thirty by thirty
Forty by forty
Fifty by fifty
Once
Twice
Thrice
Okankan
... Meji-meji
Meta-meta
Merin-merin
Marun-marun
... Mefa-mefa
... Meje-meje
... Mejo-mejg
Mesan-mesan
Mewa-mewa
reduplicate the
to nineteen by
Ogo-gun
Ogbggbon
" Ogogoji
Aradgta
Adverbs
Erinkan
Erin me ji
Erin-m §ta
Sixty by sixty ... Oggggta
Seventy by seventy... Aradgrin
Eighty by eighty ... Oggggrin
Ninety by ninety ... Aradgrun
Hundred by hundred Oggggrun
Thus from one to nineteen the
numbers are reduplicated, also
from 21-29 '< 31-39 ; 41-49 J ^iid
so on, but for 20, 30, 40, 60, 80,
100 only the reduplication of the
first two letters takes place, e.g.,
Ogogun, Ogbggbgn ; for 50, 70,
90, the same occurs only the
euphonic " r " takes the place of
" d " e.g., Aradgta for Adgdgta ;
Aradorun for Adodorun.
OF Time
Four times
Five
Six
. Erin-m erin
Erin-marun
. grin-mefa
liv A SKETCH OF YORUBA GRAMMAR
Adverbs of Time — Continued
Seven times ...
Erin-meje
Seventy times
Igba-adorin
Eight .. ...
Erin-mejo
Eighty „
Igba-ogorin
Nine ,,
Erin-mesan
Ninety „
Igba-adgrun
Ten
Erin-mewa
Hundred ,,
Igba-ogorun
The same to nineteen times.
Thus " Erin " is
prefixed to all
Twenty times
Igba-ogun
the numerals, but
the multiples
Thirty
Igba-ogbgn
of ten take " Igba
" before them.
Forty „
Igba-ogoji
Note.—' Erin "
is usually
Fifty
Igba-adota
softened to ee, e.g.,
^|kan, ^gmeji
Sixty
Igba-ggota
and so forth.
Analysis of the Numerals
From one to ten, different terms are used, then for 20, 30, 200 and
400 ; the rest are multiples and compounds. Thus 11, 12, 13
and 14 are reckoned as ten plus one, plus two, plus three and
plus four ; 15 to 20 are reckoned as 20 less five, less four, less
three, less two, less one, and then 20.
In the same way we continue 20 and one, to 20 and four, and
then 30 less five (25), less four, and so on to 30, and so for all
figures reckoned by tens.
There is no doubt that the digits form the basis of enumeration
to a large extent, if not entirely so. Five, ten, twenty, i.e., the
digits of one hand, of two, and the toes included, and their
multiples form the different stages of enumeration.
Beginning from the first multiple of 20 we have ogoji, a contrac-
tion of ogun meji, i.e. two twenties (40), Ogota, three twenties (60),
Ogorin, four twenties (80), Ogorun, five twenties (100), and so on
to ten twenties (200), when the new word Igba is used.
The intermediate numbers (30 having a distinct terminology),
50, 70, 90, no, 130 to 190 are reckoned as : 60 less ten (50), 80
less ten (70), a hundred less ten (90), and so on to 200.
The figures from 200 to 2,000 are reckoned as multiples of 200
(400, however, which is 20 X 20, the square of all the digits, has a
distinct terminology, Irinwo or Erinwo, i.e., the elephant of
figures — meaning the highest coined word in calculation, the rest
being multiples).
Thus we have Egbeta, a contraction of Igba-meta, i.e., three
two-hundreds (600), Egberin, from Igba-merin, four two-hundreds
(800), Egberin, five two-hundreds (1,000), and so on to Egbiwa,
ten two-hundreds (2,000), which in its turn forms the basis of
still higher calculations.
The intermediate figmres 6i 300, 500, 700, 900, 1,100 to 1,900
are reckoned as 100 less the multiple above them, viz., Odunrun,
A SKETCH OF YORUBA GRAMMAR Iv
contracted from Orun-din-ni-irinwo, i.e., loo less than 400 (300),
Orun-din-ni-egbeta, 100 less than 600 (500), Orun-din-ni-egberin,
100 less than 800 (700) ; and so on to 2,000.
By a system of contraction, ehsion, and euphonic assimilation,
for which the Yoruba language is characteristic, the long term
Oriin-din-ni (Egbeta or Egberin and so on) is contracted to Ed^
or Od6, e.g., Edegbeta (500), Edegberin (700), Edegberun (900)
and so on.
But the multiples of 200 do not end with ten times, although
that figure is the basis of the higher calculations, it goes on to
the perfection (or multiple) of the digits, viz. : twenty times (two
hundred) ; thus we have Egbgk^nla, that is, Igba mokinla,
II two-hundreds (2,200) ; Egbejila, twelve two-hundreds (2,400),
and so on to twenty two-hundreds or Egbaji, that is, twice two
thousand (4,000).
With this ends the multiples of 200. The intermediate figures
of 2,300, 2,500, 2,700, 2,900 are reckoned the same way as before,
viz. : 100 less than the next higher multiple.
As already mentioned, Egbawa (or Egba), 2,000, forms the basis
of still higher calculations ; the multiples of Egba are Egbaji,
two two-thousands (4,000) ; Egbata, three two-thousands (6,000) ;
Egbarin, four two-thousands (8,000) on to Egbawa, ten two-
thousands (20,000), which in its turn forms the basis of the highest
calculations.
The intermediate figures of 3,000, 5,000, 7,000, 9,000, 11,000
onwards are reckoned as 1,000 less than the multiple above them.
The more familiar terms for 3,000 and 5,000, however, are Egbe
dogun, or fifteen two-hundreds, and Egbedogbon, 25 two-hundreds.
For those figures beyond 20,000 the contracted forms which are
generally used are : Okanla (for Egbamgkanla) 11 two-thousands ;
£jila, Etkla on to Egbagim, i.e., 20 two-thousands, i.e., forty
thousand.
Summary. — Thus we see that with numbers that go by tens
five is used as the intermediate figure — five less than the next
higher stage. In those by 20, ten is used as the intermediate.
In those by 200, 100 is used, an
The figure that is made use of for calculating indefinite numbers
is 20,000 Egbawa, and in money calculation especially it is termed
Oke kan, i.e., one bag (of cowries). Large numbers to an indefinite
amount are so many " bags " or rather " bags " in so many places.
THE HISTORY OF THE YORUBAS
PART I
Chapter I
ORIGIN AND EARLY HISTORY
The origin of the Yoruba nation is involved in obscurity. Like
the early history of most nations the commonly received accounts
are for the most part purely legendary. The people being un-
lettered, and the language unwritten all that is known is from
traditions carefully handed down.
The National Historians are certain families retained by the
King at Oyg whose office is hereditary, they also act as the King's
bards, drummers, and cymbalists ; it is on them we depend as
far as possible for any reliable information we now possess ;
but, as may be expected their accounts often vary in several
important particulars. We can do no more than relate the
traditions which have been universally accepted.
The Yorubas are said to have sprung from Lamurudu one of
the kings of Mecca whose offspring were : — Oduduwa, the ancestor
of the Yorubas, the Kings of Gogobiri and of the Kukawa, two
tribes in the Hausa country. It is worthy of remark that these
two nations, notwithstanding the lapse of time since their separa-
tion and in spite of the distance from each other of their respective
localities, still have the same distinctive tribal marks on their
faces, and Yoruba travellers are free amongst them and vice versa
each recognising each other as of one blood.
At what period of time Lamurudu reigned is unknown but
from the accounts given of the revolution among his descendants
and their dispersion, it appears to have been a considerable time
after Mahomet.
We give the accounts as they are related : —
The Crown Prince Oduduwa relapsed into idolatry during his
father's reign, and as he was possessed of great influence, he drew
many after him. His purpose was to transform the state religion
into paganism, and hence he converted the great mosque of the
city into an idol temple, and this Asara, his priest, who was himself
an image maker, studded with idols.
3
4 THE HISTORY OF THE YORUBAS
Asara had a son called Braima who was brought up a Moham-
medan. During his minority he was a seller of his father's idols,
an occupation which he thoroughly abhorred, but which he was
obliged to engage in. But in offering for sale his father's handi-
work, he usually invited buyers by calling out : " Who would
purchase falsehood ? " A premonition this of what the boy will
afterwards become.
By the influence of the Crown Prince a royal mandate was issued
ordering all the men 'to go out hunting for three days before the
annual celebration of the festivals held in honour of these gods.
When Braima was old enough he seized the opportunity of one
of such absences from the town of those who might have opposed
him to destroy the gods whose presence had caused the sacred
mosque to become desecrated. The axe with which the idols
were hewed in pieces was left hanging on the neck of the chief idol,
a huge thing in human shape. Enquiry being made, it was soon
discovered who the iconoclast was, and when accosted, he gave
replies which were not unUke those which Joash gave to the
Abiezrites who had accused his son Gideon of having performed
a similar act {see Judges vi, 28-33). Said Braima, " Ask that huge
idol who did it." The men replied, " Can he speak? " " Then,"
said Braima " Why do you worship things which cannot speak ? "
He was immediately ordered to be burnt aUve for this act of gross
impiety. A thousand loads of wood were collected for a stake, and
several pots of oil were brought for the purpose of firing the pile.
This was signal for a civil war. Each of the two parties had
powerful followers, but the Mohammedan party which was hitherto
suppressed had the upper hand, and vanquished their opponents.
Lamurudu the King was slain, and all his children with those who
sympathized with them were expelled from the town. The Princes
who became Kings of Gogobiri and of the Kukawa went westwards
and Oduduwa eastwards. The latter travelled 90 days from
Mecca, and after wandering about finally settled down at He
Ifg where he met with Agb^-niregun (or Setilu) the founder of the
Ifa worship.
Oduduwa and his children had escaped with two idols to He
He. Sahibu being sent with an army to destroy or reduce them
to submission was defeated, and amongst the booty secured by
the victors was a copy of the Koran. This was afterwards pre-
served in a temple and was not only venerated by succeeding
generations as a sacred reUc, but is even worshipped to this day
under the name of Idi, signifying Something tied up.
Such is the commonly received account among this intelligent
although unlettered people. But traces of error are very apparent
ORIGIN AND EARLY HISTORY 5
on the face of this tradition. The Yorubas are certainly not of the
Arabian family, and could not have come from Mecca — that is
to say the Mecca universally known in history, and no such
accounts as the above are to be found in the records of Arabian
writers of any kings of Mecca ; an event of such importance
could hardly have passed unnoticed by their historians. But
then it may be taken for granted that all such accounts and
traditions have in them some basis in actual facts, nor is the subject
under review exempted from the general rule, and this will become
apparent on a closer study of the accounts.
That the Yorubas came originally from the East there cannot
be the slightest doubt, as their habits, manners and customs, etc.,
all go to prove. With them the East is Mecca and Mecca is the
East. Having strong affinities with the East, and Mecca in the
East looming so largely in their imagination, everything that comes
from the East, with them, comes from Mecca, and hence it is
natural to represent themselves as having hailed originally from
that city.
The only written record we have on this subject is that of the
Sultan Belo of Sokoto, the founder of that city, the most learned
if not the most powerful of the Fulani sovereigns that ever bore
rule in the Soudan.
Capt. Clapperton {Travels and Discoveries in Northern and Central
Africa, 1822 — 1824) made the acquaintance of this monarch.
From a large geographical and historical work by him, Capt.
Clapperton made a copious extract, from which the following is
taken : — " Yarba is an extensive province containing rivers,
forests, sands and mountains, as also a great many wonderful
and extraordinary things. In it, the talking green bird called
babaga (parrot) is found."
" By the side of this province there is an anchorage or harbour
for the ships of the Christians, who used to go there and purchase
slaves. These slaves were exported from our country and sold
to the people of Yarba, who resold them to the Christians."
" The inhabitants of this province (Yarba) it is supposed
originated from the remnant of the children of Canaan, who were
of the tribe of Nimrod. The cause of their establishment in the
West of Africa was, as it is stated, in consequence of their being
driven by Yar-rooba, son of Kahtan, out of Arabia to the Western
Coast between Egypt and Abyssinia. From that spot they
advanced into the interior of Africa, till they reach Yarba where
they fixed their residence. On their way they left in every place
they stopped at, a tribe of their own people. Thus it is supposed
that all the tribes of the Soudan who inhabit the mountains are
6 THE HISTORY OF THE YORUBAS
originated from them as also are the inhabitants of Ya-ory. Upon
the whole, the people of Yarba are nearly of the same description
as those of Noofee (Nupe)^"
In the name Lamurudu (or Namurudu) we can easily recognize
a dialectic modification of the name Nimrod. Who this Nimrod
was, whether Nimrod surnamed " the strong," the son of Hasoiil,
or Nimrod the " mighty hunter " of the Bible, or whether both
descriptions belong to one and the same person, we cannot tell,
but this extract not only confirms the tradition of their origin but
also casts a side light on the legend. Arabia is probably the
" Mecca " of our tradition. It is known that the descendants of
Nimrod (Phoenicians) were led in war to Arabia, that they settled
there, and from thence they were driven by a rehgious persecution
to Africa. We have here also the origin of the term Yoruba,
from Yarba, their first permanent settlement in Africa. Yarba
is the same as the Hausa term Yarriba for Yoruba.
It is very curious that in the history of Mahomet we read of
a similar flight of his first converts from Mecca to the East Coast
of Africa (the first Hegira), due also to a religious persecution;
this fact will serve to show that there is nothing improbable in
the accounts as received by tradition. Again, that they emigrated
from Upper Egypt to He Ife may also be proved by those sculptures
commonly known as the " Ife Marbles," several of which may be
seen at He Ife to this day, said to be the handiwork of the early
ancestor of the race. They are altogether Egyptian in form.
The most notable of them is what is known as the " Opa Orafiyan,"
(Orafiyan's staff) an obelisk standing on the site of Oraiiyan's
supposed grave, having characters cut in it which suggest a Phoeni-
cian origin. Three or four of these sculptures may now be seen
in the Egyptian Court of the British Museum, showing at a glance
that they are among kindred works of art.
From these statements and traditions, whether authentic or
mythologic, the only safe deductions we can make as to the mosit
probable origin of the Yorubas are : —
1. That they sprang from Upper Egypt, or Nubia.
2. That they were subjects of the Egyptian conqueror Nimrod,
who was of Phoenician origin, and that they followed him in his
wars of conquest as far as Arabia, where they settled for a time.
How subjects term themselves " children " or offspring of their
^ Vide Narratives of Travels and Discoveries, by Major Denham
and Capt. Clapperton, 1826. Appendix XII., Sec. IV.
A' Tropical Dependency, by Flora L.Shaw (Lady Lugard), 1905,
pp. 227 — 228.
ORIGIN AND EARLY HISTORY 7
sovereigns is too well-known in this country, as we shall see in the
course of this history.
3. That from Arabia they were driven, on account of their
practising there their own form of worship, which was either
paganism or more likely a corrupt form of Eastern Christianity
(which allowed of image worship — so distasteful to Moslems).
Again, the name of the priest " Asara " is also a peculiar one ;
it is so much like " Anasara " a term which Moslems generally
applied to Christians (which signifies ' followers of the Nazarene ')
as to make it probable that the revolution spoken of was in con-
nection rather with Mohammedanism, and the corrupt form of
Christianity of those days.
Lastly, the sacred rehc called Idi from its being bound up and
preserved, and which is supposed to have been a copy of the
Koran, is probably another error. Copies of the Koran abound
in this country, and they are not venerated thus, and why should
this have become an object of worship ? The sacred book of the
party opposed to them ! One can hardly resist coming to the
conclusion that the book was not the Koran at all, but a copy of
the Holy Scriptures in rolls, the form in which ancient manuscripts
were preserved. The Koran being the only sacred book known to
later generations which have lost all contact with Christianity
for centuries after the great emigration into the heart of Africa,
it is natural that their historians should at once jump to the
conclusion that the thing bound up was the Koran. It might
probably then be shown that the ancestors of the Yorubas, hailing
from Upper Egypt, were either Coptic Christians, or at any rate
that they had some knowledge of Christianity. If so, it might offer
a solution of the problem of how it came about that traditional
stories of the creation, the deluge, of Elijah, and other scriptural
characters are current amongst them, and indirect stories of our
Lord, termed " son of Moremi."
But let us continue the story as given by tradition. Oduduwa
and his sons swore a mortal hatred of the Moslems of their country,
and were determined to avenge themselves of them ; but the former
died at He Ife before he was powerful enough to march against
them. His eldest son Okcinbi, commonly called Idekoseroake,
also died there, leaving behind him seven princes and princesses
who afterwards became renowned. From them sprang the various
tribes of the Yoruba nation. His first-born was a princess who
was married to a priest, and became the mother of the famous
Olowu, the ancestor of the Owns. The second child was also a
princess who became the mother of the Alaketu, the progenitor
of the Ketu people. The third, a prince, became king of the
8 THE HISTORY OF THE YORUBAS
Benin people. The fourth, the Orangun, became king of Ila ; the
fifth, the Onisabe, or king of the Sabes ; the sixth, 01up6po, or king
of the Popos ; the seventh and last born, Orafiyan, who was the pro-
genitor of the Yorubas proper, or as they are better distinguished
Oyos.
All these princes became kings who wore crowns as distinguished
from those who were vassals who did not dare to wear crowns,
but coronets called Akoro, a high-crowned head-gear, embroidered
with silver.
But it may be remarked that the Olowu's father was a commoner,
and not a prince of the blood, and yet he became one of the crowned
heads. The following anecdote will explain how this came about.
The Yoruba princesses had (and still have) the Hberty of
choosing husbands according to their fancy from any rank in life ;
the King's eldest daughter chose to marry her father's priest, for
whom she had the Olowu.
This young prince was one day playing on his grandfather's
knees, and he pulled at the crown on his head ; the indulgent
parent thereupon placed it on the child's head, but Hke some spoiled
children, he refused to give it up when required, and so it was left
with him, the grandfather putting on another. The child had the
crown on his head until he fell asleep in his mother's arms, when
she took it off and returned it to her father, but the latter told her
to keep it for her son, as he seemed so anxious to have it. Hence the
right of the Olowu to wear the crown like his uncles. The same
right was subsequently accorded to the Alaketu, i.e., the progenitor
of the Ketu people.
It was stated above that Orafiyan was the youngest of Oduduwa's
grandchildren, but eventually he became the richest and most
renowned of them all. How this came about is thus told by
tradition : —
On the death of the King, their grandfather, his property was
unequally divided among his children as follows : —
The King of Benin inherited his money (consisting of cowry
shells), the Orangun of Ila his wives, the King of Sabe his cattle,
the Olupopo the beads the Olowu the garments, and the Alaketu
the crowns, and nothing was left for Orafiyan but the land. Some
assert that he was absent on a warlike expedition when the partition
was made, and so he was shut out of all movable properties.
Oranyan was, however, satisfied with his portion, which he pro-
ceeded forthwith to turn to good account with the utmost skill.
He held his brothers as tenants living on the land which was his ;
for rents he received money, women, cattle, beads, garments, and
crowns, which were his brothers' portions, as all these were more
ORIGIN AND EARLY HISTORY 9
or less dependent on the soil, and were deriving sustenance from
it. And he was the one selected to succeed the father as King in
the direct line of succession. ^ To his brothers were assigned the
various provinces over which they ruled more or less independently,
Oranyan himself being placed on the throne as the AlAfin or Lord
of the Royal Palace at He Ife.
According to another account, Oranyan had only a bit of rag
left him, containing earth, 21 pieces of iron, and a cock. The whole
surface of the earth was then covered with water. Oraiiyan laid
his portion on the surface of the water, and placed on it the cock,
which scattered the earth with his feet ; the wide expanse of water
became filled up, and the dry land appeared everywhere. His
brothers preferring to live on dry land rather than on the surface
of the water were permitted to do so on their paying an annual
tribute for sharing with their younger brother his own portion.
It will be noticed that both traditions attribute the land to
Oraiiyan ; hence the common saying " Alafin I'oni ile " (the Alafin
is the lord of the land) : the pieces of iron representing underground
treasures, and the cock such as subsist on the land.
The former account seems more probable, the latter being httle
else but a travesty of the story of the creation or the flood. But
it is fair to mention that the more generally received opinion is,
that Oranyan became more prosperous than his brothers owing to
the fact of his living virtuously, they bemg given up to a life of
unrestrained licentiousness ; and being also by far the bravest of
them all, he was preferred above them and was seated on the
ancestral throne at Ile Ife which was then the capital of the Yoruba
country.
The Alake and the Owa of Ilesa are said to be nearly related to
the Alafin ; the former was said to be of the same mother with
one of the earliest Alafins. This woman was called Ejo who after-
wards took up her abode with her youngest son until her death :
hence the common saying " Ejo ku Ake " Ejg* died at Ake.
The Owa of the Ijesas claimed to be one of the younger brothers,
but his pedigree cannot now be traced; the term "brother"
being a very elastic one in Yoruba and may be applied to any
relative far or near, and even to a trusty servant or to one adopted
1 The reason assigned for this was that he was "born in the
purple," that is to say born after the father had become King.
This was at one time the prevailing custom for the " Aremo Ovh,"
i.e., the first born from the throne, to succeed the father.
2 Ejo means a palaver. The phrase then means a case decided
at Ake is final.
10 THE HISTORY OF THE YORUBAS
into the family. ^ In olden times when there was universal peace
throughout the country, before the commencement of the destruc-
tive intertribal wars which broke up the unity of the kingdom
and created the tribal independence, this relationship was
acknowledged by the Owa paying a yearly tribute of a few heads
of cowries, mats and some products of his forests to the AlAfin,
while the latter sent him presents of tobes and vests, and other
superior articles well worthy of him as an elder brother.
That the AlAfin, the Alake, and the Owa were children or
grandchildren of Oraiiyan seems probable from the fact that to
this day none of them is considered properly installed until the
sword of state brought from He Ife where Oraiiyan was buried is
placed in his hands.
Oraiiyan was a nickname of the prince his proper name being
Odede. He was a man of great physical powers. He first
obtained renown as a mighty hunter ; and in process of time he
also became, like Nimrod, a mighty conqueror.
The expedition against Mecca. — When Oraiiyan was sufficiently
strong, he set off for an expedition against " Mecca " to which he
summoned his brothers, to avenge the death of their great-grand-
father, and the expulsion of his party from that city. He left
Adimu one of his father's trusty servants in charge of the royal
treasures and the charms, with a strict injunction to observe the
customary worship of the national gods Idi and Orisa Osi.
This is an office of the greatest importance pertaining to the
King himself • but how slaves or high servants are often entrusted
with the duties of the master himself is well-known in this country
as we shall see in the course of this history.
It is said that the route by which they came from " Mecca "
and which occupied 90 days, was by this time rendered impassable
owing to an army of black ants blocking up the path, and hence,
Oraiiyan was obliged to take another route which led through the
Nupe or Tapa Country. All his brothers but the eldest joined
him, but at Igangan they quarrelled over a pot of beer and dispersed
refusing to follow his lead. The eldest brother calculating the
distance through the Tapa country lost courage and went eastward
promising to make his attack from that quarter should his brother
Oraiiyan be successful in the West.* . Orafiyan pushed on until
he found himself on the banks of the River Niger.
The Tapas are said to have opposed his crossing the river, and
as he could not force his way through, he was obhged to remain
for a while near the banks, and afterwards resolved to retrace his
^ A fuller account will be found under "The origin of the Ijesas."
"^ The geography of our historians may be excused. — Ed,
ORIGIN AND EARLY HISTORY II
steps. To return, however, to He Ife was too humiliating to be
thought of, and hence he consulted the King of Ibariba near whose
territory he was then encamping as to where he should make his
residence. Tradition has it, that the King of Ibariba made a
charm and fixed it on a boa constrictor and advised Orafiyan to
follow the track of the boa and wherever it remained for 7 days
and then disappeared, there he was to build a town. Orariyan
and his army followed his directions and went after the boa up to
the foot of a hill called Ajaka where the reptile remained 7 days,
and then disappeared. According to instructions Oranyan halted
there, and built a town called Oyo Ajaka. This was the
ancient city of Oyo marked in ancient maps as Eyeo or Katunga
(the latter being the Hausa term for Oyo) capital of Yarriba (see
Webster's pronouncing Gazetteer). This was the Eyeo visited
by the EngHsh explorers Clapperton and the Landers.
Orafiyan remained and prospered in the new home, his decendants
spread East, West, and South-west ; they had a free communica-
tion with He Ife, and the King often sent to Adimu for whatever
was required by him out of the royal treasures for the new city.
In process of time Adimu made himself great because he was
not only the worshipper of the national deities, but also the
custodian and dispenser of the King's treasures, and he was
commonly designated " Adimu Ola " i.e. Adimu of the treasures,
or Adimu 1^ i.e. Adimu is become wealthy.
But this Adimu who became of so much consequence from his
performing royal functions was originally the son of a woman
condemned to death, but being found at the time of execution
to be in the way of becoming a mother she was temporarily
reprieved, until the child was born. This child at its birth was
dedicated to the perpetual service of the gods, especially the
god Obatala, to which his mother was to have been sacrificed.
He was said to be honest, faithful and devoted to the King as to
his own father, and therefore he was loved and trusted.
When Adimu was announced to the Kings and Princes all
around as the person appointed by the King to take charge of
the treasures, and to worship the national deities during his
absence, it was generally asked " And who is this Adimu ? The
answer comes " Omo Oluwo ni " the son of a sacrificial victim :
this is contracted to Ow6ni (Oluwo being the term for a sacrificial
victim). So in subsequent years when the seat of government
was removed permanently to Oyo but not the National Deities,
Adimu became supreme at He Ife and his successors to this day
have been termed the Olorisas i.e. high priests or fetish worshippers
to the King, and people of the whole Yoruba nation. The name
2 THE HISTORY OF THE YORUBAS
Adimu has since been adopted as the agnomen, and the term Owoni
as the title of the " Kings " or more properly the high priests of
Ife to this day, the duties of the office being not local or tribal,
but national.
According to another account, after the death of Okknbi,
Oraiiyan having succeeded and assumed the command emigrated
to Oko where he reigned and where he died, and the seat of
government was removed thence in the reign of Sango to Oyokoro,
i.e., the aforesaid ancient City of Oyo.
Oraiiyan may have actually died at Oko, but his grave with an
obelisk over it is certainly shown at He Ife to this day. It is a
custom among the Yorubas — a custom observed to this day — to
pare the nails and shave the head of any one who dies at a con-
siderable distance from the place where they would have him
buried. These relics are taken to the place of interment, and there
decently buried, the funeral obsequies being scrupulously observed
as if the corpse itself were buried there. Hence although (as we have
on probable grounds assumed) Oraiiyan may have died at Oko, and
the art of embalming lost or unknown, his relics could thus have
been taken to He Ife where to this day he is supposed to have been
buried. A more romantic account of his death, however, will be
given in Part II of this history.
As the Yorubas worship the dead, and have the belief that
prayers offered at the grave of deceased ancestors are potent to
procure temporal blessings, all succeeding Yoruba Kings on their
accession and before coronation are expected to send to perform
acts of worship at the grave of Oduduwa and to receive the benedic-
tion of the priest. The sword of justice known as Ida Oranyan
(Oranyan's sword) is to be brought from He Ife and ceremoniously
placed in their hands ; without this being done, the King has no
authority whatever to order an execution. Orafi5^an's descendants
in process of time were divided into four distinct famihes, known
by their distinctive dialects, and forming the four provinces of
Yoruba proper viz. the Ekun Otun, Ekun Osi, Ibolo and Epo
provinces. The Ekun Otun and Ekun Osi or right and left, i.e.,
Eastern and Western provinces are the towns lying to the East
and West of the City of Oyo.
I. The Ekun Otun or Western province included all the towns
along the right bank of the River Ogun down to Ibere kodo, Igana
being the chief town. The other important towns are : — Skki,
Oke'ho, Ise5nn, Iwawun, Eruwa, Iberekodo, etc. In this province
two distinct dialects are spoken ; the people inhabiting the outer-
most borders are known as Ibai^apas and are distinguished by a
nasal twang in their speech.
ORIGIN AND EARLY HISTORY I3
2. The Ekun Osi or Metropolitan province comprised all the
towns east of Oyo, including Kihisi and Igboho in the north,
Ikoyi being the chief town. Other important towns are, Ilorin
Irawo, Iwere, Ogbomoso etc. including the Igbonas in the utmost
limit eastwards, and the Igbon-nas as far as Or6.
The Igbdnas are distinguished by a peculiar dialect of their own.
The Ekun Osi Oyos are regarded as speaking the purest Yoruba.
The ancient cit}' of Oyo alsp lies in this province.
3. The Ibolo province lies to the south-east of the Ekun Osi
towns as far down as Ede, Iresa being the chief town. The
other important towns are Ofa (?) Oyan, Okuku, Ikirun, Osogbo,
Ido, Ilobu, Ejigbo, Ede.
4. The Epos are the towns lying to the South and South-west of
Oyo the chief town of which is Idode. Other important towns
in this division are : Masifa, Ife odan, Ara. Iwo, Ilora, Akinmoirin
Fiditi, Awe, Ago Oja.
They are called Epos (i.e. weeds) because they were then in the
remotest part of the kingdom, rude and uncouth in manners, very
deceitful, and far from being as loyal as the other tribes. The
Owns were usually reckoned amongst them, but they are rather
a distinct tribe of Yoruba although now domiciled amongst the
Egbas.
Great changes have been effected in these divisions by means
of the revolutionary wars that altered the face of the country
about the early part of the XlXth century.
In the Ekun Otun district Igana has lost its importance and its
place taken by Iseyin.
In 'the Ekun Osi, Ikoyi the chief town has been destroyed by
Ilorin, and Ilorin itself brought under foreign allegiance by the
Fulanis. The city of Oyo now lies in ruins, its name and position
being transferred to Ago Oja in the Epo district. In the Ibglg district
Iresa has ceased to exist being absorbed by Ilorin and its place taken
by Ofa, which in its turn was partially destroyed by the Ilorins in
1887 with several other towns in this district. Modakeke a large
and growing town, peopled by Oygs of the Ekun Osi, has sprung
up in the Ife district just beyond the borders of the Ibolgs.
Owu has been destroyed never more to be rebuilt.
The Epo district now includes Ibadan, Ijaye and other towns
formerly belonging to the Gbaguras. Idode has ceased to be the
dhief town, that position now properly belongs to Iwo, being a
royal city. But Ibadan which was originally an Egba village
then the military station of the confederate army which destroyed
the city of Owu and the Egba villages, and afterwards a settled Oyg
town, has by means of its mihtary force assumed the lead not only
C
14 THE HISTORY OF THE YORUBAS
over the Epo district, but also over a large area of the country as
well. It has a mixed population including every tribe of the
Yorubas.
Ijaye formerly an Egba town became peopled by Qyos chiefly
from the 5kun Osi (Ikoyi) districts.
All these including hundreds of important towns within the
area are peopled by Yorubas proper or Oyos as they are generally
called, and constitute the more important portion of Yoruba proper.
The Egbas, who were for the most part off-shoots of these, and
formerly Uving in hamlets and villages independently of one another
have through the exigencies of these wars collected themselves
from 153 hamlets or " townships " to form one town, Abeokuta.
A further account of this will be given in its place. All these
are reckoned as descendants of Orariyan.
By the advent also of the white men from the coast, the centre
of light and civilization has removed to the south, so that the
Epos may soon cease to be the " weeds " of the country, as they
may receive the inspiration of civilization from the south instead
of from the north as hitherto.
Chapter II
THE ORIGIN OF THE TRIBES
All the various tribes of the Yoruba nation trace their origin
from Oduduwa and the city He If§. In fact He Ife is fabled as
the spot where God created man, white and black, and from
whence they dispersed all over the earth. We have seen in the
previous chapter which are the principal tribes that sprang from
Oduduwa's seven grandchildren, viz. : The Yorubas proper from
Orafiyan, the Benins, Has, Owns, Ketus, Sabes, and the Popos.
Some of the other tribes were offshoots of one or other of these, as
we shall see further on. Some authentic tradition will be given
relative to the formation of some of them.
An important fact which must also be borne in mind is, that the
country was not altogether unpeopled when Oduduwa and his
party entered it from the East ; the probabiUty is, that the abori-
ginal inhabitants were conquered and absorbed, at least at the
central if not at the remote provinces of the Yoruba kingdom.
In ancient patriarchal times, the king of a country was
regarded as the father or progenitor of his people. This view will
to some extent explain what would otherwise appear to be a
marvellous (if not impossible) instance of fecundity in any one
king, e.g., Orafiyan peopling so vast a region as that attributed
to him, in so short a time — the more warlike the king, the more
extensive his dominion, and the more numerous, it would seem, his
progeny.
In fact we may almost take it as proved that as Orafiyan and
his army, as well as his brothers', pushed on their conquests in
every direction, the princes and the war-lords were stationed in
various parts to hold the country, and from them sprang the many
provincial kings of various ranks and grades now existing.
This also accounts for the tradition that the Yoruba sway once
extended as far as Ashanti and included the Gas of Accra, for the
Gas say that their ancestors came from He Ife ; and the constitution
of the Ga language is said to be more like Yoruba than hke Fanti,
the language of the Gold Coast, and the area in which that language
is spoken is strictly hmited. And, certainly, until comparatively
recent times the Popos and Dahomians paid tribute regularly to
Oyo as their feudal head ; it is certain, therefore, that the generals
and war-lords of Orafiyan pushed on far beyond the Umits of the
Yoruba country as now known, and although in places remote from
»5
l6 THE HISTORY OF THE YORUBAS
the centre, as the Benins and Sekiris in the east and the Popos,
Dahomians and Gas in the west, the Yoruba language is not
spoken, yet the knowledge of it exists among the ruling chiefs
and the priestly caste who still maintain their connection with He
Ife, the place of their common origin. This view will also to some
extent explain the mutual understanding and bond of sympathy
existing between the Ifes, Ekitis, and allied families as remnants
of the largely diluted aboriginal elements still having many things
in common, and their natural antipathy — more or less — to the
Oyos or Yorubas Proper.
It is also worthy of remark that all the principal rulers of the
country, to show the validity of their claims, must trace their
relationship by one way or another to the AlAfin of Oyo, who is the
direct descendant of Orafiyan, son and successor of Oduduwa, the
founder ; which simply impHes that the children and offspring of
the conqueror are the chief rulers over the different parts of the
conquered territories.
Yoruba Proper
Oranyan was already distinguished as a brave and war-like
prince during his father's lifetime, and he probably owed his
succession to this fact, as was usual in those stormy times. On
his accession to the throne, when he set out from lie Ife on his
famous expedition to " Mecca " to avenge the death of his great
grandfather, he was certainly accompanied by his conquering
hordes ; and if we trace his route from He Ife northwards to the
banks of the Niger, whence he turned westward to the borders of
the Baribas, and then to the ancient Oyo (Eyeo) which he founded,
and where he settled, and from whence he spread southwards
towards the coast, we shall see that the people embraced in this
vast region, viz., with the Ifes in the east, the Niger on the north,
the Baribas on the west as well as the Dahomians, and the
Egbados on the south, are those known as the Yorubas Proper,
or as they are generally termed by the other tribes the Oyqs,
and are the so-called descendants of Orafiyan, and the cream of
his conquering army. These then constitute Yorubas Proper.
We have stated in a previous chapter how they are divided
into four distinct provinces, but there has always been among them
a bond of sympathy and union, apart from what they have in
common with the other tribes. They have always retained
their loyalty — more or less — to the successors of Orafiyan, their
common father, even when the revolutionary wars left the country
no longer united under one head as in the days of Sango down to
those of Abiodun
THE ORIGIN OF THE TRIBES I7
The Egbas
The Egbas are a small offshoot of the Yorubas Proper, who
occupy the south-eastern districts of that province. They origin-
ally occupied the area bounded by certain imaginary lines drawn,
say, from Ijaye to meet the Ogun River at Olokemeji, and along
it to its mouth, and another from the same point via Ibadan to
the west of Jebu Remo down to the coast. They lived in hamlets
and villages for the most, part independently of one another, and
never under one rule. All the principal families of the Egbas trace
their origin from Oyo, hence the common saying " Egbas who have
not their root in Oyo are slaves," i.e., belong to the conquered
aboriginal population. Most of the chiefs sprang from the Esos
of Oyo. It would seem then that during the wars of conquest, a
number of these warhke Esgs, under the leadership of the King's
half-brother, was detached from the main army, carrying their
arms to those regions where they subsequently settled, in the
immediate neighbourhood of the Owns. Abeokuta, as we now know
it, of course had no existence then. Each of what is now called
the " townships " was a separate village or hamlet with its own
chief ; they were loosely grouped into three divisions, but rather
independent of one another, but all acknowledging the King's
brother (the Alake) as their Primus. They were :
1. Egba Agbeyin. These were the Egbas proper, and nearest
the I jebu Remos. The principal towns were : Ake, the chief town,
Ijeun, Kemta, Iporo, Igbore, etc.
2. Egba Oke Ona, i.e., those situated near the banks of the
River Odo Ona. Oko the chief town, Ikereku, Ikija, Idomapa,
Odo, Podo, etc. Their chief is called the Osile.
3. Egba Agura or Gbagura : these were situated near the Oyo
districts, and indeed they contain genuine Oyos in large numbers,
and generall}'^ they partake of their characteristics largely, hence
they are nick-named " Oyos among Egbas." The principal towns
were : Agura the chief, Ilugun, Ibadan, Ifaye, Ika, Ojo, Ilawo,
etc.
The Egbas were on the whole few in number, and occupied a
limited territory ; this can very well be proved by the fact, that
after a period of more than half a century, they have been
compelled by stress of circumstances to live together within one
wall, and in spite of large accessions from other tribes, they still
form but a single large town. Situated, as they were then, far from
the centre of life and activity, they were little thought of. They
had no separate king because all the principal chiefs and
distinguished personages were office bearers of the AlAfin, hence
l8 THE HISTORY OF THE YORUBAS
the common saying, " Egba ko I'olu, gbogbo nwon ni nse hi Oba "
(Egbas have no King, they are all of them like masters) " Olu wa'
rOyo " (The King is at Oyo). It may be noted, that every child
born to a reigning Alake must have an Oyo facial mark ; and that
is so to this day. In early times the Alake ranks among the
junior members of the Royal Family ; for that reason there has
never been a distinct royal family arnong the Egbas. The chief
rulers in each division were usually elected (by divination) from
any one of the 153 townships ; an Ikija man for instance has been
" king " of Itesi, an Ijeun man an Alake, etc., as we shall see in the
Appendix. In this respect also the Gbaguras differ from the
others.
In later times, at Abeokuta, one Jibode, a wealthy trader and
traveller, who vainly endeavoured to obtain the Primacy of Ake,
left children and grandchildren who eventually attained the
coveted position, which was a singular instance of more than one
member of a family becoming an Alake, ^ but then they were
all born in different townships.
The Osile is said to be an unfortunate title because, more than
any of the other divisions, the Oke Ona people were more ptone to
slaughter human victims ; everytime the Osile entered the Ogboni
house, he must walk on the blood of a male victim, and when he
comes out on that of a female ! Also that Osiles never die a natural
death ; when their excesses became unbearable they were usually
stoned to death ; hence the appellation of their chief town, " Oko "
— i.e., a pelting stone. For that reason the Egbas were reluctant
to resuscitate the title at Abeokuta until Governor McCallum
of Lagos in 1897 on the occasion of the Queen's Diamond Jubilee
ordered the Egbas and others to reorganise their government, and
fill up vacant titles.
Since the destruction of the City of Owu (as we shall see below)
and the unification of the Egba villages, the Owus have domiciled
amongst them. Hence the so-called Four United Kings of the
Egbas : although Owu is not Egba.
The Ijebus
The origin of the Ijebus has been variously given ; one account
makes them spring from the victims offered in sacrifice by the
King of Benin to the god of the ocean, hence the term Ijebu
from Ije-ibu, i.e., the food of the deep. The Ijebus themselves
'The case of Gbadebo, son of Okukenu, occurred subsequently to
the estabhshment of the British Protectorate.
THE ORIGIN OF THE TRIBES I9
claim to have descended from Oba-nita, as they say of themselves,
" Ogetiele, eru Obanita," i.e., Ogetiele/ servants of Obanita.
But who was this Oba-nita ? Tradition says he also was a victim
of sacrifice by the Olowu or King of Owu. It was said that the
Olowu offered in sacrifice a human being where two roads cross ;
this was termed " Ebo-ni-ita," a sacrifice on the highway, the
victim being mangled and left for dead ; he, however, revived at
night, and crawled away into the forest, where he subsequently
recovered and survived. He lived on fruits, on the chase, and
then did a bit of farming. With an access of population, being
the oldest man met in those parts, he was regarded as the father,
and subsequent generations call him their ancestor, and so the
Ijebu tribe was formed, and the term " Ebonita " (a sacrifice on
the highway) was converted to " Obanita " (a king on the high-
way). There was really nobody of that name. A forest is still
shown near the village of Aha where he is annually worshipped,
from whence he was supposed to have ascended into heaven.
It is rather curious that both accounts should have made them
descended from victims of human sacrifices. This latter account
is reconcilable with the former, which says they are " the food of
the deep," for the population of which Ebonita was the head may
have been largely augmented by the victims of the ocean so as to
give the name Ije-ibu to the whole of them.
There are also other important facts and curious coincidences
connected with the Ijebus which have strong bearings on this
tradition of their origin.
1. Of all the Yoruba tribes, with the exception of the Ifes
they were the most addicted to human sacrifices, which they
practised up to 1892 when the country was conquered by the
Enghsh. The \'ictim also usually offered to " Obanita " annually
was always a human being, but this was never killed ; he was,
however, always acted upon in some way or other unknown (by
magic arts) that he always became demented, and left to wander
about sheepishly in the Aha Forest, until he perished there. This
is, no doubt, due to the fact that the ancestor " Ebonita " himself,
when a victim, was not killed outright.
2. They were, before the conquest, the most exclusive and
inhospitable of the whole of the tribes. Very few, if any, out-
siders were ever known to have walked through the country with
impunity under any circumstance whatever ; not a few of those
who attempted to do so were never seen nor heard of any more !
^An untranslatable word, an onomatopoeic expression for
whatever is immense and magnificent.
0 THE HISTORY OF THE YORUBAS
Commercial transactions with outsiders were carried on in the
frontier or in the borders of neighbouring towns.
3. And if the latter account of their origin from the Owu
victim be the correct one, it is very singular indeed that it was
mainly due to the Ijebus with their firearms that the Owns owed
their fall and complete annihilation as an independent state to
this day. A full account of this will be given in due course.
The King of the Ijebus is known as the Awujale. His origin
was thus given by authentic tradition, the event with which it is
connected having occurred within authentic history :
There were formerly two important towns called Owu Ipole
and Iseyin Odo in a district between the Owns and If §s ; they were
settlements from the city of Owu and Iseyin respectively. A
quarrel once arose between them on the matter of boundaries,
and the dispute having been carried on for many years, developed
into an open fight, and both the Olowu and the Owoni of Ife
(both being interested parties) were unable to put an end to the
strife. Messengers were now sent to the King at Oyo who sent out
a special Ilari and a large number of attendants to put an end to
the strife. The person of an Ilari being inviolable, he came and
settled down between the two contending parties, in the midst of
the disputed plot, and thus compelled them to keep, the peace.
The Ilari was named " Agbejaile or Alajaile " (an arbiter of landed
dispute). This term was subsequently sof termed, down to Awujale.^
This event occurred during the reign of King Jayin.
As it was customary to pay royal honours to the King's mes-
sengers out of courtesy, this Ilari was accorded royal honours
in due form, and he remained there permanently and became the
King of that region over the Ijebus who up to that time had
no tribal " king " of their own and rather held themselves aloof
from their neighbours. Subsequently he removed to Ode.
The Awujale ranks after the Oyo provincial kings such as the
Onikoyi, Olafa, Aresa, Aseyin.
Origin of the Ijesas and Ekitis
Two accounts are given of the origin of the Ijesas ; both may
practically be regarded as in the main correct, so far as they are not
really contradictory ; for it would appear that the Ijesas of the
present day are not the same people or, rather, not the descendants
of the aboriginal inhabitants of that province.
The first account relates to the earUest period when the Yorubas
have just entered into, and subdued, the country, and the AlAfins
^An Ilari title at Oyo to this day.
THE ORIGIN OF THE TRIBES 21
then resided at He lie, i.e., prior to the reign of Sango. Human
sacrifices were common in those days, and in order to have victims
ready to hand, it is said that a number of slaves were purchased
and located in the district of Ibokun ; there they were tended as
cattle, under the care of Owaju, and from them selections were
made from time to time for sacrificial purposes ; hence the term
Ijesa from Ije Orisa (the food of the gods). They are described as
stumpy, muscular, and sheepish-looking, with a marked want
of intelhgence : they never cJffered any resistance to this system,
hence the saying "Ijesa Omo Owaju ti ife opo iyk " (Ijesas children
of Owaju, subject to much sufferings). There is also a legend
that when the nations began to disperse from He Ife and members of
the Royal Family were appointed kings and rulers in divers places,
a young and brave scion of the house was appointed the first
Owa or king over the Ijesas, but that he returned to the AlAfin
and complained that his territory was tocv small, and his subjects
few, the sire thereupon ordered a large bundle of sticks to be
brought to him, and these sticks he converted into human beings
for the Owa, in order to increase the number of his subjects. Hence
to this day the Ijesas are often termed by their neighbours " Qmo
igi " (offspring of sticks !)
This, of c
This, of course, is a pure myth invented by their more wily
neighbours to account for the notorious characteristics of the Ijesas
generally, who are as proverbially deficient in wit as they are
remarkably distinguished for brute strength.
But one fact holds good down even to our days, viz., that up
to the recent total abohtion of human sacrifice by the British
Government (1893) the Ifes, who, far more than any other, were
addicted to the practice, always preferred for the purpose to have
an Ijesa victim to any other ; such sacrifices were considered more
acceptable, the victims being the " food of the gods."
This preference was the cause of more than one threatened rupture
between the Ifes and their Ijesa aUies during the recent 16 years'
war, and would certainly have developed into open fights, but
for the Ibadan army vis-d-vis threatening them both.
The other account relates chiefly to the present day Ijesas of
Ilesa (the home of the gods) the chief town. According to this
account, they hailed from the Ekitis ; or as some would more
correctly have it, they were the Ijesas from the neighbourhood of
Ibokun who first migrated to Ipole near Ondo, and thence back
to Ilesa. It appears that a custom then prevailed of going out
hunting for their king three months in the year, and on one such
occasion they found game so plentiful in the neighbourhood of
Ilesa, the chmate very agreeable, the country well-watered, and
22 THE HISTORY OF THE YORUBAS
the Ijesas there extremely simple, peaceful, and unwarhke (probably
the remnants and descendants of the old sacrificial victims) whilst
at home they endured much oppression from their Owa, that
they there and then conceived and carried out the idea of settling
on the spot at once, making it their home, and of reducing into
subjection the aboriginal inhabitants.
These objects were easily enough accompHshed ; but they spared
the principal chief, a kindly old gentleman who had an extensive
garden plantation. He was called " Oba Ila," i.e., Okra king,
from his Okra plantation, and he was placed next in rank to the
chief of the marauders. That nickname is continued to the present
time as a title Oba'la^ and is conferred on the most distinguished
chief after the Owa of Ilesa. It would appear then that although
the term Ijesa is retained by the people of that district, and those
who are ignorant of the origin of the term take some pride in it,
yet it is evident that the present inhabitants are not all of them
the descendants of the aboriginal settlers, the " food of the gods,"
but are largely from the Ekitis by admixture ; the pure type
Ijesas are now and again met with at Ilesa and neighbourhood.
This fact is fuither shown by the want of homogeneity amongst
the principal chiefs of Ilesa at the present day, for when the town
was growing, the settlers did cast about for help ; they sought for
wiser heads to assist them in the building up and the management
of their country, e.g., from the Oyos or Yorubas Proper they had
the Odgle from Irehe, the Esawe from Ora, the Saloro from Oyo
(the ancient city), and the Sorundi also from the same city — all
these came with a large number of followers ; from the Ondos, the
'Loro, and the Salosi from I jama in the Ondo district ; from the
Ekitis, the Arapate from Ara, the Lejoka from Itaje ; and
lastly, the Ogboni from the white cap chiefs of Lagos, the
only one privileged to have on his headgear in the presence of the
Owa. The Owa himself is as we have seen, a junior member of
the royal house of Oyo.
It is also said that when the town of Ilesa was to be laid out a
special messenger was sent to the AlAfin to ask for the help of
one of the princes to lay out the town on the same plan as the
ancient city of Oyo. That prince ruled for some years at Ilesa.
The Ekitis
The Ekitis are among the aboriginal elements of the country
absorbed by the invaders from the East. The term Ekiti denotes
The Ekitis
The Ekitis are among the aboriginal elements of the country
absorbed by the invaders from the East. The term Ekiti denotes
a Mound, and is derived from the rugged mountainous feature of
^Often miscalled Obanla by young Ije§as outside Ilesa.
THE ORIGIN OF THE TRIBES 23
the country. It is an extensive province and well watered, includ-
ing several tribes and families right on to the border of the Niger,
eastward. They hold themselves quite distinct from the Ijesas,
especially in pohtical affairs. The Ekiti country is divided into
i6 districts, each with its own Owa or King (Owa being a generic
term amongst them) of which four are supreme, viz. : —
1. The 6w6re of Otun 3. The Elewi of Ado
2. The Ajero of Ijero 4. The Elekole of Ikole
The following are the minor Ekiti kings : —
5. Alara of Ara it. Qlgja Oke of Igbo Odo
6. Alaye of Efon Ahaye 12. Oloye of Oye
7. Ajanpanda of Akure 13. Olomuwo of Omuwo
8. Alagotun of Ogotun 14. Onire of Ire
9. Olojudo of Ido 15. Arinjale of Ise
10. Ata of Aiyede 16. Onitaji of Itaji
The Orangun of Ila is sometimes classed among them, but he is
only Ekiti in sympathy, being of a different family.
An Ijesa account of the Owa ot Ilesa and some of the principal
Ekiti kings :
The Olofin (? Alafin) king of Ife had several children, grand-
children, and great grandchildren ; amongst them were, the king
of Ado or Benin, the King of Oyg, the Osomowe of Ondo (from a
daughter), the Alara of Ara, the Ajero of Ijero, the Alaye of Efon,
the Owore of Otun, the Orangun of Ila, the Aregbajo of Igbajo,
the Owa Ajaka of Ilesa. When the Olofin became bhnd from old
age he was much depressed in mind from this cause ; efforts were
put forth to effect his cure, all of which proved fruitless, when a
certain man came forward and prescribed for him a sure remedy
which among other ingredients contained salt water. He put the
case before his children, but none made any effort to procure some
for him save his youngest grandson. This was a very brave and
warlike prince who bore the title of Esinkin amongst the King's
household warriors, a title much alHed to that of the Kakanfo,
He was surnamed Ajaka, i.e., one who fights everywhere, (on
account of his procHvities) being fond of adventures. He volun-
teered to go and fetch some wherever procurable.
Having been away for many years and not heard of, the aged
sire and every one else despaired of his ever coming back ; so the
King divided his property amongst the remaining grown-up
children. Although the Alado (king of Benin) was the eldest yet
the Oloyg was the most beloved, and to him he gave the land, and
told him to scour it all over, and settle nowhere till he came to a
Although the Alado (king of Benin) was the eldest yet
the Oloyg was the most beloved, and to him he gave the land, and
told him to scour it all over, and settle nowhere till he came to a
24 THE HISTORY OF THE YORUBAS
slippery place, and there make his abode ; hence the term Oyg
(shppery) and hence Oyos are such shppery customers !
After they had all gone and settled in their respective locaHties,
all unexpectedly, the young adventurer turned up with water from
the sea ! The monarch made use of it as per prescription and
regained his sight ! Hence the Ijesas who subsequently became his
subjects are sometimes termed " Omg Obokun," children of the
brine procurer.
Having distributed all his property he had nothing left for Ajaka
he therefore gave him a sword lying by his side with leave to attack
any of his brothers, especially the Alara or Alado, and possess
himself of their wealth, but should he fail, to retire back to him ;
hence the appellation " Owa Ajaka Onida raharaha " (Owa the
ubiquitous fighter, a man with a devastating sword).
The Owa Ajaka settled a Uttle way from his grandfather, and on
one occasion he paid him a visit, and found him sitting alone
with his crown on his head and — out of sheer wantonness — he cut
off some of the fringes with his sword. The old man was enraged
by this act, and swore that he would never wear a crown with
fringes on.^
The Aregbajo was one of those who had a crown given to him,
but the Owa Ajaka, paying him a visit on one occasion, saw it,
and took it away, and never returned it : hence the kings of Igbajo
never wear a crown to this day.
The Owa also attacked the Olojudo and defeated him, and took
possession of his crown ; but he never put it on. On every public
occasion however, it used to be carried before him. This continued
to be the case until all the tribes became independent.
The Owa's mother, when married as a young bride, was placed
under the care of the mother of the Qloyo, hence the AlAfin of
Oyo often regarded the Owa as his own son.
The Orangun of Ila, and the Alara of Ara were his brothers of
the same mother.
The Ow6ni of Ife was not a son of the Ololin, but the son of a
female slave of his whom he offered in sacrifice. The Olefin kept
the boy always by him, and when he sent away his sons, this httle
boy took great care of him and managed his household affairs well
until his death : hence the Oloyo on succeeding the father authorised
the boy to have charge of the palace and the city, and he sent to
notify his brothers of this appointment. So whenever it was
asked who was in charge of the house the answer invariably was
^Only those with fringes on are really crowns.
THE ORIGIN OF THE TRIBES 25
" Omo Oluwo ni " (It is the son of the sacrificial victim). This
has been contracted to the term Ow6ni.
The Owa and his brothers used to pay the AlAfin annual visits,
with presents of firewood, fine locally-made mats, kola nuts and
bitter kolas ; the Ow6re of Otun with sweet water from a cool
spring at Otun — this water the AlAfin first spills on the ground
as a Ubation before performing any ceremonies. The other Ekiti
Kings used also to take with them suitable presents as each could
afford, and bring away lavish presents from their elder brother.
This Ajaka subsequently became the Owa of the Ijesas.
The Ondos
The custom of killing twins prevailed all over the country in
early times ; it has died out all over the greater part ot it so long
ago, that no one can say precisely when or by whom a stop was put
to it. But it happened once upon a time when the practice still
prevailed that one of the wives of the AlAfin (King Ajaka) gave
birth to twins, and the King was loth to destroy them, he thereupon
gave orders that they should be removed — with the mother — to a
remote part of the kingdom and there to remain and be regarded
as dead.
So she left with a large number of friends and retinue to the site
of the present Ode Ondo, then sparsely peopled by a tribe named
Idoko, and there settled, hence the term " Ondo," signifying the
" Settlers." The people of the district knowing who the strangers
were, yielded them ready obedience, and the strangers became rulers
of the district.
Probably it was from this time infanticide received its death
blow — in Yoruba Proper at least. It is said to hnger still at Akure
and the adjacent regions, but as a rule, in ancient times, whatever
the custom set or discountenanced at the Metropohs, the effect
thereof was rapidly felt all over the country.
The Ondos are sometimes classed among the Ekitis but that is
hardly correct ; although lying at the border of the Ekitis, they
are really a mixture of Qyos and Idokos, and their sympathy is
with all.
Chapter III
RELIGION
The Yorubas originally were entirely pagans. Mohammedanism
which many now profess was introduced only since the close of
the eighteenth century. They, however, believe in the existence
of an Almighty God, him they term Olorun, i.e., Lord of Heaven.
They acknowledge Him, Maker of heaven and earth, but too
exalted to concern Himself directly with men and their affairs,
hence they admit the existence of many gods as intermediaries,
and these they term Orisas.
We may note here that the term Olorun is appUed to God alone
and is never used in the plural to denote Orisas. Kings and the
great ones on earth may sometimes be termed Orisas (gods)
by way of eulogy, we are also familiar with the common expression,
" Oyinbo ekeji Orisa " i.e., white men are next to the -gods (i.e
in their powers) ; but the term Olorun is reserved for the Great God
alone.
They also beheve in a future state, hence the worship of the dead,
and invocation of spirits as observed in the Egugun festival, a
festival in which masked individuals personate dead relatives.
They have a belief also in a future judgment as may be inferred
from the tollowing adage, " Ohungbogbo ti a se I'aiye, li a o
de idena Orun ka " (Whatever we do on earth we shall give an
account thereof at the portals of heaven).
They also believe in the doctrine of metempsychosis, or trans-
migration of souls, hence they affirm that after a period of time,
deceased parents are born again into the family of their surviving
children. It is from this notion that some children are named
" Babatunde," i.e., father comes again. " Yetunde," i.e., mother
comes again.
Objects of Worship
I, TheKori. — Originally, the Kori was the only object of worship.
It consists of the hard shells of the palm nut strung into beads,
and made to hang from the neck to the knees. In modern times
it is no longer regarded as an object of worship by adults, but little
children go about with it to the market places begging for alms.
The object of worship is then worn by one of their number, who
goes before, his companions following behind him, shouting the
26
RELIGION 27
praises of the ancient god Kori. In this way they parade the
market places, and sellers before whom they halt to sing, make
them presents of money (cowries) or whatever they may happen to
be seUing, usually articles of food. Thus the httle children
perpetuate the memory and worship of this deity, hence the ditty :
Iba ma si ewe, Kori a ku o."
(But for Httle children Kori had perished).
In later times heroes are venerated and deified, of these Sango,
Oya, Orisa Oko, may be mentioned as the chief. The origin of
their worship will be noted hereafter.
2. Orisala. — To Orisala are ascribed creative powers. He is
regarded as a co-worker with Olorun. Man is supposed to have
been made by God in a lump, and shaped as he is by Orisala. Its
votaries are distinguished by white beads worn round the neck,
and by their using only white dresses. They are forbidden the
use of palm wine. Sacrifices offered by them are not to be salted.
Albinoes, dwarfs, the lame, hunchbacks, and all deformed persons
generally are regarded as sacred to this god ; hence they are
designated " Eni Orisa" (belonging to the god), being regarded as
specially made so by him.
Orisala is the common name of the god known and worshipped
by different townships under different appellations, e.g., it is
called Orisa Oluofin at Iwofin ; Orisako at Oko ; Orisakire at Ikire ;
Orisagiyan at Ejigbo ; Orisaeguin at Eguin ; Orisarowu at Owu
Orisajaye at Ijaye ; and Obatala at Oba.
3. Ori. — The Ori (head) is the universal household deity
worshipped by both sexes as the god of fate. It is believed that
good or ill fortune attends one, according to the will or decree of
this god ; and hence it is propitiated in order that good luck might
be the share of its votary. The representing image is 41 cowries
strung together in the shape of a crown. This is secreted in a
large coffer, the Hd of which is of the same form and material.
It is called "He Ori" (Ori's house), and in size is as large as the owner
can afford to make it. Some usually contain as much as 6 heads
(12,000) of cowries, and the manufacturer who is generally a worker
in leather receives as his pay the same amount of cowries as is
used in the article manufactured.
As the Kori is the children's god so the Ori is exclusively
worshipped by the adults. After the death of its owner, the image
of Ori with the coffer is destroyed, and the cowries spent.
4. Ogun. — This is the god of war, and all instruments made of
iron are consecrated to it, hence Ogun is the blacksmiths' god.
The representing image is the silk cotton tree specially planted,
28 THE HISTORY OF THE YORUBAS
beneath which is placed a piece of granite on which palm oil is
poured and the blood of slain animals — generally a dog.
5. Esu or Eleghara. — Satan, the Evil One, the author of all
evil is often and specially propitiated. Offerings are made to it.
The representing image is a rough lateritic stone upon which
libations of palm oil are poured. It is superstitiously believed that
the vengeance of this god could be successfully invoked upon an
offender by the name of the person being called before the image
while nut oil is being poured on it. The image of a man, with a
horn on its head curving backwards, carved in wood and orna-
mented with cowries, is often carried by its devotees to beg with
on pubUc highways. Passers-by who are so disposed may give
each a cowry or two, or handfuls of corn, beans, or any product
of the field at hand, as he or she may choose. This curved headed
figure is called " Ogo Eliggbara "—the devil's club.
6. Sgpona or the small pox is generally believed to be one of
the demons by which this lower world is infested, and has its special
devotees. The representing image is a broom- made from the
branches of the bamboo palm, stripped of its leaves, and besmeared
with camwood. To invoke its vengeance parched corn or beniseed
is usually thrown hot upon the image, and then it is beUeved the
epidemic will spread,. But they certainly have a more direct
means of spreading the disease.
Persons dying of this plague are buried only by the devotees of
this god, who account it as their special right to bury such corpses,
being victims of the vengeance of their god. For a propitiation,
they often demand from the relatives of the victims 5 head {i.e.,
10,000) of cowries, a tortoise, a snail, a fowl, a pigeon, a goat, an
armadillo, a ground pig, camwood, shea butter, a quantity of
palm oil, two kinds of beads, green and yellow, called respectively
Otutu and Opon, together with all the effects of the deceased,
which are regarded as theirs by legitimate right. The corpse is
buried either in the bush, or by the side of a river.
The following anecdote was related by a devotee. He was
confirmed — said he — in his belief in the existence of the gods and as
helpers in the government of the world from the following incident.
Said he, " A young man once fell into a swoon, and having revived,
he related the vision which he had seen. He said he saw the Great
God sitting on a throne, covered with a flowing garment, attended
on His right and left by Orisala and Ifa his counsellors : behind
him was a pit into which the condemned were cast. Ogun and
Sopona were ministers of his vengeance to execute justice upon
offenders. Ogun armed with 4,000 swords (or daggers) went out
daily to slay victims, his food being the blood of the slain. Sopona
RELIGION
29
also had 4,000 viols hung about his body. His also was the work
of destruction as he disappeared immediately for another victim
after presenting one. Sango also appeared, a mighty destroyer
who, when about to set forth on his journey to earth, used to be
cautioned by both Orisala and If a to deal gently with their
respective worshippers."
It is with such stories as this that the credulity of the simple folk
is usually wrought upon with a view to strengthen their behef in
the so-called gods.
7. Egugnn. The period when the worship of spirits or the
souls of departed relatives was introduced into the Yoruba country
will be noted in a future chapter. The representing forms are
human beings of the exact height and figure of the deceased, covered
from head to foot with cloths similar to those in which the said
deceased was known to have been buried, completely masked and
speaking with an unnatural tone of voice. This feigned voice is
said to be in imitation of that of a species of monkey called Ijimere.
That animal is regarded with superstitious reverence, the power
of walking erect and talking being ascribed to it and is esteemed
a clever physician. Some professed " medicine men " usually
tame and keep one of these creatures, and pretend to receive
instructions and inspirations from it.
In these later times, the Egiigun worship has become a national
religious institution, and its anniversaries are celebrated with
grand festivities. The mysteries connected with it are held
sacred and inviolable, and although little boys of 5 or 6 years of
age are often initiated, yet no woman may know these mysteries
on pain of death.
The dress of the Egugun consists of cloths of various colours
or the feathers of- different kinds of birds, or the skins of different
animals. The whole body from head to foot is concealed from view ;
the Egugun seeing only from the meshes of a species of network
covering the face, and speaking in a sepulchral tone ot voice. The
women believe (or rather feign to believe) that the Eguguns came
from the spirit world. An Egiigun (the Agan) is the executor of
women accused of witchcraft, and of those who are proved guilty
ot such crimes as murder, incendiarism, etc.
The high priest of the Egiigun is called the Alagb&, and next
to him is the Alaran, and after this the Esorun, and then the
Akere whose insignia of office are a bundle of Atori whips. These
officials are higher in rank than all the Eguguns under the mask,
and hence the common saying : — " Egugun baba Alagba, Alagba
baba Egiigun " (The Egiigun is the father of the Alagba, the
Alagba the father of the Egugun).
30 THE HISTORY OF THE YORUBAS
It is considered a crime to touch an Egugun dress in public,
and disrespectful to pass him by with the head uncovered. Even
a boy Egugun is considered worthy of being honoured by his
(supposed) surviving parents, he salutes them as elderly people
would do, and promises the bestowal of gifts on the family.
In every town there are several Alagbas or head priests of Egiigun
out of them a president is elected, at whose house all the others
meet on special occasions.
The individual who fills the highest rank in the Egugun worship
is the Alapini, one of the seven great noble men of Oyo (the Oyo
Mesi). He resides always in the royal city of Oyo. There can
be but one Alapini at a time, and by virtue of his office he must be
a monorchis. Thus qualified, he shares with the eunuchs in all
their privileges, and at the same time enjoys the lion's share in the
Egugun department.
In a large town, every quarter has its own Alagba in whose
house a special apartment is dedicated to the Egugun worship,
where all the Egugun dress in that part of the town are kept until
required for use on special occasions or at the annual festivals.
Eguguns are generally worshipped with a kind of cake made
of beans and palm oil (Olele) in the month of February, after the
beans harvest in January ; and the Egugun anniversary is usually
held in the month of May or Jane. These festivals are lucky
times for the men, for on these occasions, the women are made to
spend largely to feast " deceased relatives," while the food is
consumed by the men in the Alagba' s department. The number
of fowls and goats killed and devoured at such times is simply
prodigious. Such is the force of habit engendered by blind
superstition, that although in reality the women are no longer
deceived, as regards these alleged visits of their dear departed,
yet they make their offerings with cheerfulness, and with a sure
expectation of blessings.
It has already been noted above that the Yorubas believe in a
future state. It cannot be considered too far fetched to say that
this periodical re-appearance of the dead as symbohzed in the
Egugun " mystery " is an embodiment of the idea of the Resur-
rection, although that doctrine as taught by Christianity cannot
be said to be identical with what they hold and practise ; but this
festival is usually observed with all the zeal and fervour with which
Christians celebrate the Christmas and Paschal festivals.
This anniversary is the time of reunion among absent friends
and relatives. The town then puts on its best appearance, the
streets are everywhere cleaned and put under repairs, and the
citizens appear abroad in their holiday dress.
RELIGION 31
The celebration is usually preceded on the eve of the festival by a
vigil termed in Yoruba " Ikunle " or the kneeling, because the
whole night is spent in kneeHng and praying in the grove set apart
for Egugun worship, invoking the blessings and the aid of the
departed parent. The blood of fowls and animals offered in
sacrifice is also poured on the graves of the ancestors.
On the morning of the festival the whole of the Eguguns,
including all the principal forms accompanied by the Alagbas
and minor priests form a procession to the residence of the chief
ruler of the town ; they there receive the homage of the chief,
and in turn give him and the other chiefs and the whole town their
blessings ; they then spend about three hours doing honours
to the chief, playing and dancing to theii* peculiar music ; and after
receiving presents they disperse to continue the play all over the
town, each confining himself more or less to his own quarter of the
town.
The festival is continued for seven days, and on the eighth day,
there is another gathering at the Chief Alagba's and the festivities
are brought to a close with games, sports, and a display of magic
tricks.
For three weeks to a month, lesser Eguguns may still be seen
making their appearance ; these as a rule, belong to poorer districts
which weie backward in their preparations for the annual feast.
Everyone, however, still keeps to the same rule of seven days'
appearance and disappearing likewise on the eighth day after a
grand display.
The Adamuorisa and the Gelede.
In imitation of the Eguguns, some littoral tribes adopt similar
forms of representation of their departed dead ; such are the
Adamuorisa among the Aworis, and the Gelede among the Egbado
tribes.
The Adamuorisa is sometimes called Eyg ; the former term
signifies the god with the nasal twang — on account of the arti-
ficial voice they affect, and the latter, Eyg, simply means Oyg
being an imitation or parody of the Oyg system of Egugun worship.
But whereas the Egiiguns appear annually, at a fixed period of
the year, viz. at the feast of the first fruits in June, these are used
as a part of the funeral obsequies of a chieftain, or well-to-do citizen
who can afford a carnival in connection with his funeral rites. The
effigy of the departed is set up in state in the house, the immediate
relatives are dressed in their very best, and all hold horse-tails in
their hands to dance with. The play lasts for one day only and
generally ends with a big feast.
32 THE HISTORY OF THE YORUBAS
The Geledg is also a human being in a mask the head of which
is exquisitely carved in wood, and made to represent that of a
man or woman with all their tribal marks and sometimes any of
the lower animals such as the alligator. They are more generally
of a female form, with carvings of plaited haii, and magnificent
busts ; they are elaborately or fantasticall}^ dressed, bedecked
with a wealth of female ornaments of native manufacture, such as
ear-rings, bangles, beads, etc., with jingles on their ankles ; they
dance and move majestically, treading heavily to the rhythmic
sound of drums and other musical instruments.
They are much besmired with chalk and camwood, presenting
rather a frightful (if harmless) appearance.
8. Orb. The Oro system is also said by some to have been
borrowed from the red monkey called tjimerh. It consists of a
fiat piece of iron or stick, with a long string, attached to a pole.
This when whirled swiftly in the air produces a shrill sound which
is called " Aja Oro" (Oro's dog). A larger kind whirled with
the hand gives a deep bass tone. This is the voice of the Oro
himself. Amongst the Ijebus and the Egbas, Oro is much more
sacred and important than the Egiigun, and is the executor of
criminals. The Egbas pay homage also to another god called
Ologboijeun, who is personated by a man under a mask with a
drawn sword in his hand.
Other gods of the same class are the Igis (trees) also personified
by human beings, masked and carrying an image on the head.
Some of these are male figures with branching horns, on which
are carved figures of monkeys, snakes and other animals. Others
are female figures which are called Efun-gba-roku.
Amongst the Oyos (Yorubas Proper) the people of Iseyin
and Jabata are the principal Oro worshippers. Seven days are
set apart annually for its worship. Except for a few hours during
which they are permitted to procure provisions, women are kept
indoors throughout the day. On the seventh day even this small
indulgence is not allowed, but they are rigidly shut up the entire
day. It is certain death for any one of them to be found without
and this penalty is exacted whatever may be the title, or wealth,
or position of respectability of any woman who ventures to have
a peep at the Oro.
9. tfa. — This is the great consulting oracle in the Yoruba country
and was introduced at a late period by King Onigbogi, who was
said to have been dethroned for having done so.
Another tradition says it was introduced into the Yoruba country
by one Setilu, native of the Nupe country, who was born blind.
This was about the period of the Mohammedan invasion.
RELIGION 33
Setilu's parents regretting their misfortune in having a Wind son,
were at first of doubtful mind as to what course they should
pursue, whether to kill the child, or spare its life to become a burden
on the family. Parental feehngs decided them to spare the child.
It grew up a peculiar child, and the parents were astonished at his
extraordinary powers of divination. At the early age of 5, he
began to excite their wonder and curiosity by foretelling who
would pay them a visit in the course of the day and with what
object. As he advanced in age, he began to practise sorcery and
medicine. At the commencement of his practice, he used 16 small
pebbles and imposed successfully upon the credulity of those who
flocked to him in their distress and anguish for consultation. From
this source, he earned a comfortable liveUhood. Finding that the
adherents were fast becoming Setilu's followers, and that even
respectable priests did not escape the general contagion, the
Mohammedans resolved to expel Setilu out of the country. This
being effected, Setilu crossed the river Niger and went to Benin,
staying for a while at a place called OwQ, thence to Ado. Subse-
quently he migrated to He Ife, and finding that place more suitable
for practising his art, he resolved to make it his permanent residence.
He soon became famous there also, and his performances so
impressed the people, and the reliance placed in him was so
absolute, that he had little difficulty in persuading them to abolish
the tribal marks on their faces, such marks of distinction not being
practised in Nupe, Setilu's own country.
In process of time palm nuts, pieces of iron and ivory balls
were successively used instead of pebbles. At the present day,
palm nuts only are used as they are considered more easily pro-
pitiated, the others reqairing costly sacrifices and even human
blood.
Setilu initiated several of his followers in the mysteries of
Ifa worship, and it has gradually become the consulting oracle
of the whole Yoruba nation. In order to become an Ifa priest,
a long course of serious study is necessary. To consult Ifa, in the
more common and ordinary way, 16 palm nuts are to be shaken
together in the hollow of both hands, whilst certain marks are
traced with the index linger on a flat bowl dusted with yam flour,
or powdered camwood. Each mark suggests to the consulting
priest the heroic deeds of some fabulous heroes, which he duly
recounts, and so he goes on with the marks in order, until he hits
upon certain words or phrases which appear to bear upon the matter
of the applicant before him. Very often answers are given much
after the rnanner of the ancient oracle at Delphi.
Ifa was really met in this country by the Yorubas, for Oduduwa
34 THE HISTORY OF THE YORUBAS
met Setilu at He Ife, but the worship of it was officially recog-
nized by King Ofiran son of Onigbogi.
10. Sango. — Sango was the fourth King of the Yorubas, and
was deified by his friends after his death. Sango ruled over all the
Yorubas including Benin, the Popos and Dahomey, for the worship
of him has continued in all these countries to this day.
It is related of him, that being a tyrant he was dethroned by his
people, and expelled the country. Finding himself deserted not
only by his friends, but also by his beloved wife Oya, he committed
suicide at a place called Koso. His tragic end became a proverb
and a by-word, and his faithless friends were ashamed on account
of the taunts cast upon the name and fame of the unfortunate
King. To atone for their base action in deserting him, as well as
to avenge the insults on his memory they went to the Bariba
country to study the art of charm-making, and also the process
of attracting lightning upon their enemies' houses.
On their return home they put to practice with a vengeance the
lessons they had learnt. From the too frequent conflagrations
which were taking place, as well as deaths from lightning strokes,
suspicions were aroused, and enquiries were set on foot. Then
Sango's friends said that the catastrophe was attributable to the
late King taking vengeance on his enemies on account of the
indignities they had heaped upon his memory. Being appealed
to, to propitiate the offended King in order that he may stay his
vengeance upon the land, his friends offered sacrifices to him as
god, and hence these intercessors became the " Mogba " (advocate)
and priests of Sango ; and to this day their descendants hold the
same office.
The emblems of worship representing Sango are certain smooth
stones shaped like an axe head commonly taken for thunder bolts.
They are supposed to be hurled down from the heavens when the
god would kill any one who has incurred his displeasure.
The following is the process to be gone through at the initiation
of any one into the mysteries of Sango worship : — The priests
demand a ram, a water bird called Osin, a tortoise, a snail, an
armadillo, a large rat called Okete, a toad, a tadpole, the Otutu
and Opon beads, the red tail of a parrot, a guinea fowl, shea butter,
salt, palm oil, the flesh of an elephant, venison, the ihih (greens)
the leaves of the evergreens called Etiponola, Odudun, and iperegun
tree ; a small knife called " abe-esu " (the devil's razor) a white
country cloth of lo breadths, a mat called fafa (mats made of the
pith of bamboo palm branches) together with 7 heads of cowries
(14,000 cowry shells) as carriage fee.
The leaves are bruised in a bowl of water, and with the infusion
RELIGION 35
the candidate is to purify himself. He is then seated on a mortar
and shaved. The birds and tortoise are killed and their hearts
taken out, and these with slices of the flesh of all the animals
above-mentioned are pounded together with the evergreens,
and a ball is made of the compound. The candidate now submits
to incisions on his shaven head and the ball of pounded articles
is rubbed into the wounds. The neophyte now becomes a recog-
nised devotee of Sango.
Important ceremonies are performed when a house is struck
by lightning. The inmates are not allowed to sleep in any house,,
but in booths or blacksmith's shops, until the so-called thunder-
bolt is dug up and removed from the premises. A garland of palm
leaves is generally hung up at the entrance of the devoted house to
forbid any but Sango priests to enter. A watchman is kept on
the premises at the expense of the sufferers from the divine visita-
tion, and it is the duty of this man to ward off trespassers from
what is now regarded as sacred ground, till the ceremonies shall
have been performed, and the offended god appeased. With the
sole exception of the great King, the AlAfin of Ovo, all the pro-
vincial kings and ruling chiefs in whose town the catastrophe
happens to take place, are bound to repair to the spot to do
homage to Sango, who is said to pay a visit to earth.
Such occasions are greatly prized by the worshippers who swarm
to the place in numbers with their Bayani, a sort of crown made of
cowries, and they are all to be entertained at the expense of the
sufferers and also by the neighbours.
The king or chief coming to pay his respects to Sango is to
receive ii heads of cowries, a goat, and a slave in three payments.
In the case of a poor house, a member of the family is seized
if not quietly given up, and has to be ransomed at a considerable
sum, which must be paid and the above mentioned articles pro-
cured, before the ceremony can be performed. Then all being ready
the priests having now assembled, the tete (greens) etipgnQla,
together with the evergreens Odudun and peregun are bruised in
a bowl of water, and with this they purify themselves before
entering the house. They are preceded by one holding an iron
instrument (the divining rod) with which a search is made for the
spot where the bolt is believed to have entered the ground. After
some pretence they arrive at a spot in which one of their number
had previously buried one of these sharp stones. Here the ground
is ordered to be dug, with a show of solemnity, and, of course, the
thunder-bolt is found and exhumed with well-sustained marks of
piety and reverence.
Thus the common people are deceived and imposed upon, and
36 THE HISTORY OF THE YORUBAS
very few besides the priests are aware of the tricks systematically
played upon their credulity.
The concluding ceremony stiU bears hardly on the poor sufferers.
They are required to give over a son to the priests to be initiated
in the mysteries of the cult, and further they are to pay something
in order to obtain permission to rebuild their houses. Hence an
accident of this kind means great calamity to any one, and heavy
debts are incurred. The unfortunate sufferers already deprived
of their all (much or little) by this sudden stroke of ill-fortune are
often obliged to put their children to service in order to raise
money sufficient to meet the demands of the greedy worshippers
of this heartless god. The fines obtained are shared between the
king or head chief, and the town authorities ; but the articles
purchased for the performance of the ceremonies are perquisites
which are appropriated by the priests alone.
This " descent of Sango " on earth is never done but with a view
to show his displeasure on persons who are guilty of perjury
and lies. The town for a while is as it were placed under an
interdict, and during that brief period the worshippers of the god
are allowed to seize with impunity whatever they can come at in
the public streets in the vicinity of the catastrophe, such as
sheep, goats, poultry and things of greater oi less value.
Sango worshippers are forbidden to touch the large white beans
called Sese, because it is used for counteracting the evil effects
of the agencies employed in attracting lightning on people's
houses.
II. Qya. This was the name of Sango's faithful and beloved
wife. She alone of all his wives accompanied him in his flight
towards the Tapa (Nupe) country his maternal home. But courage
failed her at a place called Ira, her native town which she was
never to see any more should love for her husband prevail to
make her resolve to share with him in his destiny. B ut the prospect
of making her home among entire strangers in a strange land among
a people speaking a strange tongue, and of leaving parents and
home for ever, so overpowered her that she hesitated to proceed.
As she could not for very shame return to Oyq she remained at
Ira ; and hearing that her husband had committed suicide,
she summed up sufficient courage to follow his example.
She also was deified. The river Niger is sacred to her, and
hence that river is called all over Yoruba land Odo Oya after
her name. As thunder and lightning are attributed to Sango
so tornado and violent thunderstorms, rending trees and levelling
high towers and houses are attributed to Oya. They signify her
displeasure.
RELIGION 37
Deified heroes and heroines are never spoken of as dead, but as
having disappeared. Thus the saying : —
" Oya wole ni ile Ira
Sango wgle ni Koso."
(Oya disappeared in the town of Ira
Sango disappeared at Koso).
Two naked swords and the horns of a buffalo are the representa-
tive image of Oya. Her followers are forbidden to touch mutton,
they are distinguished by a particular kind of red beads which are
always tied round their necks.
12. Erinle. Erinle was originally a hunter, native of Ajagbusi.
He was poor and unmarried. Having no home, he dwelt in a booth
erected under a large gbinghin tree by the river side, whence he
made his expeditions to shoot monkeys for sale by which he earned
his livelihood. He is said to have been accidentally swept down
the river by a strong current and was drowned. A river flowing
by the present town of Ilobu, which empties itself into the Osun
river was named after him. The representing image consists of
black smooth stones from that river, and an image of iron sm-
mounted by the figure of a bird. The followers are distinguished
by wearing a chain of iron or brass round their necks, and bracelets
of the same material.
13. Orisa Oko. Orisa Oko was also a hunter, a native of
Irawo. He used to entrap guinea fowls in nets set in the farm of
one Ogunjeiisowe, a wealthy farmer, and bj^ this means he gained
his livelihood. He kept a dog and a fife, and on several occasions
when lost in the bush his whereabouts were discovered by his dog
at the sound of the fife. He lived to a good old age, and when
infirm and unable to pursue his calling as a hunter, he practised
soothsaying and numbers flocked to him.
It may be observed that in countries where letters are not known
and the language not reduced to writing the aged are the reposi-
tories of wisdom and knowledge, hence the younger generation
regard their seniors as guides and prophets, and their vast stores
of experience serve as keys to unlock many a doubtful point in
the affairs of the young. The latter used to regard the foresight
displayed by the elders as a marvel ; it is easy, therefore to under-
stand how it came about that extraordinary powers are attributed
to them. It is only thus that one can account in a way for the
success of those who are often styled " medicine men " " sorcerers "
" soothsayers," etc.
As witchcraft was punished with death, persons accused of it
were taken to Orisa Oko for trial. He was accustomed to lead
38 THE HISTORY OF THE YORUBAS
the accused to a cave supposed to be inhabited by a demon called
Polo. In this cave Orisa Oko practised his sorcery. In cases
where an accused was innocent, he would return with him ; if
otherwise, then his head is thrown out to those awaiting a decision.
Polo the demon executed the guilty. The fame of Orisa Oko
spread and numbers resorted to him in taking oaths. His oracle
was regarded as infaUible, and appeals to him were final.
After his death, his followers practised his methods taking
the precaution to secrete a strong man in the cave to act the part
of the supposed Polo.
But a striking exposure soon brought the practice into disrepute,
and it was aboHshed. It happened thus. A man was accused
and as usual, was taken to the cave ; but he proved to be a far
stronger man than the supposed Polo, and the result was that he
killed the counterfeit demon, and threw his head out of the cave
to those who were eagerly waiting for the decision of the god.
The representing image is a fife made of ivory or a flat piece of
iron 5 or 6ft. in length similar to what is given as a sign of
acquittal to those in whose favour the god had decided.
The Erugun mystery is of a kind similar to that of the Orisa Oko
worship. It also was practised in a cave by the side of a mount
called the Erugun mount.
The above are the principal gods worshipped by the Yorubas.
There are besides many inferior divinities to whom offerings
are made. In fact the whole number of gods and goddesses
acknowledged is reckoned at 401. Propitiatory sacrifices are
also offered to whatever in nature is awe inspiring or magnificent
such as the Ocean, huge rocks, tall trees, and high mountains. To
the last named especially offerings are made for the procreation
of children.
Mohammedanism as was observed above, was introduced
towards the close of the eighteenth century ; it numbered very
few adherents up to the time when the Fulanis by stratagem,
seized Ilgrin and overran the northern provinces, as we shall
find related in the second part of this history. The towns in
the plain were swept with fire and the sword, with the alternative
of the acceptance of the Koran, and submission to the Fulanis ;
the southward progress of the conquerors, however, was stopped
at Osogbo, where the Ibadans met and crushed them, and in the
direction of the Ijesa and Ekiti provinces, the forests and mountain
fastnesses offered insurmountable obstacles to these intrepid
horsemen, who could neither fight on foot nor engage in a bush
warfare ; hence Mohammedanism prevailed chiefly in the north,
but latterly it spread southwards by peaceful means, chiefly by
RELIGION 39
traders and itinerant mendicant preachers. It is now embraced
by thousands, as it appears to be a superior form of rehgion to the
paganism of their ancestors.
Christianity. Christianity was introduced by the Church
Missionary Society in 1843, first into Abeokuta via Badagry,
and from thence to Ibadan in May 1851, and also to Ijaye. On
January 10, 1852, the C. M.S. removed their base from Badagry
to Lagos. From Abeokuta, mission stations were planted at the
Oke Ogun and Egbado districts, from Ibadan missions were planted
at Iwo, Modakeke, Ife, Osogbo and Ilesa. Missions were established
also at Oyo and Ogbomoso before the Ijaye war broke out in i860,
which put a stop to the progress of missions all over the country.
The intertribal wars which followed and which convulsed the
greater part of the country, and devastated large areas, prevented
its growth northwards, but at Abeokuta where it was first planted,
it grew so rapidly that at the time of the British occupation,
Christian adherents could be numbered by thousands ; schools
had been established, and evangelistic work among the surrounding
kindred tribes systematically undertaken and was being vigorously
carried on.
The Bible in the vernacular was the most potent factor in the
spread of the religion. The sincerity of the converts, and the
firm hold the religion has attained, have been fully tested by
several bloody persecutions endured for the faith, through which
they came out triumphant.
The forces organized for home defence chiefly against the
Dahomian attacks contained a compact body of Christians under
their own captain, the esprit de corps existing among them, and the
invariable success which always attended their arms, won for them
the respect and admiration, of their pagan rulers and countrymen.
This contributed not a little to the cessation of persecutions and the
increase of their number.
The establishment of the British protectorate saw the mission,
established at Ijebu, where it has since been spreading phenomenally
and also in the Ijesa and Ekiti provinces. It is self propagating
by means of the people learning to read the Bible in their own
tongue. To God be the praise.
RELIGION 39
traders and itinerant mendicant preachers. It is now embraced
by thousands, as it appears to be a superior form of rehgion to the
paganism of their ancestors.
Christianity. Christianity was introduced by the Church
Missionary Society in 1843, first into Abeokuta via Badagry,
and from thence to Ibadan in May 1851, and also to Ijaye. On
January 10, 1852, the C. M.S. removed their base from Badagry
to Lagos. From Abeokuta, mission stations were planted at the
Oke Ogun and Egbado districts, from Ibadan missions were planted
at Iwo, Modakeke, Ife, Osogbo and Ilesa. Missions were established
also at Oyo and Ogbomoso before the Ijaye war broke out in i860,
which put a stop to the progress of missions all over the country.
The intertribal wars which followed and which convulsed the
greater part of the country, and devastated large areas, prevented
its growth northwards, but at Abeokuta where it was first planted,
it grew so rapidly that at the time of the British occupation,
Christian adherents could be numbered by thousands ; schools
had been established, and evangelistic work among the surrounding
kindred tribes systematically undertaken and was being vigorously
carried on.
The Bible in the vernacular was the most potent factor in the
spread of the religion. The sincerity of the converts, and the
firm hold the religion has attained, have been fully tested by
several bloody persecutions endured for the faith, through which
they came out triumphant.
The forces organized for home defence chiefly against the
Dahomian attacks contained a compact body of Christians under
their own captain, the esprit de corps existing among them, and the
invariable success which always attended their arms, won for them
the respect and admiration, of their pagan rulers and countrymen.
This contributed not a little to the cessation of persecutions and the
increase of their number.
The establishment of the British protectorate saw the mission,
established at Ijebu, where it has since been spreading phenomenally
and also in the Ijesa and Ekiti provinces. It is self propagating
by means of the people learning to read the Bible in their own
tongue. To God be the praise.
GOVERNMENT 4I
The vassal or provincial kings and ruling princes were 1060
at the time of the greatest prosperity of the empire which then
included the Popos, Dahomey, and parts of Ashanti, with portions
of the Tap^s and Baribas.
The word " king " as generally used in this country includes
all more or less distinguished chiefs, who stand at the head of a
clan, or one who is the ruler of an important district or province,
especially those who can trace their descent from the founder,
or from one of the great leaders or heroes who settled with him in
this country. They are of different grades, corresponding some-
what to the different orders of the English peerage (dukes,
marquises, eails, viscounts and barons), and their order of rank is
well-known among themselves. The Onikoyi as head of the
Ekicn Osi 01 metropohtan province was the first of these " kings "
and he it was who used to head them all to Oyo once a j'ear to pay
homage to the AlAfin or King of the Yorubas.
The AlAfin
The AlAfin is the supreme head of all the kings and princes
of the Yoruba nation, as he is the direct lineal descendant and
successor of the reputed founder of the nation. The succession as
above said is by election from amongst the members of the royal
family, of the one considered as the most worthy, age and nearness
to the throne being taken into consideration. It might be
mentioned also in passing that the feelings and acceptance of
the denizens of the harem towards the king-elect are often
privately ascertained and assured of previously.
In the earliest days, the eldest son naturally succeeded the father,
and in order to be educated in all the duties of the kingship which
must one day devolve upon him, he was often associated more or
less with the father in performing important duties and thereby
he often performedroyal functions, and thus gradually he practically
reigned with his father under the title of Aremo (the heir appaient)
having his own official residence near the palace ; but as the age
grew corrupt, the Aremo often exercised sway quite as much as or
more than the King himself, especially in the course of a long reign,
when age has rendered the monarch feeble. They had equal powers
of life and death over the King's subjects, and there are some
cases on record of the Aremo being strongly suspected of termin-
ating the father's Hfe, in order to attain full powers at once. It
was therefore made a law and part of the constitution that as the
Aremo reigned with his father, he must also die with him.
This law had the effect at any rate of checking parricide. It
continued to take effect up to the last century when (in 1858)
42 THE HISTORY OF THE YORUBAS
it was repealed by Atiba one of the later Kings in favour of his
Aremq Adelu. The Aremo may now succeed if found worthy,
but he must be elected in the usual way ; but if passed over or
rejected by the king-makers he must leave the city and resort
to a private retirement in the provinces. This however, is not
really obhgatory, but as he must be superseded in his office,
such a course is inevitable, unless he chooses of his own accord
to die with the father.
The choice may sometimes fall upon one of the poorer princes,
in the quiet pursuit of his trade, with no aspiration after the
throne ; such a one is sent for, and unnecessarily ill-used for the
last time to his own surprise ; this was done probably for the
purpose of testing his temper and spirit. He may not be aware
of the intentions of the Oyo Mesi until he is being admonished
by them as to the duties and responsibilities of the exalted position
he is soon to fill.
The nominators are three titled members of the royal family,
viz., the Ona-Isokun, the Ona-Aka, and the Omo-Ola, uncles
or cousins of the King, but generally entitled the " King's fathers."
These have to submit or suggest the names to the noblemen for
election, but the Basorun's voice is paramount to accept or to
reject.
Curious and elaborate ceremonies precede the actual accession
to the throne. After all arrangements have been made, the
ceremonies begin by a sacrifice brought from the house of the
Ona-Isokun by a body of men called Omg-ninari ; these belong
to a family specially concerned in carrying out all menial duties
connected with the offering of sacrifices and in waiting upon the
King and the priests. As soon as they enter the house where
the King-elect is, he is called out, and he has to stand up with an
attendant by his side. He is touched on the chest, and on the
right and left shoulders with the bowl of sacrifice, the attendant
in the mean time uttering some form of words. This is the signal
that he has been called to the throne. On the evening of the same
day, he is conducted quietly into the house of the Ona-Isokun
where he spends the first night. In order to avoid the crowd, the
attention of the populace is usually diverted by a procession of the
Kings' slaves and others with much noise and ado, as if escorting
him, whilst the king-elect accompanied by the Aregbe'di, a titled
eunuch, and a few of the Omo-ni-nari come up quietly a long way
behind.
At the Ona-Isokun' s house, he is attended solely by the Omo-
ni-nari. He is admonished and advised by those who stand to
him in place of a father. Some ceremonies of purification are gone
GOVERNMENT 43
through, propitiatory sacrifices are again offered which are carried
to various quarters of the city by the Onto-ni-nari.
The next night he passes at the house* of the Otun-Iwefa (the
next in rank to the chief of the eunuchs). This official being a
priest of Sango, it is probable that the king-elect spends the night
with him in order to be initiated into the sacerdotal part of his
office, the Alafin having as much spiritual as well as secular
work to perform, being at once King and Priest to his people ;
and probably' he learns there also the usages and doings of the
huge population in the inner precincts of the palace with which
the eunuchs are quite conversant. After this, he is conducted
into one of the chambers in the Outer Court of the palace (Omo ile)
where he resides for three months, the period of mourning, until
his coronation.
The main gateway to the palace being closed at the demise of
the King, a private opening is made for him in the outer wall
through which he goes in and out of his temporary residence.
During this time he remains strictly in private, learning and
practising the style and deportment of a King, and the details of
the important duties and functions of his office. During this period
he is dressed in black, and is entitled to use a " cap of state"
called " Ori-k6-gbe-ofo." (The head may not remain uncovered).
The affairs of state are at this time conducted by the Basorun.
The Coronation
The coronation takes place at the end of three months, really
at the third appearance of the new moon after the late King's
death. The date is generally so fixed as to have it if possible
before the next great festival. It is attended with a great public
demonstration. It is a gala day in which the whole city appears
in holiday dress. Visitors from the provinces and representatives
of neighbouring states also flock into the city in numbers.
This day is generally known as " The King's visit to the BarA."
It is the first but most important act of the ceremonies.
The Bara or royal mausoleum is a consecrated building in
the outskirts of the city, under the care of a high-priestess named
Iyamode ; there the Kings were formally crowned, and there
buried. The King enters it but once in his lifetime, and that is
^ Tradition says that in the early times while the King -elect
is in the Otun'efa's house among other dishes brought to
him to partake of is one prepared from the heart of the late King
which has been extracted and preserved. After partaking of
this he is told he has " eaten the King." Hence the origin of the
word Je Oba, to become a King (ht. to eat a King).
44 THE HISTORY OF THE YORUBAS
at the coronation with marked pomp and ceremony. The
actual crowning does not now take place in the Bar A as it seems
to have been, but at Koso the shrine of Sango, but the visit to
the Bara is so important and indispensable a preliminary that it
has become more closely identified with the coronation than that
to the other shrines visited on that occasion.
Leaving the Ipadi — his temporary chambers — there are two
stations at which the King elect has to halt before reaching the
sacred building ; the' first is the Ahdtd or area in front of the palace
where a tent of beautiful cloths has been erected tor him. Here
he has to change his mourning dress for a princely robe. He then
proceeds to the second station at the Alapini's midway on his
route where a large tent and an enclosure have been erected for
his reception. Here he is awaited by a vast concourse of people
and welcomed with ringing cheers. Here he receives the congratu-
lations and homage of the princes, the nobles, the chiefs and the
people and is hailed as the King. Some ceremonies are here gone
through also which include distribution of kola nuts, etc., to
the princes and chiefs without.
After this he proceeds to the Bara accompanied by the whole
concourse of people who have to remain outside. He enters the
sacred precincts attended by the Magaji lyajin (his official elder
brother) the princesses, the Ona-Onse-awo (an official) , the Otun-
wefa (the next to the chief of the eunuchs) who is a priest and
the Omo-ni-nari, a set of servants. These last are to slaughter
and skin the animals to be offered in sacrifice.
At the Bara he worships at the tombs of his fathers, a horse,
a cow, and a ram being offered at each tomb ; portions are sent
out to each of the noblemen, princes, and chiefs waiting outside, the
Basorun receiving the first and the lion's share oi the whole.
He invokes the blessings of his deceased fathers and is hereby said
to receive authority to wear the crown. The visit to the BarA
then is for the purpose of receiving authority or permission from
his deceased ancestors to wear the crown, hence it is spoken of as
the coronation. It is a fixed rule that the whole of the meat is
to be totally consumed at the BarA ; under no circumstance should
any be taken home.
This over, the King returns hence with great pomp and show
to his temporary chambers, amid the firing of feu de joie, the
bleating of the Kakaki trumpet, drumming, etc.
On the fifth day after this he proceeds to Koso, the shrine of
Sango, for the actual crowning. Here he is attended by the
Otun-wefa who has the charge of the shrine, the Bale (mayor)
of Koso a suburban village, the Omo-ni-naris, and the Isonas.
GOVERNMENT 45
[The Isgnas are a body of men whose sole employment is to do
all needle and embroidered work for royalty. They are also the
umbrella-makers. The crown, staff, robes, and all ornamental
beadworks, and workings in cotton, silk, or leather are executed
by them].
Surrounded by the principal eunuchs and princes the great
crown is placed on his head with much ceremony by the lykkere.
Who the ly^kere is, for whom is reserved this most important
function will be seen below. The royal robes are put on him,
the Ejigba* round his neck, the staff and the Sword of Mercy
are placed in his hands.
On the fifth day after this, he proceeds to the shrine of Orafiyan,
here the Great Sword or Sword of Justice brought from Ile Ife
is placed in his hands, without which he can huve no authority to
order an execution.
After another interval of five days, he proceeds to the shrine
of Ogun the god of war, and there offers a propitiatory sacrifice
for a peaceful reign. The offerings consist of a cow, a ram, and
a dog ; this last being indispensable in any sacrifice to the god of
war.
From the shrine of Ogun, the procession goes straight on to the
palace, entering now for the first time by the main gate opened for
him, the former opening through the outer wall to the temporary
chambers being quickly walled up. Thus he enters the palace
proper as The King.
But a new opening is made for him at the Kohi Aganju through
which he enters the inner precincts of the palace. This entrance is
tor his exclusive use in and out of the Kgbi during his reign : at
his death it is closed up. At this entrance they offer in sacrifice a
snail, a tortoise, an armadillo, a field mouse (emo) a large rat (okete)
a toad, a tadpole, a pigeon, a fowl, a ram, a cow, a horse, a man and
a woman, the last two being buried at the threshhold of the
opening ; on the blood of the victims and over the grave of the
two last, he has to walk to the inner court.
Human saciifices however (now totally abolished) were not
commonly practised amongst the Oygs, but such immolation
was always performed at the coionation and at the burial of the
sovereign. By these sacrifices he is not only crowned King with
^ The Ejigba is a string of costly beads reaching down to the
knees. Beads are used for precious stones. This represents the
chain of office. Chains — they say — are for captives, hence they use
beads instead.
D
46 THE HISTORY OF THE YORUBAS
power over all, man and beast, but he is also consecrated a priest
to the nation. His person, therefore, becomes sacred.
All this having been performed, it is now formally announced
to the assembled pubUc, that King " A " is dead (or rather has
entered into the vault of the skies — O wo Aja) and King "B "
now reigns in his stead.
During the interval of the late King's illness, up to the time of
his death, the business of state is carried on normally by the palace
ofl&cers, the Osi-'wefa personating the King, even to the extent of
putting on his robes and crown, and sitting on the throne when
such is required ; but as soon as it is known that he is dead the
Basgrun at once assumes the chief authority, and nothing can
be done without him.
The King having been crowned, he is henceforth forbidden to
appear in public streets by day, except on very special and extra-
ordinary occasions ; he is, however, allowed evening strolls on
moonhght nights when he may walk about incognito.
This seclusion not only enhances the awe and majesty due to
a sovereign, but also lends power and authority to his commands,
and is the best safe-guard for public order at their present
stage of civiUzation. Besides, it would be very inconvenient
to the citizens it the King were always coming out, for according
to the universal custom of the country, whenever a chief is out,
all his subordinates must go out with him. It is an inviolable
law and custom of the country, and is appHcable to all, whatever
their rank : thus, if the Basorun is out, all the Oyo Mesi must be
out also. If the Bale of any town is out, all the chiefs of the town
must be out also, and if the King is out, the whole city must be
astir and on the move, all business suspended, until he returns
into the palace.
Igba Iwa
At the commencement of every reign, the Igba Iwa or Calabashes
of divination are brought from Ile Ife to the new King to divine
what sort of reign his will be.
Two covered calabashes, of similar shape and size but with
quite different contents are brought, one containing money,
small pieces of cloth and other articles of merchandize, denoting
peace and prosperity ; the other containing miniature swords and
spears, arrows, powder, bullet, razor, knives, etc., denoting wars
and trouble for the country. The King is to choose one of them
before seeing the contents, and according as he chooses so will be
the fate of the Yoruba country during his reign.
GOVERNMENT 47
The Aremo
The very first official act of the new King after his coronation
is to create an Aremg, and a Princess Royal or an eqmvalent.
The Aremo is the Crown Prince. The term simply denotes an
heir, but it is used as the title of the Crown Prince of Oyo.
The title is conferred upon the eldest son of the sovereign in a
formal manner, the ceremony being termed the "christening"
as of a newly born child, hence he is often termed " Qmo " (child)
by way of distinction The title of Princess Royal is at the same
time and in the same manner conferred upon the eldest daughter
of the sovereign as well ; this, however, is of much less importance
than the other. When the King is too young to have a son, or his
son is a minor, the title is temporarily conferred upon a younger
brother, or next of kin that stands to him in place of a son, but
as soon as the son is of age, he must assume his title and begin to
act under the guardianship of the eunuchs who are his guardians.
The method is as follows : — Both of them must have a Sponsor,
or " father " as he is called, chosen by divination from among the
titled eunuchs ; this done, the Aremo repairs to the house of the
Ona-Isokun to worship at the graves of the deceased Aremos, who
were all buried there, and the princess to that of her deceased pre-
decessor in her mother's house ; the King supplying them with a
bullock each. The whole day is thus spent in festivities. On their
return in the evening they both proceed direct to their sponsor's
house where they must reside four days, each day being marked
with festi\'ities, the king supplying two bullocks every day, and
this is further supplemented by the Aremo himself. The feasts
are open to the general public, whoever Hkes to repair to the house
is a welcome guest, portions are also sent out to the princes, the
noblemen, and other distinguished personages. At the end of the
fourth day the Aremg, invested with the robes of his office and
with a coronet, is conducted to his official residence where he takes
up his permanent abode, and the princess suitably clad hkewise
repairs to her own home.
Public Appearances of the King
The King generally appears in public on the three great annual
festivals of Ifa, Orun, and the Bere. In two at least of these
festivals (that of the Orun and the Bere), the Basorun is equally
concerned with him.
These festivals have certain features in common, although each
has its own marked characteristics. They are all preceded by the
48 THE HISTORY OF THE YORUBAS
worship of Ogun (the god of war) and on the third day after, the
firing of a royal salute, and the sound of the ivory trumpet announce
to the public, that the King may now be seen in state, sitting on
his throne, and all loyal subjects who wish to have a glimpse of
his majesty now may repair to the palace.
The festival of I fa or Mole takes place in the month of July,
nine days after the festival of Sango. The Ifa is the god of divin-
ation. One day in the week is generally given to the consultation
or the service of Ifa, but an annual festival is celebrated in its
honour at Oyq.
The Orun festival takes place in September. At this festival
the King and the Basorun worship together the Ori or god of fate.
The Orun from which it appears the Basorun derives his name
and title is a curious if not rather a mystical rite. The word
" Orun " signifies heaven. The title in lull is Iba Osorun i.e.
the lord who performs the Orun or heavenly mysteries.
The King and his Osorun are often spoken of as " Oba aiye "
and " Qba Orun " i.e.. King terrestrial and King celestial. In
what way His Supernal Highness performs the Orun, or what
position he assumes towards the sovereign in this ceremony, is
not generally known, because it is always done in private. But the
rite seems to deal with affairs connected ■s\'ith the King's life. It
is to him a periodic reminder of his coming apotheosis, and the
emblem of worship is said to be a coffin made of or paved with
clay in which he is to be buried. It is kept in charge of the " lya
Oba " (the King's official mother) in a room in her apartments,
visited by no one, and the ceremonies are performed in private
once a year by the King himself, his " mother " and his Osorun,
the latter taking the chief part ; consequently very little is actually
known of the doings of these three august personages. But this
much is allowed to be known, that the Basorun is to divine with
kola nuts, to see whether the King's sacrifices are acceptable to
the celestials or not, if the omen be favourable the Alafin is
to give the Basorun presents of a horse and other valuables ; if
unfavourable, he is to die, he has forfeited his right to further
existence. But there can be no doubt that under such circum-
stances, it can always be managed between them that the omens
be always favourable.
From this and other circumstances, it would appear that the
King on this occasion occupies a humiliating position as one whose
conduct is under review, hence the great privacy observed, for
it is a cardinal principle with Yorubas that the Alafin, as the
representative of the founder of the race, is to humble himself
before no mortal ; if such a contingency were to occur, he is to die.
GOVERNMENT
49
Hence, no doubt, that his natural mother (if then living) is to make
way for her son ascending the throne, so there will be no occasion
to violate any filial duty imperative on a son who is at the same
time the King. His majesty must be supreme. Even in per-
forming reverential duties before the priests of Sango, when such
are required, some privacy must be observed.
The Bere festival takes place in January, towards the end of
the year, the new year commencing in March. It is the most
important and the grandest of the three. It is primarily the harvest
home festival, symboUzed by ceremoniously setting the fields
on fire to indicate that it has been cleared of the fruits of the earth.
It is an important one at Oyo, not only because it closes the
civil year, but also because by it the King numbers the years of
his reign.
The Bere itself which seems to be the symbol of so many cere-
monies, is a common grass which grows only in the plain country
and is used mainly for thatching houses. It is considered the most
sumptuous of all other materials used for covering houses : it is
the coolest, the neatest, the most durable, and lends itself best
for ornamental purposes ; consequently it is highly thought of.
The festival proper is always preceded by two important
ceremonies, the Pakudirin indicating the beginning, and the
Jelepa the end of the ingatherings.
The Pakudirin is performed by the Ona-'wefa or chief of the
eunuchs, by the Basorun or his representative and the Ab'obaku
or master of the horse.
The King in semi-state appears in the Kobi Aganju to witness
the same, with several of the ladies of the palace around him,
and at the entrance of the Aganju, the musicians making the
occasion very lively.
The King is supposed not to have seen the new Bere grass of the
year, the Ona-'wefa first steps forwards before him with a scythe
made of brass or copper, performing in the air a mimic act of
mo\ving the grass, and one of the ladies of the palace deputed for
the purpose, extending her wrap as it were to receive the same,
hugging it as something precious. This is done two or three
times, the Basorun then follows and goes through the same forms,
and then the master of the horse. Each of these chiefs now makes
a short speech congratulating the King on the advent of a new
year, wishing him a long life and prosperous reign.
After this, about half-a-dozen men with small bundles of the
Bere grass, neatly done up, enter the palace, with measured steps
to the sound of music, and come dancing before the King in front
of the Aganju. His Majesty is supposed to see the grass now for
50 THE HISTORY OF THE YORUBAS
the first time that year. This ceremony is brought to a close
by presents given to the men, and then all spectators disperse.
From nine to seventeen days are now allowed for harvesting
before the fields are set on fire.
The Jelepa is the ceremony of setting the fields on fire. This
is performed by the Basorun outside the city walls. Booths and
enclosures of palm leaves having been erected for the purpose,
the Basorun with a princely train repairs thither on the day
appointed. He is met there by a number of women from the
palace bringing a large calabash draped with a white cloth and
containing 01^1^ (a sort of pudding made of white beans and
palm oil) and Eko (a kind of blanc -mange made of soaked corn
flour), corn and beans being taken as the staples of Hfe, the
principal products of the field.
His Supernal Highness first offers a morsel of these in sacrifice
as a harvest thank-offering for the Yoruba nation, after which
both himself and those with him partake of the rest accompanied
with palm wine or beer made from guinea corn, thanking God for
the blessings of the field. This over he orders the fields to be
set on fire : but if by an accident the fields have already been fired,
a bundle of dry grass brought from home is used instead, for the
purpose of the ceremony.
The firing of a feu de joie now serves to show that the ceremony
is over and the parties are returning to the city. This is done
in state. The Basorun robes in one of the enclosures : he is
attended by hundreds of horsemen and footmen, horsemen gallop-
ing backwards and forwards before him, the firing and the fifing
and drumming are quite deafening. With such a right royal pro-
cession His Supernal Highness re-enters the city. On the evening
of the same day, the King worships the Ogun which is a prehminary
to every annual festival.
The following day is a very busy one at Oyq. It is a day of
paying tributes of Bere grass. The whole of the Oyo Mesi first
send theirs to the King, the Basorun alone would send about
200 bundles, the subordinate chiefs send to the senior chiefs, every
one to his feudal lord or chief, each man according to his rank
and position and so on to the lowest grades, the young men to the
heads of compounds, so that it is usual to see loads of Bere passing
to and fro all over the town the whole day. From the provinces
also tributes of Bere come to Oyo later on ; e.g. from the Aseyin
of Iseyin, the Oluiwo of Iwo, the Bale of Ogbomoso and other
cities of the plain where the Bere grows.
This being the recognized principal festival of the AlAfin other
towns in lieu of Bere send congratulatory messages with presents,
tste debe hacer
GOVERNMENT 5I
or tributes ; the Ibadans in their marauding days used to send
slaves ; from the Ij§sas and Ekiti countries come kola nuts, alligator
pepper, firewood and other forest products. Towns nearer the
coast send articles of European manufacture, and so on during this
season.
The day after, being the third day of the ceremony of Jglepa and
the worship of Ogun, the public festival takes place.
The King in State
The King generally appears in state on these three festive
occasions.
Facing the large quadrangle of the outer court are the six
principal Kobis, that in the centre is what is known as the Kqbi
Aganju or throne room where the AlAfin always appears on
state occasions. It is always kept closed, and never used for any
other purpose but this.
On such occasions, the floor is spread all over with mats, and the
front . of the throne overspread with scarlet cloths ; the posts
all around are decorated with velvet cloths, and the walls with
various hangings.
The throne or chair of state was made of wood at a time when
the knowledge of carpentry was not common in this country ;
it cannot boast of any artistic merit, but it is highly valued for
its solidity, hoary age, and tr?.dition. It is of a large size and
covered over with velvet.
The crown is made of costly beads such as coral, agra, and the
like, which in this poor country stand to the people instead of
precious stones. It is artisticsdly done up by experts, with fringes
of small multi-coloured beads depending from the rim, which serve
to veil the face.
The robes are usually silks or velvets, of European manufacture,
which were of much greater value in earlier days when inter-
course with the coast was not so common or easy as it now is.
The Ejigha is the " chaiYi of office." This is made of a string of
costly beads going round the neck and reaching as far down as
the knees.
The Opa Ileke is the staff or sceptre artistically covered all over
with small multi-coloured beads.
The Iru here is a specially prepared cow's tail of spotless white
which the King generally holds in front of his mouth when speaking
for it is considered bad form to see him open his mouth in public.
He makes his speech sotto voce, and it is repeated to the assembly in
a loud voice by the chief of the Eunuchs. The white tail is more-
over an emblem of peace and grace.
52 THE HISTORY OF THE YORUBAS
The State Umbrellas. Umbrellas in this country are part and
parcel of state paraphernalia. In fact there was a time when
private individuals dared not use an umbrella ; that was in the
days before cheap foreign ones were obtainable. The prohibition
was first done away with at Ibadan, where the war boys were
allowed to enjoy themselves in any way they liked, and use any
materials of clothing and ornament they could afford, as it might
be for only a few days before they laid down their lives on a
battlefield.
However, those of a chief are easily distinguished now by their
size and quality. They are almost always of bright colouring
usually of damasks. The size and number are in proportion to
the rank of the chief, usually of European manufacture now,
though there is a distinct family of royal umbrella makers kept at
Oyo who make those of the largest size. Most of the umbrellas
foreign or locally made are decorated with certain emblems indica-
tive of rank. About two dozen or more are used on these festive
occasions.
Music. The Kobi, third or fourth to the Agahju is occupied
by the musicians. The musical instruments consist of almost
every description of fifes, trumpets and drums, of which the ivory
and Kakaki trumpets and Ogidigbo drum are peculiar to the
sovereign.
The King enthroned is surrounded by his favourite wives, one
of whom, the Are-ori-ite, holds a small silk parasol over his head
from behind as a canopy.
About 30 or 40 female Ilaris with costly dress and velvet caps
About 30 or 40 female Ilaris with costly dress and velvet caps
on, are seated on the scarlet cloth on the right and on the left in
front of the throne, but in the open air, under two large umbrellas,
one on either side, a wide space being left between them.
Then there is a row of about ten large umbrellas each on the
right and the left, both rows facing each other, leaving a wide
avenue between from the throne to the main entrance gate ; under
those on the right are seated the Crown Prince supported by all
the princes and the principal eunuchs : under those on the left
are the younger eunuchs, the Ilaris, the Tetus, and other palace
officials. Behind these on either side are the crowds of
spectators.
At a considerable distance in front of the throne, in the avenue
left between the two groups, stand the Basorun and the rest
of the Oyo Mesi to do homage. This is done by taking off their
robes, wrapping their cloths round their waists, leaving the body
bare ; three times they have to run to the main entrance gate,
sprinkle earth on their heads and on their naked bodies, and run
GOVERNMENT 53
back half way towards the throne, prostrating themselves on the
bare ground, on the stomach and on the back !
Then follows the customary oration from the throne, the King
speaking in an undertone with the iru kere in front of his mouth,
and the chief of the eunuchs, who with his lieutenants the Otun and
the Osi'wefa is standing midway between the throne and the
noblemen in the avenue between the spectators, acts as his spokes-
man, repeating his message in a loud voice to the Basorun and his
colleagues. The Basorun replies first, congratulating His Majesty,
wishing him long life and prosperity, the other noblemen follow
in regular order, the Asipa being the last. The chief of the eunuchs
in like manner repeats the congratulatory address to their lord.
That over, the sacrificial feast is now brought forward for
distribution. About 40 dishes of stewed meat, 40 baskets of
eko, 15 pots of beer, a bowl or two of boiled yam, a large quantity
of boiled corn (maize) to these is added in later years a demijohn
of rum.
The Add-hd or king's taster now steps forward with a rod in
his right hand, and a shield on his left, accompanied by his drummer.
He first dances before the King and then retreats taking with him
his own portion, a basket of eko, a plate of meat, a pot of beer, one
yam, a head of corn ; he is to have a taste of each of these in the
presence of the king, and the concourse of spectators present, after
which his followers make away with the rest of his portion.
Next comes the Olosa or king's robber, plajang the clown.
He is dressed in a flowing garment, creeps about on all fours,
performing mimic acts of robbery for the amusement of the
spectators. After a few more amusements, the curtain drops.
The rest of the dishes are cleared away into the dining hall where
the Asipa by virtue of his office subsequently distributes them
among the noblemen and their followers according to their
rank, that of the Basorun being one half of the whole. When
the curtain rises again, the King appears in a more gorgeous
robe, with another crown on his head. His Majesty now steps
out of the Kobi with his staff in hand, and walks towards
the Ogidigbo drum, stately and majestic, and the Basorun comes
dancing to meet him ; all at once the drums, fifes, and trumpets
strike up in concert, the two rows of umbrellas move forward
meeting in the centre to form a shady avenue for the two august
personages, the King stepping forward with measured treads
to the sound of the music, and the Basorun, dancing, and meeting
him, receives from him one head of stringed cowries. This however
is expected to be returned the next day, the apparent gift being
merely a part of the ceremony.
on, are
54 THE HISTORY OF THE YORUBAS
This usually ends the show, but on the B§re festival the King
continues his walk right on to the great entrance gate, then half
round the quadrangle giving the spectators a full view of himself,
then by a side door disappears into the inner precincts of the palace.
The spectators thereupon disperse.
These three festivals are concluded by a few male Ilaris carrying
sacrifices to certain quarters in the outskirts of the city in a state of
perfect nudity, which is rather a trying time for them ; there is
always a rush of the women clearing out of their way, on the
approach of them ; the performance being symbolic of some
religious rite. If it is violated by any show of natural excite-
ment, it must be atoned for, and there is but one penalty,
viz., decapitation ! But there is no record of any such case
occurring within living memory. Their reward for this trying ordeal
is, that after their return, being properly dressed, they are admitted
into the King's presence, who, sitting in state, receives them with
marks of honour.
This ends the ceremonies of the festivals.
But at the Bere season, one more ceremony remains, that known
as the ceremony of " Touching the grass." About 5.30 p.m. on
a day appointed, the King issuing from the palace is accompanied
by his slaves who have been engaged in piling into two or three
heaps the bundles of bere grass scattered about in the area in front
of the palace, including those brought from the provinces. The
piles are done up in an artistic manner, 8 or loft. high in an open
space away from any risk of fire. His Majesty now steps forward,
and lays both hands upon each of the heaps, making a short speech,
invoking blessings on the Yoruba nation, congratulating himself
for being spared to see another year. This brings the Bere festival
to a close.
The Funeral of the King
Although the funeral of the King cannot properly he said to be
one of his public appearances, yet it is considered more convenient
to describe it in this place along with other public ceremonies of
which he is the centre.
The Kings are buried in the Bard. The funeral usually takes
place at night. It is notified to the public by the sounding of the
Okinkin (a musical instrument Uke the bugle), the ivory trumpet,
and the Koso drum, a drum which is usually beaten every morning
at 4 a.m. as a signal for him to rise from his bed ; to beat it at night
therefore, is to indicate that he is retiring to his final resting place.
The body is removed to the Bard on the back of those whose
office it is to bury the Kings the chief of whom is a titled personage
GOVERNMENT 55
known as the Ona-onse-awo, and his lieutenants. At certain
stations on the route between the palace and the Bard, eleven in
all, they halt and immolate a man and a ram, and also at the Bard
itself, four women each at the head and at the feet, two boys on
the right and on the left, were usually buried in the same grave
with the dead monarch to be his attendants in the other world,
and last of all the lamp-bearer in whose presence all the ceremonies
are performed.
All these practices, however, have long been aboUshed, a horse
and a bullock being used instead of human beings.
The King is buried in black and white dress ; but the crown
on his head, the gorgeous robe with which he was laid out in
state, and with which his corpse was decked to the Bard, and
the bracelets on his wrists and ankles are never buried with him,
these become the perquisites of the Ona-ofise-awo and his
lieutenants.
The Bard in which the Kings are buried is distinguished by its
aloof situation from public thoroughfares in the outskirts of the
city, and having to it as many kohis as there are Kings lying there,
one being erected over each. The present Bard enshrines the bones
of King Oluewu the last of ancient Ovg with those of the late
Kings of the present city. It is not open to the pubHc ; several
of the late King's wives are secluded here (as in a convent) and
charged with the sole duty of taking care of the graves of their
departed husbands.
Their mother superintendent is the lyamgde generally styled
" Baba " (father). She is thus styled because being entirely
devoted to the worship of Sango, one of the earliest deified Kings,
she is often " inspired " or " possessed " by the god, and thus came
to be regarded as the embodiment of that famous King.
Additions are made to their number at every fresh burial,
usually from among the favourites of the deceased husband.
These women must all be celibates for life, unfortunately among
the number are usually found some who are virgins and must
remain so for life : any misbehaviour is punished with the death of
both culprits, the man on the day the crime is detected, and the
woman after her confinement.
Besides those who are immolated at the death of the sovereign
there used to be some " honourable suicides " consisting of certain
members of the royal family, and some of the King's wives, and
others whose title implies that they are to die with the King when-
ever that event occurs. With the title they received as a badge a
cloth known as the " death cloth," a beautiful silk damask wrapper,
which they usually arrayed themselves with on special occasions
56 THE HISTORY OF THE YORUBAS
during the King's lifetime. Although the significance of this was
well-understood both by themselves and by their relatives, yet it
is surprising to see how eager some of them used to be to obtain the
office with the title and the cloth. They enjoyed great privileges
during the King's lifetime. They can commit any crime with
impunity. Criminals condemned to death and escaping to their
houses become free. These are never immolated, they are to die
honourably and voluntarily.
Of the members of the royal family and others to die were : —
1. The Aremo or Crown Prince who practically reigned with his
father, enjoyed royal honours, and had equal power of life and death.
2. Three princes with hereditary titles viz., the Magaji lyajin,
the Agunpopo, and the Olusami.
3. Two titled personages not of royal blood viz., the Osi'wefa
and the Olokun-esin (master of the horse) who is generally styled
" Ab'obaku," i.e. one who is to die with the King.
4. The female victims were : —
lya Oba, the king's official mother ; lya Naso, lyalagbon
(the Crown Prince's mother) ; lyale Mole (the If a priestess), the
Olgrun-ku-mefun, the lyamonari, the lya'-le-ori (these are all
priestesses) and the Are-ori-ite the chief favourite.
It will be observed that all the above-mentioned are those who
by virtue of their office are nearest to the King at all times, and
have the easiest access to his person ; to make their hfe dependent
on his, therefore, is to ensure safety for him against the risk of
poisoning, or the dagger of the assassin.
The custom is that each should go and die in his (or her) own
home, and among his family. The spectacle is very affecting.
Dressed in their " death cloth," they issue from the palace to their
homes surrounded by their friends, and their drummers beating
funeral dirges, eager crowds of friends and acquaintances flocking
around them, pressing near to have a last look at them or to say
the final farewell as they march homewards. The house is full
of visitors, mourners and others, some in profuse tears ; mournful
waitings and funeral odes are heard on all sides enough to break
the stoutest heart. While the grave is digging, the coffin making,
a parting feast is made for all the friends and acquaintances ; and
as they must die before sunset, they enjoy themselves as best they
can for that day by partaking of the choicest and favourite dishes,
appearing several times in changes of apparel, distributing presents
with a lavish hand around, and making their last will disposing
of their effects. When everything is ready, the grave and the
coffin approved of, they then take poison, and pass off quietly.
But if it fails or is too slow to take effect, and the sun is about to
on the scarlet cloth on que los detalles estén disponibles en diferentes festivales como el Festival de la Tradición Yoruba y otros festivales importantes en Nigeria. En algún momento la mayoría de este festival ha sido malinterpretado por la mente no iniciada en la cultura Yoruba y las tradiciones como Orisa. los festivales no son Orisa, los festivales pueden ser una importante ceremonia elaborada para celebrar o conmemorar ciertas deidades, ser humano importante o importantes eventos históricos pasados. Aunque en la mayoría de los casos algunos de estos festivales en cuestión
GOVERNMENT 5I
or tributes ; the Ibadans in their marauding days used to send
slaves ; from the Ij§sas and Ekiti countries come kola nuts, alligator
pepper, firewood and other forest products. Towns nearer the
coast send articles of European manufacture, and so on during this
season.
The day after, being the third day of the ceremony of Jglepa and
the worship of Ogun, the public festival takes place.
The King in State
The King generally appears in state on these three festive
occasions.
Facing the large quadrangle of the outer court are the six
principal Kobis, that in the centre is what is known as the Kqbi
Aganju or throne room where the AlAfin always appears on
state occasions. It is always kept closed, and never used for any
other purpose but this.
On such occasions, the floor is spread all over with mats, and the
front . of the throne overspread with scarlet cloths ; the posts
all around are decorated with velvet cloths, and the walls with
various hangings.
The throne or chair of state was made of wood at a time when
the knowledge of carpentry was not common in this country ;
it cannot boast of any artistic merit, but it is highly valued for
its solidity, hoary age, and tr?.dition. It is of a large size and
covered over with velvet.
The crown is made of costly beads such as coral, agra, and the
like, which in this poor country stand to the people instead of
precious stones. It is artisticsdly done up by experts, with fringes
of small multi-coloured beads depending from the rim, which serve
to veil the face.
The robes are usually silks or velvets, of European manufacture,
which were of much greater value in earlier days when inter-
course with the coast was not so common or easy as it now is.
The Ejigha is the " chaiYi of office." This is made of a string of
costly beads going round the neck and reaching as far down as
the knees.
The Opa Ileke is the staff or sceptre artistically covered all over
with small multi-coloured beads.
The Iru here is a specially prepared cow's tail of spotless white
which the King generally holds in front of his mouth when speaking
for it is considered bad form to see him open his mouth in public.
He makes his speech sotto voce, and it is repeated to the assembly in
a loud voice by the chief of the Eunuchs. The white tail is more-
over an emblem of peace and grace.
52 THE HISTORY OF THE YORUBAS
The State Umbrellas. Umbrellas in this country are part and
parcel of state paraphernalia. In fact there was a time when
private individuals dared not use an umbrella ; that was in the
days before cheap foreign ones were obtainable. The prohibition
was first done away with at Ibadan, where the war boys were
allowed to enjoy themselves in any way they liked, and use any
materials of clothing and ornament they could afford, as it might
be for only a few days before they laid down their lives on a
battlefield.
However, those of a chief are easily distinguished now by their
size and quality. They are almost always of bright colouring
usually of damasks. The size and number are in proportion to
the rank of the chief, usually of European manufacture now,
though there is a distinct family of royal umbrella makers kept at
Oyo who make those of the largest size. Most of the umbrellas
foreign or locally made are decorated with certain emblems indica-
tive of rank. About two dozen or more are used on these festive
occasions.
Music. The Kobi, third or fourth to the Agahju is occupied
by the musicians. The musical instruments consist of almost
every description of fifes, trumpets and drums, of which the ivory
and Kakaki trumpets and Ogidigbo drum are peculiar to the
sovereign.
The King enthroned is surrounded by his favourite wives, one
of whom, the Are-ori-ite, holds a small silk parasol over his head
from behind as a canopy.
About 30 or 40 female Ilaris with costly dress and velvet caps
About 30 or 40 female Ilaris with costly dress and velvet caps
on, are seated on the scarlet cloth on the right and on the left in
front of the throne, but in the open air, under two large umbrellas,
one on either side, a wide space being left between them.
Then there is a row of about ten large umbrellas each on the
right and the left, both rows facing each other, leaving a wide
avenue between from the throne to the main entrance gate ; under
those on the right are seated the Crown Prince supported by all
the princes and the principal eunuchs : under those on the left
are the younger eunuchs, the Ilaris, the Tetus, and other palace
officials. Behind these on either side are the crowds of
spectators.
At a considerable distance in front of the throne, in the avenue
left between the two groups, stand the Basorun and the rest
of the Oyo Mesi to do homage. This is done by taking off their
robes, wrapping their cloths round their waists, leaving the body
bare ; three times they have to run to the main entrance gate,
sprinkle earth on their heads and on their naked bodies, and run
GOVERNMENT 53
back half way towards the throne, prostrating themselves on the
bare ground, on the stomach and on the back !
Then follows the customary oration from the throne, the King
speaking in an undertone with the iru kere in front of his mouth,
and the chief of the eunuchs, who with his lieutenants the Otun and
the Osi'wefa is standing midway between the throne and the
noblemen in the avenue between the spectators, acts as his spokes-
man, repeating his message in a loud voice to the Basorun and his
colleagues. The Basorun replies first, congratulating His Majesty,
wishing him long life and prosperity, the other noblemen follow
in regular order, the Asipa being the last. The chief of the eunuchs
in like manner repeats the congratulatory address to their lord.
That over, the sacrificial feast is now brought forward for
distribution. About 40 dishes of stewed meat, 40 baskets of
eko, 15 pots of beer, a bowl or two of boiled yam, a large quantity
of boiled corn (maize) to these is added in later years a demijohn
of rum.
The Add-hd or king's taster now steps forward with a rod in
his right hand, and a shield on his left, accompanied by his drummer.
He first dances before the King and then retreats taking with him
his own portion, a basket of eko, a plate of meat, a pot of beer, one
yam, a head of corn ; he is to have a taste of each of these in the
presence of the king, and the concourse of spectators present, after
which his followers make away with the rest of his portion.
Next comes the Olosa or king's robber, plajang the clown.
He is dressed in a flowing garment, creeps about on all fours,
performing mimic acts of robbery for the amusement of the
spectators. After a few more amusements, the curtain drops.
The rest of the dishes are cleared away into the dining hall where
the Asipa by virtue of his office subsequently distributes them
among the noblemen and their followers according to their
rank, that of the Basorun being one half of the whole. When
the curtain rises again, the King appears in a more gorgeous
robe, with another crown on his head. His Majesty now steps
out of the Kobi with his staff in hand, and walks towards
the Ogidigbo drum, stately and majestic, and the Basorun comes
dancing to meet him ; all at once the drums, fifes, and trumpets
strike up in concert, the two rows of umbrellas move forward
meeting in the centre to form a shady avenue for the two august
personages, the King stepping forward with measured treads
to the sound of the music, and the Basorun, dancing, and meeting
him, receives from him one head of stringed cowries. This however
is expected to be returned the next day, the apparent gift being
merely a part of the ceremony.
54 THE HISTORY OF THE YORUBAS
This usually ends the show, but on the B§re festival the King
continues his walk right on to the great entrance gate, then half
round the quadrangle giving the spectators a full view of himself,
then by a side door disappears into the inner precincts of the palace.
The spectators thereupon disperse.
These three festivals are concluded by a few male Ilaris carrying
sacrifices to certain quarters in the outskirts of the city in a state of
perfect nudity, which is rather a trying time for them ; there is
always a rush of the women clearing out of their way, on the
approach of them ; the performance being symbolic of some
religious rite. If it is violated by any show of natural excite-
ment, it must be atoned for, and there is but one penalty,
viz., decapitation ! But there is no record of any such case
occurring within living memory. Their reward for this trying ordeal
is, that after their return, being properly dressed, they are admitted
into the King's presence, who, sitting in state, receives them with
marks of honour.
This ends the ceremonies of the festivals.
But at the Bere season, one more ceremony remains, that known
as the ceremony of " Touching the grass." About 5.30 p.m. on
a day appointed, the King issuing from the palace is accompanied
by his slaves who have been engaged in piling into two or three
heaps the bundles of bere grass scattered about in the area in front
of the palace, including those brought from the provinces. The
piles are done up in an artistic manner, 8 or loft. high in an open
space away from any risk of fire. His Majesty now steps forward,
and lays both hands upon each of the heaps, making a short speech,
invoking blessings on the Yoruba nation, congratulating himself
for being spared to see another year. This brings the Bere festival
to a close.
The Funeral of the King
Although the funeral of the King cannot properly he said to be
one of his public appearances, yet it is considered more convenient
to describe it in this place along with other public ceremonies of
which he is the centre.
The Kings are buried in the Bard. The funeral usually takes
place at night. It is notified to the public by the sounding of the
Okinkin (a musical instrument Uke the bugle), the ivory trumpet,
and the Koso drum, a drum which is usually beaten every morning
at 4 a.m. as a signal for him to rise from his bed ; to beat it at night
therefore, is to indicate that he is retiring to his final resting place.
The body is removed to the Bard on the back of those whose
office it is to bury the Kings the chief of whom is a titled personage
GOVERNMENT 55
known as the Ona-onse-awo, and his lieutenants. At certain
stations on the route between the palace and the Bard, eleven in
all, they halt and immolate a man and a ram, and also at the Bard
itself, four women each at the head and at the feet, two boys on
the right and on the left, were usually buried in the same grave
with the dead monarch to be his attendants in the other world,
and last of all the lamp-bearer in whose presence all the ceremonies
are performed.
All these practices, however, have long been aboUshed, a horse
and a bullock being used instead of human beings.
The King is buried in black and white dress ; but the crown
on his head, the gorgeous robe with which he was laid out in
state, and with which his corpse was decked to the Bard, and
the bracelets on his wrists and ankles are never buried with him,
these become the perquisites of the Ona-ofise-awo and his
lieutenants.
The Bard in which the Kings are buried is distinguished by its
aloof situation from public thoroughfares in the outskirts of the
city, and having to it as many kohis as there are Kings lying there,
one being erected over each. The present Bard enshrines the bones
of King Oluewu the last of ancient Ovg with those of the late
Kings of the present city. It is not open to the pubHc ; several
of the late King's wives are secluded here (as in a convent) and
charged with the sole duty of taking care of the graves of their
departed husbands.
Their mother superintendent is the lyamgde generally styled
" Baba " (father). She is thus styled because being entirely
devoted to the worship of Sango, one of the earliest deified Kings,
she is often " inspired " or " possessed " by the god, and thus came
to be regarded as the embodiment of that famous King.
Additions are made to their number at every fresh burial,
usually from among the favourites of the deceased husband.
These women must all be celibates for life, unfortunately among
the number are usually found some who are virgins and must
remain so for life : any misbehaviour is punished with the death of
both culprits, the man on the day the crime is detected, and the
woman after her confinement.
Besides those who are immolated at the death of the sovereign
there used to be some " honourable suicides " consisting of certain
members of the royal family, and some of the King's wives, and
others whose title implies that they are to die with the King when-
ever that event occurs. With the title they received as a badge a
cloth known as the " death cloth," a beautiful silk damask wrapper,
which they usually arrayed themselves with on special occasions
56 THE HISTORY OF THE YORUBAS
during the King's lifetime. Although the significance of this was
well-understood both by themselves and by their relatives, yet it
is surprising to see how eager some of them used to be to obtain the
office with the title and the cloth. They enjoyed great privileges
during the King's lifetime. They can commit any crime with
impunity. Criminals condemned to death and escaping to their
houses become free. These are never immolated, they are to die
honourably and voluntarily.
Of the members of the royal family and others to die were : —
1. The Aremo or Crown Prince who practically reigned with his
father, enjoyed royal honours, and had equal power of life and death.
2. Three princes with hereditary titles viz., the Magaji lyajin,
the Agunpopo, and the Olusami.
3. Two titled personages not of royal blood viz., the Osi'wefa
and the Olokun-esin (master of the horse) who is generally styled
" Ab'obaku," i.e. one who is to die with the King.
4. The female victims were : —
lya Oba, the king's official mother ; lya Naso, lyalagbon
(the Crown Prince's mother) ; lyale Mole (the If a priestess), the
Olgrun-ku-mefun, the lyamonari, the lya'-le-ori (these are all
priestesses) and the Are-ori-ite the chief favourite.
It will be observed that all the above-mentioned are those who
by virtue of their office are nearest to the King at all times, and
have the easiest access to his person ; to make their hfe dependent
on his, therefore, is to ensure safety for him against the risk of
poisoning, or the dagger of the assassin.
The custom is that each should go and die in his (or her) own
home, and among his family. The spectacle is very affecting.
Dressed in their " death cloth," they issue from the palace to their
homes surrounded by their friends, and their drummers beating
funeral dirges, eager crowds of friends and acquaintances flocking
around them, pressing near to have a last look at them or to say
the final farewell as they march homewards. The house is full
of visitors, mourners and others, some in profuse tears ; mournful
waitings and funeral odes are heard on all sides enough to break
the stoutest heart. While the grave is digging, the coffin making,
a parting feast is made for all the friends and acquaintances ; and
as they must die before sunset, they enjoy themselves as best they
can for that day by partaking of the choicest and favourite dishes,
appearing several times in changes of apparel, distributing presents
with a lavish hand around, and making their last will disposing
of their effects. When everything is ready, the grave and the
coffin approved of, they then take poison, and pass off quietly.
But if it fails or is too slow to take effect, and the sun is about to
on the scarlet cloth on que los detalles estén disponibles en diferentes festivales como el Festival de la Tradición Yoruba y otros festivales importantes en Nigeria. En algún momento la mayoría de este festival ha sido malinterpretado por la mente no iniciada en la cultura Yoruba y las tradiciones como Orisa. los festivales no son Orisa, los festivales pueden ser una importante ceremonia elaborada para celebrar o conmemorar ciertas deidades, ser humano importante o importantes eventos históricos pasados. Aunque en la mayoría de los casos algunos de estos festivales en cuestión
tiene algún elemento de espiritualidad. Especialmente en situaciones donde dicho festival está destinado a celebrar y conmemorar deidades o antepasados, los dos pueden entrelazarse. Algunos de los festivales populares en Yoruba Land incluyen el siguiente festival de Eyo, festival de Olojo, festivales de Edi, festival de Oranmiyan, festival de Osun Osogbo, Gelede, todo esto y otros festivales importantes en Nigeria serán el foco de este trabajo. El trabajo compilará información diferente en detalle sobre estos festivales en un solo lugar. Tomaremos la explicación de esta ciudad festivales por ciudad. Comenzaremos desde Ile. He sido cuna de la raza Yoruba.
EDI FESTIVAL (ODUN EDI)
Odun Edi (festival de Edi) se celebra anualmente en Ile Ife, así como en otras ciudades de Yoruba Land. El festival en sí no es una Orisa, pero se usa para conmemorar a una mujer valiente y valiente llamada Moremi que liberó a la gente de Ile Ife del cautiverio y los estragos de los Igbo. Moremi en realidad no era autóctona de Ile Ife pero estaba casada con el Príncipe de Ife. El lugar de nacimiento de Moremi es Off, ciudad de Offa en el actual estado de Kwara, Nigeria. Por lo tanto, los festivales de Edi se celebran también en Offa.
El origen de esta liberación viene después de que Moremi ayude a las personas a conquistar a sus enemigos. A los enemigos de Ife se los conoce como Igbo. La gente igbo usualmente
se apoderan de las personas de Ife anualmente cuando saben que su cosecha es abundante. Quitarán toda la cosecha de ellos y le quitarán su cosecha.
Estos Igbo generalmente se visten de manera extraña, por lo general se visten con hilos de rafia de punto en la ropa de tal manera que la cabeza, la cara y todo el cuerpo estaban cubiertos. Harán pequeñas campanas a sus pies, para que cuando trabajen produzca sonidos extraños, que asusten a la gente. Como resultado, cuando las personas que ven a las personas se escapan.
Moremi era una mujer valiente a la que no le gustaba este ataque frecuente de Igbo en Ife. Ella tomó una valiente decisión y se puso en contacto con Odo Esiminrin. La diosa del río prescribe qué hacer para que ella lo supere. Con la promesa de que todo lo que salga de la casa para reunirse con ella después de la victoria será sacrificado a Río Esiminrin ella estuvo de acuerdo.
El año siguiente, la gente Igbo llegó a su manera habitual. Cuando la gente escapó como de costumbre. monremi nunca huir. Entonces la tomaron como capitular de Igbo. Moremi era muy bella feria en tez mujer. Cuando la gente ve esto, la dan a su rey en matrimonio. En un tiempo no muy lejano. El rey Igbo la encuentra la favorita de su esposa.
La misión ulterior de Moremi es descubrir el secreto detrás de la invencibilidad de la gente Igbo. El matrimonio con el rey le dio esta Oportunidad. Ella usa su encanto y belleza y le exige al rey Igbo lo que su gente normalmente hace asustar a la gente. El Oba le reveló esto a ella. Espera inteligente y pacientemente el momento apropiado durante la noche y escapa de la gente Igbo a Ife.
Cuando Moremi llegó a Ife, le explicó el secreto de Igbo al rey y a la gente de Ife. Ella les dijo, que cuando esta gente vuelva. No deben correr, sino encender fuego y arrojarlo para trabajar a su alrededor. Que la palma de rafia facilitará que se incendien. Otro año en que las personas no huyeron, los incendiaron. Así es como se liberan.
Pero cuando Moremi regresa a casa, fue su único hijo Oluorogbo el que lo encontró en el camino. Antes de que Moremi tomara la tierra de Igbo, ha buscado ayuda en el río Esinmirin, sobre cómo puede salvar a la gente de Ile Ife de la amenaza de los Igbo. Y le había prometido al río Esinminrin que sacrificaría por ella en Acción de Gracias lo que la había encontrado a su regreso. En un intento por cumplir esta promesa, ella sacrifica a su único hijo Oluorogbo. Debido a que el río se niega a aceptar nada, excepto lo primero que le encuentro a ella su regreso. Así es como Moremi sacrifica a su único hijo Oluorogbo para la gente Ife. La gente de Ife conmemora anualmente este sacrificio loable de Moremi y su Oluorogbo. Así es como Odun Edi entró en existencia en la Tierra Yoruba.
Edi Festival, también conocido como el festival Moremi o como Odun Edi en el idioma local, es un festival anual de siete días que muestra una gran cantidad de coloridas actividades y atuendos para recrear el hecho heroico de Moremi registrado en la historia de Ile-Ife, cuyo pueblo era Incesantemente atacaron y fueron llevados a la esclavitud por los Igbo y finalmente fueron rescatados por Moremi quien también le ofreció a su hijo, Ela Oluorogbo, un sacrificio a cambio del éxito de su ambición. Esto sirve como una plataforma para que su nombre se integre en la historia de Yoruba y sirve como una razón por la que la gente de Ile-Ife la tenía en gran estima.
Aunque Ile-Ife es el hogar de este festival, también se celebra en la ciudad de Offa, ubicada en el actual estado de Kwara, donde se cree que nació Moremi antes de casarse con un hombre de Ile-Ife. Este trabajo de investigación se centrará principalmente en la importancia del recuerdo de Moremi en la historia de Ile-Ife y no se prestará mucha atención a su conexión con la ciudad de Offa en el estado de Kwara.
Moremi está siendo considerada como una de las mujeres más importantes en la historia de África, pero el festival Edi es solo una de las muchas maneras en que su nombre se ha mantenido vivo y en los recuerdos de Yorubaland. Además de este festival, su nombre se mantiene vivo a través de lugares que llevan su nombre, como el salón de residencia de los estudiantes de Moremi en la Universidad Obafemi Awolowo (O.A.U), Ile-Ife.
i
Estatuto de Moremi en Ooni Palace Ile Ife
Otro ejemplo notable es una estatua erigida en su honor en el lugar de Ooni en Ile-Ife que se podía ver al entrar en el palacio y, por último, su nombre se utilizó para nombrar un albergue en la Universidad de Lagos. Todos estos y muchos más denotan su importancia en la historia de Yoruba y esta obra rastrea las contribuciones históricas de esta importante figura para poder desentrañar el significado cultural de su recuerdo en la historia de los Yoruba.
El festival intenta crear un vínculo histórico entre Offa e Ile-Ife, la supuesta casa ancestral de los Yoruba y como resultado, debido a las distorsiones impactadas en la historia por el uso de la tradición oral para preservar la historia, surgieron dos lados del récord. pero independientemente, un festival se celebra cada año para conmemorar su logro tanto en Offa como en Ile-Ife. El primer lado del registro dice que, Olofagangan, un príncipe de Ile-Ife, de quien se dice que estableció el asentamiento de Offa, presentó y continuó esta conmemoración en Offa. El festival se conoce como Onmoka en Offa, mientras que se conoce como Edi en Ile-Ife.
La conmemoración en Offa se realiza tres meses antes que la de Ife. Según el otro lado del registro, algunos reconocieron que Moremi Ajasoro había emigrado de Offa, en el estado actual de Kwara, pero se desconoce el motivo de su migración a Ile-Ife. Se dice que se casó con un Ooni de ese período, Moremi, considerada como una de las esposas de Oranmiyan, descendiente de Oduduwa. Excepto por su logro de rescatar a la gente de Ile-Ife de las incursiones y la esclavización incesantes, poco se sabe sobre su papel en los aspectos económicos y políticos de Ile-Ife. Debido a la limitación del festival a Ile-Ife solo, este proyecto de trabajo no estaría sujeto a interrogatorios para descubrir la conexión real entre Ile-Ife y Offa que el discurso sobre esta notable mujer parece haber creado.
Origen del Festival
Durante la era de Moremi, Ile-Ife fue objeto de ataques y ataques extranjeros por un grupo conocido como Igbos, que también se conoce como Ugbos. Este Ugbo atacó Ile-Ife y se llevó a las personas Ife como cautivas a su propia tierra Ugbo. Pudieron hacer esto a través de su apariencia de dios que asustó a la gente de Ife.
Estas continuas incursiones y ataques colocaron Ile-Ife bajo disturbios civiles. Debido a la situación de Ile-Ife, Moremi sintió el impulso de encontrar la forma de detener este problema y salvar a la gente de Ife. Como resultado, ella consultó a la diosa del río Esinmirin, su plan se le concedió el éxito a cambio de un sacrificio de lo que sea que la diosa del río requiera de ella a su regreso, a lo que ella accedió.
En la siguiente incursión, Moremi se puso a disposición para ser llevada al cautiverio y ella fue llevada con varios desdichados cautivos a Ugboland.
Como resultado de su sorprendente belleza, el rey de los Ugbos la tomó como esposa, por lo que no fue esclavizada ni asesinada. Durante la estadía de Moremi, ella pudo extraer detalles sobre las tácticas y los preparativos para estas redadas. Ella descubrió que estos Ugbos no eran dioses, sino más bien seres humanos que estaban vestidos con hierba Ekan y fuego de bambú y podían ser derrotados con antorchas llameantes colocadas sobre la hierba seca de su cuerpo.
Al reunir la información necesaria, Moremi regresó a Ile-Ife. A su llegada, dio la noticia a la gente de Ife y los instó a atacar a los invasores con antorchas encendidas y los derrotaría. Eventualmente, estos atacantes atacaron Ile-Ife una vez más, pero esta vez fueron atacados y algunos fueron tomados como cautivos con una casa familiar existente en Ile-Ife hoy conocida como 'Oluyare'. Después de esta victoria sobre estas incursiones y ataques incesantes, Moremi tuvo que ofrecer el sacrificio que prometió a la diosa del río Esinmirin. Ella fue requerida de su único hijo, Ela, y como resultado, trató de ofrecer varios otros artículos, pero fueron rechazados, por lo que finalmente tuvo que renunciar a su hijo, Ela para ser ofrecido a la diosa del río.
Vista frontal del santuario de Moremi en la noche
RITUALES Y CEREMONIAS DEL FESTIVAL EDI
El festival Edi, que es uno de los muchos festivales y rituales realizados en Ile-Ife, es un festival importante para la gente de Ile-Ife, para la historia de Ile-Ife y para Ile-Ife. El festival que viene justo después del festival de Olojo, ya que se lleva a cabo casi inmediatamente después del festival de Edi, fue originalmente programado para 3 meses como lo solicitó la propia Moremi, pero se redujo a 21 días y luego a 7 días. El festival lleva muchas actividades con él, una recreación de lo que ocurrió durante la invasión de Ile-Ife y también pocas actividades incluidas para servir como diversión para los participantes en el festival y también rituales para propósitos religiosos que este capítulo examinaría . Desde el capítulo anterior, el relato histórico de Moremi en relación con Ile-Ife y su gente fue investigado, por lo tanto, puso este escrito en un rastro de la importancia del valiente logro de esta mujer para el pueblo Ife que se refleja en el festival.
La gente de Ife prometió ser siempre hijos e hijas de Moremi, y debido a la pérdida de su único hijo, Oluorogbo por el sacrificio hecho al río Esinmirin según el relato oral, denota la importancia del festival en Ile-Ife. El festival de Edi o Odun Edi en el idioma local es un festival anual de siete días que abarca la recreación del logro heroico de Moremi. El festival muestra cómo los Ugbos fueron derrotados; también involucra varias actividades incorporadas.
El festival que se celebra durante siete días conlleva varias actividades, se lleva a cabo anualmente entre finales de octubre y principios de noviembre después de la celebración de la fiesta de Olojo o Odun Olojo, que está dedicado a Ogun, el dios del hierro. La fecha del festival de Edi se elige 7 días después de que el Festival de Olojo haya finalizado y, una vez elegido, el festival se celebra 21 días después.1 Los materiales tradicionales utilizados para seleccionar esta fecha se entregan al Araba, cuya consulta con Ifa revelará la fecha adecuada para el Festival Edi aceptando una de las fechas en los materiales establecidos secretamente por los jefes Obalaran y Chief Obawinrin, respectivamente. Si se acepta la fecha de Obalaran, Edi comenzará el día de Oja'fe pero si es la fecha de Obawinrin, Edi comenzará el día de mercado de Ayegbaju.
Días del Festival (Rituales y Ceremonias Edi)
El día antes de la fecha acordada para el comienzo del festival, hay lo que se conoce como 'Ferekete' Edi d'ola, Edi es mañana. En este día, los Emeses, mensajeros de Ooni, recorren la ciudad e informan a la gente que las celebraciones están a punto de comenzar, recordándoles la prohibición de tocar la batería durante los próximos seis días.
Edi d'ola ferekete aye o!
Edi alele, Edi alele
Esto se puede traducir al inglés como:
Edi viene mañana, Ferekete está ahí
La noche de Edi cae, Edi cae la noche
Esta llamada a menudo se escucha durante el día, cada baale o cabeza de compuesto proporcionará un tronco de madera, conocido como 'igi ita', que se divide en pedazos más pequeños y se prenderá fuego durante el aisun o vigilia que conduce al Oforan. , el primer día del festival.
La actividad para el primer día es Oforan; es liderado por el Jefe Obalaran muy temprano en la mañana con estos dichos:
¡Yo! ¡Yo!
¡Iku Yo!
Arun Yo!
Agbeleoeri Yo!
Awiyoko yo!
Awiyodo yo!
Eni wipe ki n ma se temi, yo!
Traducción:
Lejos lejos
Lejos, Muerte
Ausente, enfermedad
Quien se queda en casa para pensar mal de alguien, ¡lejos!
Quien desea mal a los demás en el camino a la granja, ¡Fuera!
¡Lejos! El que hace el mal a otros en el camino hacia el
¡Lejos! El que dice que no debería tener éxito.
Esto luego conduce a la configuración de la madera de ita en llamas. Para entonces, la ita ardiente sería arrojada al suelo frente al compuesto o agbole mientras las personas que florecían con sus antorchas en las calles se congregarían en el cruce Orita. Esta actividad es un recordatorio de las antorchas usadas contra el Ugbo en el pasado.
Esto lleva el día en Ijakadi seresere o ere gidigbo o Eke Jija, la 'lucha libre simulada'. Esta pelea se lleva a cabo en la parte delantera del Aafin, el palacio del Ooni que también ve la lucha libre. Esta solía ser una de las pocas apariciones públicas de Ooni, en esta lucha; los combatientes son dos jefes, Obalayan y Obalufe.
En el segundo día, una procesión desde la arboleda de Moremi hasta el palacio llevó a los ancianos acompañados por canciones y el sonido de los abanicos abebe constituyen este día. La actividad del día se conoce como Omolarere day o Ijo Omolarere. Omolarere ha sido traducido como 'el niño que ha ido a un lugar lejano está aquí'. Este día fue específicamente dedicado a, el hijo de Moremi que fue ofrecido al río Esinmirin como un sacrificio que ella prometió para el éxito de su aventura.
El aliado de Omolarere consiste en cuatro largos palos preparados como oguso, o antorchas, con restos de aceite de palma, y envueltos en estera llamada fafa. Estas son las antorchas que se utilizarán en la ceremonia de fuego público de mañana. Llevaba un cadáver en la cabeza de uno de los Emeses, precedido por otro sosteniendo una espada desenvainada. Detrás camina el Iyegbata, el jefe de los Emese, seguido por la gente en general cantando epítetos descriptivos de Ela: "Las personas agradecidas por el bien de Olombe (es decir, Moremi), están sonando en el extranjero la belleza del niño sacrificado, hermosa, rolliza y llena de la alegría de la juventud ".
Esta actividad es seguida por ere lulu, 'lulu run' después de que el Omolarere ha sido dejado en el palacio, es un evento por el cual todos los indígenas participantes, especialmente los jóvenes se reúnen para mostrar su resentimiento hacia los ladrones sospechosos y criminales que viven dentro de la sociedad. Durante esta actividad, la residencia de este presunto delincuente es rodeada y bombardeada por personas y dan a conocer sus sentimientos mediante la exhibición de violencia leve que significa atacar la casa de este presunto delincuente con piedras y desechos arrojados a la casa del sospechoso. Se dice que el montón de basura y piedras que se arrojarían en la casa del sospechoso suele ser tanto que se necesitaría tanto esfuerzo para sacar la basura de la casa y volver a poner la casa en orden. Otros relatos afirman que, a menudo, se veían bandas emocionadas de hombres jóvenes corriendo por las calles. Armados con palos, piedras y basura de todo tipo, continuarían su camino para realizar una ceremonia extraña, a saber, para desatar la venganza en las casas de los condenados por robo desde el último festival de Edi. La violencia utilizada durante estos ataques parece variar, no solo de acuerdo con la ofensa cometida, sino también de acuerdo con el historial del culpable. Los atacantes generalmente se contentan con acumular la basura que llevan sobre la casa.
En el tercer día del Edi, las jóvenes llamadas Eluro son llevadas por su compañero por la ciudad. Las personas de Ife afirman que esto no es una parte tradicional de la fiesta, sino más bien una buena contribución a las festividades generales por los yoruba no-Ife, quienes ocupan una gran área de la ciudad. Se dijo que estos recién llegados a Ife deseaban unirse para celebrar el Edi. Estos Eluro usan el vestido típico de Yoruba, pero con marcas extra de adorno. Alrededor de sus cuellos y colgando hacia atrás y al frente se usan dos grandes cadenas de cuentas, mientras que alrededor de sus cinturas se entrelazan muchas cadenas similares de cuentas. Sus caras están generalmente bien pulverizadas y se usa antimonio o tinte para hacer líneas sobre los ojos y las mejillas. En sus manos llevan colas de caballo. Estos grupos, cada uno con un Eluro sentado en los brazos estirados de uno de los miembros de la banda, cantan y bailan sobre la ciudad recolectando dinero. La mayoría de sus canciones se usan para ridiculizar los órganos sexuales de los hombres. Para esto, o bien son respondidos en un lenguaje similar o amenazados con ser azotados por los niños. Las canciones pornográficas de este tipo son comunes durante la fiesta. Otras canciones de Eluro son para alentar a los clientes a darles dinero o regalos, y especialmente para censurar a los mezquinos.
Esta ceremonia del tercer día se conoce como INASAN (es decir, iluminación suave durante el día). Esto se realiza generalmente en el palacio de Ooni. Se dice que la luz de la antorcha local simboliza el fuego que las personas de la vieja usan para ahuyentar a los Ugbo de Ife. El Oluyare que simboliza a la gente de Ugbo no debe ver la luz. Es después de que la antorcha se ha extinguido y la gente fue a dejarla en el santuario de Moremi, que es cuando el Oluyare saldrá a actuar ante Ooni y sus jefes.
El cuarto día es solo beber y divertirse en el compuesto apropiado. Sin ceremonia.
El quinto día es 'Owa Ilare'. Este término se refiere a un cierto tipo de baile especial destinado solo al iniciado. Y su rendimiento está restringido solo al palacio Ooni.
El sexto día, Oluyare visitará Obaloran. Hay rituales y ritos, que realizan. Esto también implica baile y alegría.
El séptimo día, este es el día que está destinado para el Jefe Tele, para eliminar todo el mal y la aflicción de la ciudad y llevársela. Durante este rito, el Jefe Tele está destinado a una carga ya preparada por los Emese. Emese lo dirigirá a todos los lugares que tenga que visitar. Al hacer esto, la gente rezará para que se lleve consigo todo el sufrimiento y la aflicción del próximo año.
Otro aspecto importante de este festival Edi se llama POKO - DILE - OLE, esto es simplemente el acto de bloquear la casa del ladrón. Este método o rito que es la parte esencial del festival Edi se usa para desalentar el acto de inmoralidad y otros comportamientos socialmente reprensibles en la sociedad. Lo que normalmente hacen es que si un cuerpo comete un robo u otro comportamiento socialmente reprensible antes del festival. En otro, imponerle un castigo social y servir como disuasivo para el otro. Durante el festival, la gente cantará y bailará para ridiculizar a esa persona y empacar hierbas para bloquear la puerta de esa persona y deshonrarla. Esto hace que las personas intenten no involucrarse en comportamientos socialmente reprensibles, en otros que los salven de vergüenza o vergüenza.
La visita del río Esinminrin es el último rito.
FESTIVAL OLOJO
El festival de Olojo es otro festival muy poderoso en ile ife. El festival está destinado a conmemorar a Ogun (El dios del hierro) y Oranmiyan.
Ogun es un ser inmortal que descendió de Olodumare junto con otros Irunmole, como Oduduwa, Obatala, Olurorogbo, Orisa Ikire, Ojugbe, que también se conoce como Obarese y Orisateko, etc.
Ogun fue un gran guerrero, y él cumple la tarea de allanar el camino para otros Irunmole, se recuerda una vez al año por su trabajo innumerable. Olojo Festival es peculiar de Ile Ife.

El festival de Olojo es otro evento especial que demuestra la rica cultura de Ile-Ife como el punto piloto que luego se expandió a otros asentamientos Yoruba.
En este día, el Ooni (rey de Ife) aparece después de varios días de aislamiento y negación al comunicarse con los antepasados y rezar por su pueblo. Esto es para hacerlo puro y asegurar la eficacia de sus oraciones. Antes de que emerja el Ooni, las mujeres de sus familias maternas y paternas barren el Palacio, librando simbólicamente al Palacio del mal.
El Ooni aparece más tarde en público con la corona de Aare (Corona del Rey), que se cree que es la corona original utilizada por Oduduwa para dirigir una procesión de Jefes y Sacerdotes tradicionales para actuar en el Santuario de Ogun.
Acerca de la corona de Aare
Se cree que la corona de Aare fue la corona original utilizada por Oduduwa durante su reinado en la era clásica de la historia de Yoruba. La historia también sostiene que el rey solo puede usar la corona de Aare una vez al año y generalmente es durante el festival de Olojo. Aquí es cuando el Ooni conducirá una procesión de jefes y sacerdotes tradicionales para llevar a cabo los ritos necesarios en el santuario de la deidad de Ogun. El Ooni también conducirá a los jefes con la corona de Aare al santuario de Okemogun donde realizaría otros ritos y deberes tradicionales que incluyen la renovación del juramento, la adivinación para el Ooni al pie de la colina de Oketase (como lo anclaría Araba (Jefe) sacerdote)
En el santuario, los jefes tradicionales con las espadas de oficina marcadas con Efun y Osun (tiza y leña) aparecen con atuendo ceremonial y bailan ritmos de Bembe, un tambor tradicional. El estilo de tambor y canto para cada Jefe es diferente. Solo el Ooni puede bailar al tambor llamado Osirigi.
Olojo se ha mantenido popular en Ile-Ife debido a su mito e historia. Connota el día en el año especialmente bendecido por Olodumare (el creador del Universo). Olojo también se puede traducir literalmente como el "Dueño del día". Se ofrecen oraciones por la paz y la tranquilidad en Yoruba y Nigeria. Todos los grupos de edad participan. Su significado es la unificación de los Yorubas.
La tradición sostiene que Ile-Ife es la cuna de los yorubas, la ciudad de los supervivientes, sede espiritual de los yorubas y tierra de los antiguos.
Cronología del Festival de Olojo
¡En el comienzo del festival de Olojo, usualmente hay cantos de oración en Gbajure! Gbajure !! Gbajure !!! Ebo re a fin, etutu re a da !, después de lo cual las mujeres entran en Ile Oduduwa para anunciar la llegada del festival de Olojo, que puede describirse como el gran festival de todas las deidades en la antigua ciudad de Ile-Ife.
El encantamiento de Gbajure será seguido por Ikale, una semana de batería de cualquier tipo de batería tradicional, porque Ooni, Arole Oduduwa, se ha ido incomunicado con las cuatrocientas deidades que residían en la antigua ciudad de Ile- Ife.
El festival de Olojo, según el mito de Ife, comenzó con el tercer Ooni de Ife, Ogun y se hace en honor a Olodumare, el "dueño del día", es para agradecer al 'ser supremo' por su abundancia sobre toda la nación Yoruba y también busca su bendición, paz, fecundidad y longevidad de la gente.
Según la historia, nadie determina la fecha en que debería celebrarse el festival en el mes de octubre, pero el propio Ooni escuchará el sonido de tambores invisibles donde quiera que esté y que es hora de que se recluya, a fin de comunicarse con las deidades en ayuno y oraciones sin recibir ningún visitante o atender a los familiares inmediatos también.
Durante su reclusión como el representante de los vivos y el vínculo entre los dioses y la gente, él suplica, expía y presenta las necesidades de la gente a los dioses. Este acto lo convirtió en el sacerdote de su pueblo, así como en el portavoz de Olodumare para su gente. La reclusión de Ooni se asemeja a la observada por el monarca de Benin en la celebración del festival de Ague, esto solo refleja el vínculo entre Benin e Ile-Ife, ya que Oranmiyan era el hijo de Ogun y también Oba de Benin.
El jueves preside el primer Oke-Mogun, es el día de Ilagun y siempre es un asunto de vigilia con el anfitrión principal, Osogun, el sacerdote a cargo de Ogun, el dios del hierro, a quien otras deidades en la mitología yoruba creen que pavimentaron otras deidades. tener sus caminos a la tierra, con otros jefes tradicionales ofreciendo sacrificios en el santuario de Oke-Mogun.
El viernes, que es el primer día de Oke-Mogun, a primera hora de la mañana, la gente se aglomera en el palacio de Ooni con Arole Oduduwa, sentado en el trono de sus antepasados ofreciendo oraciones a cualquiera que visite el palacio. A menudo es tiempo de alegría y celebración por la oportunidad de estar vivos que el Ser Supremo otorgó a los individuos para estar vivos, y celebrar el comienzo de otro año calendario, especialmente para la gente de la antigua ciudad de Ile-Ife. Es el momento de la renovación a medida que los kiths y los parientes renuevan su amor mutuo.
También es el momento de compartir mientras las familias intercambian regalos. Entre otros, es hora de visitar las relaciones y tomar resoluciones sobre cuestiones que rayan en las personas y la familia en general. También es un momento para resolver disputas, para que las familias puedan seguir adelante. Antes del advenimiento del cristianismo, incluso hasta principios de los 70, ningún verdadero hijo o hija de Ile-Ife no volvería a casa para el festival, debido a la oportunidad que ofrece a los individuos para reunirse con sus parientes con el fin de deliberar sobre el progreso de las personas y la comunidad en general.
Es hora de que las jóvenes se hayan comprometido con sus esposas, para muchos es hora de informar al opresor a las deidades. También sirve como tiempo para suplicar a los dioses en súplica por aquellos que buscan el fruto del útero,
buenos trabajos y fortunas, porque la mayoría de los surcos sagrados se abrieron para quien necesita su intervención, ya que los sacerdotes de esas deidades a menudo estaban listos para la gente.
Imagen de Ooni con Ade Aare
Por la tarde, hacia la puesta del sol, Ooni entrará en Ileegbo y saldrá con Ade Aare, la corona de abalorios que cree que será ganada por Oduduwa, después de lo cual los príncipes de todas las casas gobernantes conocidas como Sooko le rendirán homenaje a Ooni. Por lo tanto, también los jefes tradicionales por orden de antigüedad le rendirán homenaje a Ooni.
En Ilenla, los Lokoloko, que son los ayudantes del palacio, pero revestidos con media camwood y una pizarra blanca con bastones en las manos allanan el camino para el movimiento de Ooni a Oke-Mogun, seguido de disparos. Inmediatamente, se ve la corona de Aare, las oraciones a menudo son dichas por la gente para lo que deseen, mientras que Ooni dirigiría la procesión de los jefes tradicionales y la gente a Oke-Mogun, pasando por rutas específicas.
En el santuario, el Ooni realizaría un baile ritual con Osogun y al final; ambos realizarían un ritual de cruce de espada, aparentemente un juramento de camaradería. A partir de entonces, el Osogun realiza con tiza y camwood la marca tradicional de todos los jefes presentes, ya que esto marcaría la renovación de la lealtad de los jefes a la autoridad constituida representada por el propio Ooni. Luego, Ooni y Osogun descendieron a otro santuario llamado Ogun Ereja para otra ronda de rituales. Desde allí, Ooni conduciría la procesión a Oja-Ife, donde realizaría otro ritual en el santuario de Aje y se ofrecerían oraciones por la prosperidad y la prosperidad económica de la gente, antes de regresar al palacio.

Imagen de la entrada al santuario de Idi Aje

Imagen de Ooni de Ife realizando ritos y rituales para la economía Prosperidad de la nación en el santuario de Idi Aje durante el Festival de Olojo
En el segundo día del festival, el Ooni se mantiene ocupado con diversos entretenimientos por los Emese, cortesanos del rey en los patios menores situados dentro del palacio expansivo.
Al día siguiente, que es el tercer día de la celebración y el segundo día de Oke-Mogun, la repetición del evento del primer día se mantendría pero Ooni no usa la corona de Aare, además, Ooni visita Oke-Itase para rinde homenaje a Orunmila y su barrio familiar, lo que significa el final del festival.
Festival de Agbon

La esencia principal del festival de Olojo no puede ser demasiado enfatizada, ya que es el festival que une a la gente. También es una celebración de las deidades y la celebración del Dios del Universo, el dueño del día, para la preservación de la raza Yoruba con una abundancia de bendiciones, que el creador ha legado sobre ellas.
El festival AGBON en Ile-Ife se teje alrededor de la personalidad de "Osara", una heroína de Ile-Ife y esposa de Oduduwa. Por lo general, se celebra en mayo todos los años.
Curiosamente, mucho se ha dicho y escrito sobre Oduduwa, el progenitor de la raza Yoruba. Pero se sabe poco sobre "Osara", su esposa sin la cual Oduduwa no podría haber sido recordada hoy porque Osara era la única esposa a través de la cual Oduduwa tuvo hijos en la vida. La tradición oral yoruba respalda la afirmación de que de estos niños surgieron otros reinos yoruba.
De acuerdo con la tradición de Ife Oral, Osara y Olokun eran amigos íntimos. Olokun se había casado con Oduduwa por varios años sin un hijo. Olokun fue reconocida como una mujer extremadamente bella y rica como resultado de la fabricación de abalorios y el comercio de abalorios: convenció a Osara para que se casara con su esposo (Oduduwa) probablemente a través de ella, Oduduwa podría tener hijos. Esta tradición oral es una reminiscencia de la historia de Abraham y Sara en la Biblia.
El matrimonio entre Osara y Oduduwa fue bendecido con un niño varón llamado "Okanbi". Como resultado, Oduduwa amaba a Osara cariñosamente en la medida en que lo acompañaba a donde fuera, para disgusto de Olokun.
Poco después del nacimiento de los celos de Okanbi, se produjo una rivalidad enfermiza y una seria disputa entre Osara y Olokun sobre quién es más querido y, lo más precioso para Oduduwa entre los dos.
Mientras Olokun decía "Olobe lo koko" Osara decía "Olomo lo loko", que significa: "Un buen cocinero es el favorito del marido; una esposa fructífera es la favorita del marido ".
Eventualmente, la disputa entre Olokun y Osara pronto se hizo pública por la vergüenza de su esposo.
En consecuencia, Oduduwa y los jefes fijaron un día para el arreglo de la disputa entre los dos, Olokun y Osara en Aafin Olofini que es el palacio de Ooni. En la mañana del día acordado, Olokun siendo una mujer adinerada preparó una deliciosa fiesta para todos los presentes. Olokun es conocida por ser una mujer extremadamente hermosa, pero el atuendo y los adornos del cuerpo en este día en particular la hicieron aún más bella ante la admiración de todos los presentes. Dando la calidad de los objetos exhibidos por Olokun, fue muy admirada y apreciada más que nunca por su belleza, riqueza y los recursos que Dios le ha otorgado, esto atrajo comentarios de los espectadores de que Olokun supera a su rival (Osara) en todo.
Poco después, las noticias recorrieron la ciudad y Osara se enteró de las hazañas de Olokun y la exhibición de riqueza y prosperidad en el palacio. Reunió a todos sus hijos y los adornó con semillas de Agbon en sus brazos y pies porque era tan rica como Olokun. Sin embargo, los niños de Osara se convirtieron en un espectáculo digno de admirar por sus disfraces. En el cruce del complejo de Lakoro cerca de la intersección del mercado de Oja Ife, Osara hizo un llamamiento a los miembros de la familia Lakoro y a las personas de todo el mundo para que presenciaran su exhibición en el palacio. Osara dio ocho de los abanicos de palma tejida a mano en su poder a los miembros de la familia Lakoro. Al llegar al cruce del complejo de Oriyangi cerca del palacio, Osara dijo que "Agbonro" y los seguidores respondieron diciendo
Yo "Ro", "Agbon ro" Ro ". Significado: "Agbon desciende, ha descendido".
Armados con el abanico de palma tejida a mano anteriormente distribuido a ellos, los seguidores de Osara y sus hijos comenzaron a aplaudir y bailar la canción.
"Olomo lo laye o '
Osara mo Komodeo,
Ololo loo laye o;
Osara mo Komodeo "
"Una mujer fructífera es dueña del mundo, Osara ha traído niños, una mujer fructífera posee un mundo, Osara ha traído niños".
A diferencia de Olokun, Osara fue simplemente capaz de alimentar a las personas presentes con tortas de frijoles "Akara". Es por eso que 'Ekuru' es un elemento ritual importante durante el festival de Agbon. Este es también el motivo por el cual el ventilador de palma tejido a mano se utiliza para proporcionar música durante el festival Agbon hasta hoy. Osara, siendo una buena bailarina, bailó con la admiración y el deleite de todos incluso en la medida en que Oduduwa y todos, los jefes y espectadores dieron a Osara y sus hijos una gran ovación. En el transcurso del alboroto, los niños de Osara y los espectadores dispersaron e interrumpieron todos los preciosos y preciosos objetos que Olokun había exhibido. Esto molestó mucho a Olokun y juró nunca más tener nada que ver con Osara en la vida. Pero Osara prometió seguirla a donde quiera que fuera.
Olokun le dio sus preciosas y preciosas propiedades, que incluyen cuentas y telas locales "Aso Oke" para los niños de Osara. Esto tal vez explique por qué hasta hoy los adoradores de Osara y los adherentes generalmente ataban tela local "Aso Oke" alrededor de su cintura y cuentas alrededor de su cuello como parte de sus disfraces durante el festival anual de Agbon en Ile-Ife.
Según la tradición oral, Olokun, molesto, partió hacia Ilesa, a pocos kilómetros de l-l-fe. Osara la siguió como lo prometió. Cuando llegaron a Ilesha Osara se cayó y el agua salió en el acto. El estanque del horno todavía está allí hasta hoy en el palacio de Owa Aromolaran de Ilesha. El estanque todavía se venera hasta hoy. A partir de entonces, Olokun se fue a Abeokuta y Osara la siguió hasta que llegaron a Lagos, donde Olokun se cayó y convirtió en "Okun" un océano, Osara también se cayó y ella también convirtió a "Osa" en un océano. Olokun, debido a su voto anterior, todavía estaba molesto de que ella no tuviera nada que ver con Osara.
Mágicamente, los dos océanos, "Osa y Okun" se separaron permanentemente. Sin embargo, esto explica la pequeña demarcación que separa los océanos de "Olokun y Osa" en Lagos incluso hasta hoy.
El festival se celebra en el mes de mayo en Ile-Ife. Antes del comienzo del festival, los participantes principales se dirigen a Oke-Igbo o Ifetedo en algunas ciudades cerca de Ile-Ife para obtener las hojas y semillas de palma. Esto se debe a que Ile-lfe no tiene la especie masculina de palmera que se usa para el festival en su dominio (es la especie femenina la que produce los cocos que comemos).
El festival tiene una duración de siete días. Los participantes en el festival representan a los seguidores de Osara y sus hijos. Las hojas secas de palma se amarrarán con piedras dentro de las patas para formar perlas como las propiedades preciadas y preciosas que Olokun le dio a los niños de Osara.
En el séptimo día, la atención se trasladará al palacio del Ooni de Ife, donde Akara (torta de frijoles) se distribuirá libremente. Recibirán las bendiciones del Ooni de Ife y después todas las hojas de palma, las semillas de Agbon que se usaron para adornar los cuerpos se quitarán de repente y eso marcará el final del festival hasta el año siguiente.
FESTIVAL DE OSUN OSOGBO

Cada agosto, mucha gente de todo el mundo se aglomera en el estado de Osun, Nigeria, para asistir y participar en el famoso Festival Osun-Osogbo de dos semanas de duración. Se lleva a cabo en la ilustre y sagrada Osun Grove, que fue nombrada Patrimonio de la Humanidad por la UNESCO en 2005. Aunque una gran cantidad de participantes son indígenas de Osun, el festival se ha transformado a lo largo de los años en un evento que atrae la atención. de turistas y visitantes de otras partes del mundo.
Los primeros años...
Según la leyenda, el festival surgió del sacrificio anual realizado para celebrar a la diosa del río, que sirve como protectora del clan. La leyenda dice así: hace unos siete siglos, cuando se fundó la comunidad actual de Osogbo. La diosa del río aseguró a la gente de su protección y prometió bendecir a sus mujeres con la fertilidad de que le ofrecerían un sacrificio cada año. El contrato fue sellado y los sacrificios y las ceremonias se convirtieron en una cosa, o eso dice la leyenda.
El efecto Susanne Wenger ...
El festival Osun-Osogbo ha evolucionado más allá de ser solo un evento cultural celebrado por los pueblos Yoruba de Osogbo hasta convertirse en una celebración internacional de renombre que atrae cada año a nuevos participantes. La historia del festival sería incompleta sin hablar del impacto significativo que Susanne Sawyer, la artista austriaca, tuvo en la cultura.
Susanne Sawyer y su esposo, Ulli Beier, estuvieron estacionados en Ibadan a principios de la década de 1950. Ulli fue contratado en la Universidad de Ibadán como fonético. Se mudaron a Osun poco después y, allí, Susanne cultivó un profundo interés en la religión Yoruba, reuniéndose y comunicándose con uno de los sacerdotes de la religión en ese momento. Más tarde se convirtió en una sacerdotisa Yoruba, con el título tradicional: Iwinfunmi Adunni Olorisha, que se traduce vagamente como "el ser amado que sirve a la deidad".
La Sacerdotisa Blanca:

La influencia de Susanne Wenger es muy notable en el esquema de las cosas, ya que su habilidad para aprender e interpretar algunos de los detalles intrincados de la cultura Yoruba a través de su profundo don artístico y activismo contribuyó en gran medida a que el festival fuera más conocido. Como guardiana de la diosa Sagrada Arboleda de Osun en las orillas del río Osun en Oshogbo, ayudó a restaurar el abandono de muchos de los santuarios que se encontraban en diversos estados de ruina. También se las arregló para preservar el bosque alrededor de la arboleda, asegurando que no se practicara la caza o la pesca alrededor de las arboledas, que no se talaran los árboles y que el paisaje se mantuviera sagrado. Ella falleció el 12 de enero de 2009 en el Hospital Católico Our Lady of Fatima en Osogbo.
Principales atracciones durante el Festival Osun Osogbo
El festival Osun-Osogbo, sin duda, es más que sacrificios realizados para celebrar a la diosa del río Osun. Ya no, al menos. Hay varias actividades planificadas alrededor del festival, ya que los turistas y visitantes vienen a presenciar, interactuar y participar en la celebración de dos semanas de duración. Sin embargo, hay una secuencia de rituales que dan inicio a las celebraciones y son:
1. El Ritual de Iwopopo: Este es un ritual hecho para limpiar la ciudad del mal. Se hace primero antes de que el festival comience correctamente.
2. El Ritual Ina Olujumerindinlogun: Este es el ritual tradicional que implica la iluminación de una lámpara de 16 puntos que se cree que tiene 600 años de antigüedad. Este ritual se lleva a cabo tres días después de que se realiza el ritual de Iwopopo.

3. El Ritual de Iboriade: El ritual de Iboriade es cuando todas las coronas de los reyes anteriores - Ataojas - se reúnen para recibir bendiciones por la sentada Ataoja de Osogbo, Arugba, Yeye Osun y un comité de sacerdotisas.
4. El Ritual de Arugba: Este es uno de los aspectos más destacados del festival. Una calabaza que contiene los materiales de sacrificio que se usarían para apaciguar y adorar a la diosa es llevada por una virgen viuda a través de la ciudad, sobre su cabeza. Mientras conduce la procesión hacia el río, la gente, al verla como un representante de la diosa, le lanza sus problemas y reza.
4. El Ritual de Arugba: Este es uno de los aspectos más destacados del festival. Una calabaza que contiene los materiales de sacrificio que se usarían para apaciguar y adorar a la diosa es llevada por una virgen viuda a través de la ciudad, sobre su cabeza. Mientras conduce la procesión hacia el río, la gente, al verla como un representante de la diosa, le lanza sus problemas y reza.

Más allá de los ritos tradicionales enumerados anteriormente, el festival Osun-Osogbo tiene muchas otras atracciones y actividades que hacen que el evento sea una experiencia sana incluso para visitantes y turistas por primera vez. Hay ferias comerciales, juegos y otras actividades divertidas planificadas que hacen que sean dos emocionantes semanas de celebración.
FESTIVAL DE EYO
Adamu Orisa fue presentado en Lagos por los hermanos Ejilu y Malaki a Olugbani, el Olori a Oba Ado. Oba Ado fue el primer gobernante de Lagos en tener su sede de gobierno en Iga Iduganran.
Una fuente afirmó que Ejilu y Malaki visitaron Lagos por primera vez durante el funeral de Oba Ado y que, como contribución al funeral, trajeron su conjunto de Adamu Orisas (es decir, Adamu, Oniko y Ologeda) para participar en los ritos funerarios.
La historia dice que Oniko fue traído a Lagos por primera vez porque tenía fama de tener poderes espirituales como el Elegbara de Esu, así como los de Ogun (Dios de Hierro) y, por lo tanto, era capaz de ahuyentar a todos los espíritus y fuerzas malignas. en sus rutas.
Ologede vino después porque también es un representante de Elegbara, compartiendo poderes como se indicó anteriormente con Oniko. Sin embargo, en la jerarquía del culto Adamu Orisa, el Oniko tiene prioridad.
Adimu Orisa o Adamu Orisa, Orisa, para abreviar, fue la última en ser llevada a Lagos, pero, sin embargo, se la consideraba más sagrada que las otras dos y la mayor.
En los primeros días, el Adimu por lo general se mantenía en un bote en la laguna para desfilar por la orilla delantera para que las personas pudieran verlo y rendirle homenaje. Fue en esta etapa de su historia que adquirió la denominación de Orisa Oko.
El orden en el cual tres Orisas fueron traídos a Lagos ha sido desde entonces el orden de su salida en cada uno de los días de juego de Adamu Orisa. Es un tabú para Adimu salir sin la debida notificación de que Oniko y Ologede han desfilado por las calles y visitado los diversos santuarios en las primeras horas de un día de Adamu Orisa.
De hecho, se ha convertido en una práctica para los Oniko y Ologedo acudir al cónclave de Adimu que hoy se encuentra en Ita-Ado en su regreso o viaje de regreso, que generalmente es alrededor de las 5.00 o 5.30 de la madrugada. En el cónclave, los Orisas serían recibidos por los ancianos del Culto Adimu donde se intercambiarían oraciones y rituales necesarios.
Es necesario indicar, para evitar dudas, que lo que Ejilu y Malaki introdujeron o trajeron a Lagos fueron las tres Orisas (es decir, Adimu, Oniko y Ologede) excluyendo el Eyo, el baile de máscaras, que usa el vestido fluido (Agbada). ) con una tela que fluye demasiado, que lleva el palo Opambata.
EL NOMBRE ADIMU ORISA O ADAMU ORISA
El nombre Adimu simplemente significa uno con paso nasal bloqueado (con la nariz bloqueada) mientras que Adamu sugiere la nariz obstruida. Pero los nombres se aplican para cada ocasión, si tienes un Adimu, entonces puedes elegir la voz cuando habla. Pero si tienes el Adamu, entonces no habla de sí mismo, sino por demostración o mediante el asistente de campo, es el portador de Laba (bolsa de poderes místicos).
Las otras Orisas conservando el nombre y las características de su distrito se identificaron con el nombre Adamu Orisa.
AWO-OPA
También es un hecho histórico que Ejilu y Malaki establecieron un cónclave "Irele" del culto Awo Opa en Idunmagbo que se conoce como Irele Oke Ipa o Irele Ita Ado.
Es interesante notar que la historia de Awo Opa y su hermano Egungun declaró en Ife en Odu Okanran-Ogunda y su origen está ligado al asentamiento temprano de Oyo. La evidencia de contacto con Oyo por Ejilu y Malaki se vería cuando examinemos las canciones de Igbo para los Orisas.
No es seguro si fueron los primeros en presentar a Awo-Opa a Lagos. La familia Onicoyi Chieftaincy afirmó que su antepasado, un Adeyemi, un ex Onikoyi en Ikoyi Ile en el viejo Oyo, que emigró a Lagos en el momento de Olofin trajo Awo-Opa a Lagos. Sin embargo, debe tenerse en cuenta que Eletu Awo era propietaria de Irele Ishagbe, que se considera la sede de Awo-Opa en todo el estado de Lagos.
Otros dos jefes de Lagos, el Modile y el Onisemo, ambos jefes de Ogalado poseían y mantenían un Irele cada uno. A saber, Irele Offin en Olowogbowo en Lagos e Irele Agege Omi en Pedro Village, Shomolu. Se debe observar que los Ijebus, particularmente dentro del área de la laguna, han adoptado el Awo Opa y hoy parece que Awo-Opa se originó a partir del Ijebus.
CAMPING THE ORISAS
Era la creencia en la antigüedad de que el vestido, las tallas de la cabeza y todos los instrumentos para la puesta en escena de las Orisas no deberían guardarse dentro de las viviendas o dentro de las comunidades urbanas.
Por lo tanto, era la práctica de crear un campamento para ellos en aldeas de lugares programados para proteger su carácter sagrado. La historia decía que los Orisas se mantenían en lugares como Ibefun, Oke Ipa e incluso cerca de Iperu. Por lo tanto, era común en el pasado que la gente dijera que Eyo venía de Oke-Ipa o al final del Día de Eyo, la gente decía que Eyo iba a tomar un barco a Iperu.
Oke-Ipa es un pueblo al otro lado de la laguna más allá de Ikoyi. Como resultado de haber alojado a los Adimu en varios lugares para su custodia, hoy lo tiene en Ita Ado, aunque se afirma que existe una relación de sangre a través del matrimonio con el grupo Abegede.
De hecho, el Adimu una vez se mantuvo con un Jefe Olumegbon. El hecho, por lo tanto, sigue siendo que mantener a los Orisas en cualquier lugar en particular no cambia su propiedad u origen.
Se decía que el origen y la familia de Ejilu y Malaki y los Orisas Ejilu Malaki y su hermana Olugbani habían llegado a Lagos desde Benin en el momento de Oba Ado.
Los descendientes de Ejilu y Malaki se suscribieron a la historia anterior como resultado de su testimonio en la investigación de la Cofradía de Onilogbale. La segunda opinión defendida por el difunto Jefe Aminu Kosoko es que ellos (es decir, Ejilu y Malaki) vinieron de Ibefun a Lagos para pedir a su hermana Olugbani. Sin embargo, cabe señalar que Benin Influence cubrió un área más grande del lado del agua, el área de la laguna del estado de Lagos.
Se ha notado la influencia de Benin en Ikorodu, Baiyeku, Ibefun y una gran cantidad de ciudades y pueblos dentro del estado de Lagos.
Hoy, las diversas Orisas son guardadas por descendientes o parientes de Ejilu, Malaki y Olugbani. Oniko es mantenido por la familia Onigemo que son descendientes de Adamu o Sogbo. El Ologede es mantenido por la gente de Erelu Olugbani (Olori a Oba Ado) en Idunmagbo.
El Adimu es mantenido por el grupo Abegede del Olorogun Igbesodi u Olorogun-Ntebo y el Grupo Ita Ado, que también son descendientes de una camarilla de Akarigbara. Se dice que el Jefe Kebo o Olorogun-Atebo trajeron a Adimu y Esu de Benin a Lagos. El Akinshiku, el duro titular del Culto Adimu generalmente es nombrado del Grupo Abegede. Se llama al Adimu, Mole Ejilu, Mole Malaki. El Oniko se llama Mole Ejilu, Mole Malaki, Egungun Onigemo. El Ologede se llama Mole Ejilu, Mole Malaki Egungun Olugbani.
AGERE COMO UNA ORISA
Agere fue creado un Orisa en el presente siglo. Ocupa el último lugar en la lista de Orisas. Es, de hecho, una edición moderna de la obra. Se dice que un Bante Seda es el primer Agere.
INCLUSIÓN DE EYO
La obra de Adamu Orisa continuó en Lagos después de su establecimiento con las tres Orisas como el único conjunto de mascaradas.
Con el fin de proteger a los Orisas y controlar a la multitud creciente, se concibió la idea del Eyo en túnicas blancas fluidas (Agbada).
Con la aprobación del Oba, la idea fue implementada y varios Eyos en Agbadas blancos salieron en el Día de Adamu Orisa en el Palacio de Oba y seis fueron asignados a cada Orisa por su seguridad. El Grupo Eyo se hizo conocido en años posteriores como Eyo Oba, Eyo Oniloba o Eyo Alakoto Pupa.
El grupo Eyo se convirtió así en el precursor de todos los Eyos y se convirtió en el líder y la Policía en portador de "Loba", una bolsa que contiene poderes místicos de juju para permitir que el grupo castigue tanto a Eyos como a individuos que puedan violar las reglas y regulaciones. gobernando el Adamu Orisa Cult y el juego.
Después de algún tiempo, los Orisas y más tarde los jefes obtuvieron permiso para constituir un grupo de Eyos en su cónclave de palacios.
Por lo tanto, tienes a Eyo Adimu, Eyo Oniko, Eyo Ologede y para los jefes tienes a Eyo Eletu-Odibo. Eyo Ojore, y Eyo Egbe, etc.
De lo anterior, está claro que Eyo Laba es el precursor de todos los grupos Eyo y, por lo tanto, es correcto llamar al grupo "Olori Eyo". Debe decirse que el Grupo Eyo Laba está adscrito al Culto de Akala y la mayoría de los líderes del grupo en el pasado pertenecían al culto.
El Adimu Cult tiene cierta interacción con el Culto de Osugbo debido a la participación de la fallecida Apena Ajasa, quien ocupó las oficinas de Akinshiku, la Apena del Culto de Osugbo y la de Olorogun-Atabo, todas al mismo tiempo.
EL ORIGEN DE EYO
¿A qué tribu o grupo étnico pertenece Eyo o Adamu Orisa?
Al responder a la pregunta anterior, uno tiene que examinar la historia de Ejilu y Malaki y otros asuntos relacionados con el fin de llegar a una conclusión justa.
El origen de Malaki y Ejilu es un poco confuso, algunos dicen que Benin, algunos dicen que es falso. Escritores anteriores han avanzado diferentes orígenes a la misma. Talbars en su libro The People of Southern Nigeria describió a "Eyo como Ijebu Juju". Pero el Rev. J. Olumide Lucas en su libro The Religion of The Yorubas declaró que el culto a Adamu Orisa es peculiar de los Aworis. Otro autor, el reverendo Johnson en su libro La historia de los yorubas, dispuso que Eyo era una iniciación de Egungun visto en Oyo.
De un documento recopilado de los Archivos Nacionales titulado Informe de Yesufu Agoro, El Jefe de la Familia de Agoro Ogebi Eletu-Iwasha, descendiente del 3 de noviembre de 1937, en la página tres del documento, se registró el siguiente ítem 10: "Abudu Karimu Docemo" y Bakare José fue a Oba Falolu en Iga-Idunganran para solicitar el baile de máscaras de su abuela, Adimu, del pueblo de Apena para devolvérselos. El jefe Kebo lleva a Adimu y Esu de Benin a Lagos ".
Abudu Karimu Docemo mencionado anteriormente es probable que sea un miembro de la Familia Dosunmu en Abegede, mientras que Bakare José fue un ex Jefe Eletu-Iwase de Lagos. Al considerar el tema, es esencial considerar, los principales actores o participantes de Adamu Orisa Play y su origen. El grupo Abegede e Ita Ado pertenecían a la clase de jefatura de Benin, los Akarigberes. Pertenecían a lo siguiente: Olorogun Igbeaodi, Olorogun Atebo, Olorun Agan.
Sin embargo, es necesario considerar los contenidos de las canciones "Igbe" que se utilizan para glorificar a los Orisas, Ejilu y Malaki a lo largo de los años en cada Día Adamu Orisa.
El Igbe funciona así: Imalaki ganó ki saiye Ijaiye ejilu sa yato Eyin gbo o, 2ce Iyee, o moo lo siyoyo Ajaka Oyo Ajako o, En rohun mu bo ireole O fi akala mawo mesi ikole En lo nse oniko, eleyo Eyin iba gbajo kato, ti ito a ho, E do ri iwo kodo si irele Omo wewe abese lo ma leko A i kowo lo si oja lara agba
En la canción Igbe citada anteriormente, la historia está relacionada con cómo, Malaki y Ejilu, estaban haciendo maravillas y cómo uno de sus miembros visitó Oyo Ajaka (es decir, el antiguo Oyo donde Sango reinó como rey) y le devolvió algo a el 'Irele', el cónclave de Awo-Opa.
De lo anterior, uno puede ver alguna base para la afirmación del Rev. Johnson de que Eyo era una imitación del Egungun hecho en Oyo. La similitud entre el Egungun Baba-lago y Eyo no puede pasarse por alto. Es pertinente referirse a la historia de Elegba en Iddo en el continente de Lagos como ejemplo típico. La historia dice que Opeoluwa, un jefe de Ogalade, consultó a Ifa y sugirió a Olofin que adorara a Elegbara.
Hay un popular santuario de Elegbara en Iworo en el área de Awori y se contactó a la gente de Iworo, y las personas de Opeoluwa y Olofina fueron iniciadas en el culto y otorgaron permiso para establecer un santuario y un bosque de Elegbara en Iddo. Como resultado de esta historia, se ha convertido en una costumbre cantar la siguiente canción de Elegba para la primera mascarada de Elegbara que aparecería en el bosque para bailar.
"Eku lo koko njade (2ce) Alara Omo ganó ni Iworo Eku lo koko njade".
Significado: Rat es generalmente el primero en salir
El maravilloso, hijo de Iworo. La canción es, por lo tanto, un testimonio de la historia de Elegba como se indicó anteriormente. Al responder la pregunta que planteé, mi respuesta es que Eyo y Adamu Orisa jugar pertenecían a los Ekos. Aunque puede ser una mezcla del Esu de Benin, el Awo-Opa, el Akala.
Es la creación de Eko, no tiene paralelo, en ningún lugar de la tierra Yoruba. No hay rastro de Eyo en Ijebuland, ni siquiera Ibefun. Los Ijebus son conocidos por Agemo, Oro y Eluku. El objetivo principal de este escrito es eliminar la impresión creada en la mente de muchas personas por los escritores y comentaristas del pasado sobre el tema que atribuye la base de Eyo al Ijebus. El Consejo Insular de Lagos debería resucitar su comité especial sobre la historia de Lagos para examinar el aspecto relacionado con Eyo.
Características del festival Eyo
El Eyo junto con amigos y familiares del Iga (palacio) desfilan desde un extremo de la isla de Lagos hasta el otro.
Una semana antes del festival (siempre un domingo), el grupo eyo 'sénior' (Adimu) se hace público con un equipo. Esto significa que el evento tendrá lugar el sábado siguiente.
El "Orisa Oniko" desfila temprano en la mañana el día del festival. Se cree que esto aleja a los espíritus malignos de la ocasión
Cada uno de los otros cuatro grupos "importantes" (Laba (Rojo), Oniko (amarillo), Ologede (Verde) y Agere (Púrpura) toman sus turnos para desfilar en ese orden de lunes a jueves.
Hay ciertos artículos y actividades prohibidas durante el festival
Durante el festival de Eyo, ciertas prácticas no están permitidas entre las personas de todo el área del festival. Algunas cosas para evitar incluyen:
• Fumar
• Usar sandalias
• Montar en motocicletas y bicicletas
• Hacer el 'Suku' (peinado yoruba).
• Las mujeres no deben atar los pantalones ni usar zapatos.
Es un tabú usar el disfraz de Eyo
pasar la noche o usarlo para cruzar una laguna o un río.
El festival se ha convertido en una importante atracción turística para el estado
Su popularidad se extiende más allá de las costas de este país, se puede concluir que la mascarada Eyo en sí misma representa a Lagos.
El festival Eyo es único en Lagos
Debido a su historia y tradición, el festival Eyo solo se celebra en Lagos. Es la creación de Eko, no tiene paralelo en ninguna parte de la tierra Yoruba.
Testigo de la Crème De La Crème de la Sociedad Yoruba
El último desfile en la plaza es un punto de convergencia para los dignatarios en el estado y fuera del estado. Algunos invitados prominentes incluyen; Los Obas de diferentes palacios, sus jefes condecorados, el gobernador del estado de Lagos, los Elegushi de Ikateland, y así sucesivamente.
Lo que The Eyo usa durante el festival
Cada Eyo sale de un Iga (palacio) de una familia gobernante en la mañana y se dirige al santuario (Agodo). Está vestida de pies a cabeza con una tela blanca que fluye. El traje blanco que fluye consiste en una 'agbada' (la túnica superior) y la 'aropale' (la parte inferior se envuelve). No se espera que se vea ninguna parte de la persona que porta el Eyo. El Eyo también usa un 'Akete' un sombrero que lleva los colores y el escudo de la Iga de la que proviene. Un Eyo puede atar cintas en los colores de Iga al Opambata (rama de palma) que porta. Un Eyo de Iga puede tener hasta 50 a 100 o más miembros. Cada persona que lleva una bata como Eyo debe pagar una tarifa por el privilegio. Esta tarifa se paga a la casa gobernante Iga, cuyos colores y Akete the Eyo usan. El Adimu se identifica con un sombrero negro de ala ancha.
La relevancia y significado del festival
El festival de Eyo se organiza bajo los auspicios de la tradición Yoruba, así como de organizaciones sociales o clubes. Es una salida utilizada para exhibir la cultura de la gente de Isale Eko, ya que puede organizarse para ocasiones especiales además de la muerte de jefes prominentes, ancianos o la instalación de un nuevo Oba. También se puede usar para entretener en funciones u ocasiones especiales del estado.
GELEDE = Madres poderosas ...
Madres * Antepasados * Deidades ...
El espectáculo Gelede de Yoruba & Fon es una exhibición pública con coloridas máscaras que combina arte y danza ritual para entretener, educar e inspirar la adoración. Gelede celebra a las madres: Awon Iya Wa, un grupo que incluye ancestros femeninos y deidades, así como a las mujeres mayores de la comunidad, y el poder y la capacidad espiritual que estas mujeres tienen en la sociedad. Sin embargo, este poder también puede ser destructivo y tomar la forma de brujería; por lo tanto, Gelede cumple la función de apaciguar este poder también. La agenda social de Gelede se basa en que la vida es delicada y debe ser vivida con precaución y con énfasis en la diplomacia, la consideración, el respeto y la armonía.

La mayoría de los mitos yoruba de origen se pueden encontrar en las narrativas de adivinación que se conocen en Odu Ifa, que contiene una serie de poemas llamados Ese Ifa. Un Ese Ifa explica los orígenes de Gelede como comenzando con Yemoja, "La Madre de todas las Deidades y todos los seres vivos".
Yewajobi - Yemoja no pudo tener hijos y consultó a un oráculo de Ifa, quien le aconsejó ofrecer sacrificios y bailar con imágenes de madera en su cabeza y tobilleras de metal en sus pies. Después de realizar este ritual, ella quedó embarazada. Su primer hijo era un niño, apodado "Efe" - Humorista; la máscara de Efe enfatiza la canción y las bromas debido a la personalidad de su nombre. Yewajobi - La segunda hija de Yemoja era una niña, apodada "Gelede" - Obesa como su madre Gelede amaba bailar.
Después de casarse ellos mismos, ni Gelede ni la pareja de Efe podían tener hijos. El oráculo de Ifá sugirió que probaran el mismo ritual que había funcionado para su madre. Tan pronto como Efe y Gelede realizaron estos rituales, bailando con imágenes de madera en sus cabezas y tobilleras de metal en sus pies, comenzaron a tener hijos. Estos rituales se convirtieron en la danza enmascarada de Gelede y fueron perpetuadas por los descendientes de Efe y Gelede.

Aunque la ceremonia de Gelede se puede organizar en cualquier época del año para mejorar la suerte de un individuo, limpiar la sociedad de la peste, inducir a la lluvia, enriquecer la fertilidad humana, conseguir el apoyo de las fuerzas sobrenaturales y las poderosas madres en tiempos de guerra. , y para honrar a los muertos, el rendimiento más elaborado ocurre durante el festival anual.
Una vez que las fechas exactas del festival se arreglan, generalmente a través de la adivinación, la Sacerdotisa Principal - Iyalashe notifica al jefe de la comunidad y a los jefes importantes. Luego se envían mensajes a todos los miembros de la sociedad Gelede fuera de la ciudad o se trabaja muy lejos para regresar a casa para la celebración.

El festival comienza con un concierto de toda la noche llamado Efe, que presenta la máscara masculina de Efe, que usa la sátira para entretener y educar. Dada la preocupación de la sociedad Gelede por la paz y la estabilidad social, no es sorprendente que los temas didácticos se repitan en las canciones de Efe. Después del baile Efe, la mayoría de los asistentes pasan la mañana durmiendo en preparación para la danza de la tarde, que tiene lugar en el mercado y presenta parejas de bailarines que tocan música de ritmo rápido con un ritmo vigoroso.

La ceremonia de Gelede incluye danza, canto y música cuidadosamente coreografiados, y especialmente la percusión. Las representaciones son dadas por hombres, que usan máscaras que presentan imágenes esculpidas de escenas que incluyen animales y personas o máquinas de coser y tambores. Los pares de hombres se disfrazan de mujeres para divertir, complacer y aplacar a las madres que se consideran muy poderosas, y que pueden usar sus poderes para fines buenos o destructivos. Estos poderes están especialmente relacionados con el parto. Las habilidades que poseen pueden activarse consciente o inconscientemente.

La "Máscara" Gelede es más exactamente un tocado, ya que descansa sobre la cabeza y la cara del usuario está cubierta por un velo de tela. El tocado tiene la forma de una cabeza humana, sobre la cual hay motivos destinados a entretener a los espectadores pero, además, generalmente abordan las preocupaciones sociales que también pueden expresarse en canciones que forman parte de la mascarada. Las personas o las familias generalmente van a cualquier longitud para que sus tocados sean lo más atractivos y divertidos posible.
La mayoría de los tocados tienen adornos faciales, que van desde marcas de linaje hasta tatuajes decorativos, que están incisos o pintados. El tocado es para el disfraz lo que la Cabeza - Ori es para el cuerpo humano. Es un índice de identificación y la esencia de la personalidad del enmascarador, siempre y cuando esté dentro de la máscara. A pesar de las representaciones cómicas que a menudo aparecen en el tocado, la cara debajo de la superestructura permanece serena, como si acentuara la paradoja de que es la vida, y la necesidad de vivir la vida con especial cuidado.
Al pueblo Ketu-Yoruba se le atribuye la invención de Gelede en algún momento de la última parte del siglo XVIII según las tradiciones orales de toda la región. Un dicho popular yoruba proclama, oju to ba ri Gelede ti de opin iran - Los ojos que han visto a Gelede, han visto el espectáculo supremo. El poder e impacto efectivo de Gelede proviene de su formato multimedia en el que las artes de la canción, la danza, el vestuario y la música se combinan para crear experiencias artísticas en movimiento.
Gelede rinde homenaje a los Poderes Espirituales de las Mujeres, especialmente a las Mujeres Mayores, conocidas afectuosamente como "Nuestras Madres", Awon Iya Wa. Los poderes poseídos por tales Mujeres, comparables a los de los Dioses, Espíritus o Antepasados, pueden ser usados para el beneficio o la destrucción de la sociedad. Al manifestar su dimensión destructiva, tales Ancianas se denominan Aje - Brujas. Si se enojan, pueden derribar individuos y comunidades enteras.

Los mercados Yoruba y Fon están controlados por las mujeres ... Para honrar el poder económico y las contribuciones de las mujeres, muchos tocados Gelede representan las cabezas de las mujeres que llevan los productos que venden en el mercado. Muchas máscaras Gelede representan animales que sirven como metáforas de acciones y atributos humanos, así como ilustraciones de proverbios populares y canciones que a menudo acompañan la apariencia de la máscara. Los animales en motivos devoradores son un medio importante para transmitir el concepto de fuerzas competidoras en los ámbitos social y espiritual.

Esta máscara de Gelede muestra dos serpientes envueltas en cascabeles de calabaza a los lados de un peinado en pico. Los cascabeles son las insignias de sacerdotisas cuyos poderes espirituales son evocados por las serpientes. Tenga en cuenta que la cara del ejecutante masculino se ve claramente a través del velo fino de la tela. A diferencia de otras tradiciones de enmascaramiento yoruba, donde la identidad del artista intérprete o ejecutante debe ocultarse porque se ocupan de las fuerzas espirituales, se pueden ver los enmascaradores Gelede ya que se centran en las fuerzas del mundo.
Al acercarse el crepúsculo después de que una deslumbrante variedad de enmascarados imaginen innumerables aspectos de la vida y el pensamiento yoruba, un enmascarador final, uno que sintetiza Diosa, Anciana y Sacerdotisa, parece concluir y bendecir el espectáculo de Gelede. Su conjunto blanco resplandeciente en la creciente oscuridad, Iya Odua (Madre Odua) se mueve con paso mesurado hacia el mercado acompañado de su sacerdotisa, su atuendo refleja visualmente el del enmascarador para unir reinos espirituales y terrenales. El lento y majestuoso dibujo de Iya Odua transmite su edad, sabiduría y poder sagrado. Su blancura simboliza su comportamiento frío y encubierto y su pureza posmenopáusica, ya que es la madre creativa, protectora y nutritiva de la multitud reunida, su descendencia. La aparición de Iya Odua le asegura a la comunidad que el espléndido espectáculo la ha complacido y aplacado, y que las Madres usarán su poder e influencia para el beneficio de todos.

Las mascaradas de Gelede son espectáculos realizados por el pueblo Yoruba en Nigeria y DanXome que celebran el Poder Místico de la Mujer. Gelede se refiere al concepto de honrar a las mujeres y sus poderes innatos para que toda la comunidad pueda cosechar los beneficios de sus fuerzas dadoras de vida. Hay muchas variaciones diferentes del espectáculo de Gelede, que varía de una región a otra, pero este concepto se mantiene constante en todas ellas.

Es una increíble manifestación artística del poder de la mujer que se manifiesta en los conceptos, los disfraces y las máscaras, y la ubicación del espectáculo. El mundo es frágil, lo que significa que la celebración de Gelede está en guerra con el mal del mundo sin matar. La preservación de la celebración de Gelede y su significado y homenaje a las mujeres es una base fundamental de una comunidad en cuanto a su identidad cultural y social.

El festival incluye coloridas máscaras, llamativos tocados, música festiva y actuaciones milagrosas y, lo más importante, la celebración de Womanhood.
FESTIVAL SANGO
Cómo se celebra el Sango Festival en Oyo Town, Oyo State Nigeria
El Festival de Sango es un festival anual que se celebra durante el mes de agosto en el palacio de los Alaafin de Oyo.

Es un día especial usado para celebrar a Sango, una deidad Yoruba popular que se creía que poseía poderes mágicos. El festival fue rebautizado como el Día Mundial del Sango por el gobierno del estado de Oyo para significar su amplia difusión internacional. El festival acoge a visitantes de todo el país y seguidores de países extranjeros como Cuba, Brasil, Trinidad y Tobaggo y el Caribe.
Quién es Sango
Sango fue el tercer rey Alaafin del antiguo imperio Oyo. Se hizo cargo de su hermano Ajaka, que era considerado débil. Durante su reinado, estuvo constantemente peleando batallas con otras ciudades. Destruyó por error su palacio con un rayo que provocó el final de su reinado.
Sango es ampliamente conocido como el Dios del trueno. Él gobernó el reino de Oyo durante siete años y se casó con tres esposas, Oya Oba y Oshun. Él es adorado en el quinto día llamado ojo Jakuta. A sus seguidores les gusta usar un atuendo rojo que era su vestimenta popular.

Importancia del Festival de Sango a los Yorubas
Sango es una Orisa popular en Yorubaland, como tal su festival juega un papel tradicional y cultural muy importante con la gente de Yoruba. Sango es considerado como uno de los padres fundadores del presente estado de Oyo. Es un día en que los yorubas lo usaron para reconectarse entre sí, y para mostrar el rico patrimonio cultural de los yorubas, como tocar la batería, bailar y cantar.
Breve historia del Festival de Sango
El festival se remonta a más de 1000 años atrás cuando Sango desapareció misteriosamente del palacio. Se cree que se suicidó después de ser desafiado por uno de sus poderosos jefes que le ordenó abandonar el palacio. Desde entonces, el festival ha sido celebrado por la gente de Oyo.
Reconocimiento internacional de Sango Festival
El gobierno del estado de Oyo en 2013 decidió poner Sango Festival en el escenario mundial cuando cambió el nombre al mundo Sango Festival. Desde entonces ha sido reconocido por la UNESCO. Fue un día que sirvió como hogar de Yorubas de todo el mundo, especialmente Cuba, Brasil, Trinidad y Tobaggo y el Caribe, así como para celebrar a Sango.
Cómo se celebra el Festival de Sango
El Festival de Sango es un evento de 10 días, que está marcado con pompa y esplendor. Los adoradores y visitantes se pueden ver de buen humor. Los fieles generalmente están adornados con vestimenta blanca o roja.

Día uno
El primer día del festival se celebra con juegos de diferentes tipos. Algunas de las actividades programadas para el día son
Competencia Ayo
Ogun Ajobo Day ritos nocturnos tradicionales.
Competencia Ayo
Ayo es un juego especial que es popular entre los Yorubas. Es uno de los juegos más antiguos en tierra Yoruba y generalmente lo juegan hombres mayores sentados cara a cara. Implica mover guijarros de un agujero del tablero a otro.
Descripción del juego de mesa Ayo
Es un objeto de madera tallada, bastante rectangular con un total de doce bolsillos circulares tallados dispuestos en dos filas, seis bolsillos en cada fila. La madera utilizada para hacer el Ayo es muy ligera debido al secado continuo de la madera. Contiene decoraciones elaboradas en ambos lados del tablero.
La placa es de naturaleza trapezoidal y el tamaño adecuado mide la parte superior, 20 "x 12" / fondo, 22 "x 12".
El tablero Ayo puede ser de madera o arcilla y tiene muchas esculturas.
El juego de mesa Ayo no es solo un juego recreativo sino que se ve como una conexión espiritual con la esencia.
Día de Ogun Ajobo
El Día de Ogun Ajobo se celebra el segundo día del festival. En este día, los grupos tradicionales de la zona de Oyo son una gran muestra de los vítores de las personas. Olode Cultural Display de los estados de Oyo, Ondo, Ekiti, Osun, Ogun y Kwara desfilaría desde Owode en la ciudad de Oyo hasta el palacio de Alaafin. Por lo general, se celebra una fiesta nocturna llamada Aisun Koso en la que aparece un artista popular yoruba en medio de la bebida y la comida.
Tercer día del Festival de Sango
En el tercer dia; El viernes otros grupos culturales como Igunu y Omolulu mostrarían su actuación. Este día se llama el día de Sango Obakoso.
Cuarto día del Festival de Sango
En este día se abriría el santuario de Sango koso. Esto generalmente está marcado por las celebraciones amplias de la actuación de los miembros de la Asociación de Practicantes de Artes Teatrales de Nigeria (ANTP) y seguido por una fiesta nocturna para Oya Okenira.

Del quinto al noveno día del Festival de Sango
Desde el domingo hasta el jueves y el viernes, habrá celebraciones de Oyo State, Oya Day, Aje Oloja Day, Sango Oyo Day, Osun State Day y Iyemonja Day, Esin Elejo Day y Kwara State Day. Este período suele estar lleno de emoción y amplias celebraciones entre las personas.

Gran final
Este día marca el final del festival. En este día, un grupo de seguidores llamado Elegun Sango entretendría a las multitudes con magia que muchos encuentran aterradora. Los Elegun Sango provienen de diferentes partes del país, como Oyo, Ekiti, Ede, Ibadan, Ajagba y Koso. Por lo general trenzan sus pelos y sus ojos son generalmente aterradoras.

El Elegun Sango Koso Alaafin, suele ser el último en aparecer en el escenario en la gran final. Iba por el pueblo de Oyo, rezando por la gente, antes de llegar al palacio. Él saluda a la gente y se dirige a Iya Ilekoto antes de abandonar el palacio.
Festival de pesca de Agungun

El histórico festival de pesca y cultura Argungu en el estado de Kebbi
El trasfondo histórico del festival de pesca y cultura Argungu
El Festival Internacional de Pesca y Cultura de Argungu (el más concurrido en Nigeria y tal vez el festival más antiguo conocido de su tipo) es anterior a las "Conquistas" de Kanta de Kebbi a principios del siglo XVI. El festival comenzó inicialmente en forma de ritos religiosos antes de la época de Surame Gungu de Kebbi Kingdom. En otras palabras, comenzó como un asunto informal familiar y comunal. Desde entonces, el festival ha sufrido varios cambios y modificaciones.

Más de 30.000 pescadores habían participado en el festival anual de pesca Argungu en el estado de Kebbi, Nigeria. La gente de toda África del oeste ha venido a participar del evento principal: el concurso de pesca en las aguas del río Mata Fada, utilizando redes y calabazas tradicionales hechas con calabazas, una especie de trozos secos y ahuecados. El pescador que toma el pez más grande gana un premio de 7000 dólares, una gran cantidad de dinero para la gente de Nigeria
La evolución del festival en Argungu parece ir de la mano con el desarrollo socioeconómico de los Kabawa (gente de Kebbi) en general. Desde el siglo XVI (los días de Kanta), el festival tal como lo conocemos hoy se ha vuelto más elaborado y elegante. Al mismo tiempo, desde el período de la jihad, se ha ido enriqueciendo progresivamente con la presentación de más eventos para el entretenimiento general del público asistente.
Para que este artículo sea extenso, clasificaremos aquí los antecedentes históricos de la pesca Argungu en dos fases principales de adaptación:
Festival de pesca del siglo XVI a 1934 en resumen
En el siglo XVI, los días de Kanta, el festival de pesca en Kabi probablemente asumió una especie de carácter nacionalista. Los espectaculares poderes de reunión de Kanta, quien solía viajar en un barco recibiendo homenaje a través de su imperio ribereño, deben haber servido para traer en la creencia audaz la deseabilidad y la eficacia de un festival centralizado. Se sabía que el propio Kanta había alentado a los festivales localizados y anuales como un pasaporte para tener un control muy firme sobre sus súbditos. Kanta tuvo que trabajar codo a codo con los oficiales y jefes de pesca y aguas que también le aconsejaron en cuestiones de importancia para el bienestar de su reino, como durante la guerra, la pesca comunal y las cosechas. En este período se observaron cuatro rituales públicos principales.
Gyaran Ruwa
El Fashin Ruwa
El Gyaran Gari y
Shan Kabewa y Fura
Las dos primeras ceremonias, (Gyaran Ruwa y Fashin Ruwa) se relacionan con el agua y tienen una relación directa con la pesca, mientras que las dos últimas ceremonias son de propiciación de la tierra.
Específicamente, el Gyaran Ruwa se refiere a los rituales básicos de purificación de aguas que precede al gran día de pesca con el objetivo de tener un festival de pesca sin enganches en el día señalado. En el día de Gyaran Ruwa, los sacerdotes y los feligreses de Bori entran en grandes canoas y atraviesan la longitud de los ríos Kabi. En el proceso, el Jirgi (Maestro del río) vierte libaciones en el medio del río al Espíritu Reina del Agua (Doguwa). En este cruce, los practicantes de Bori se lanzan al agua y realizan encantamientos para la protección de los pescadores durante todo el año.
El Fashin Ruwa significa la apertura de las aguas para la pesca. En este caso, el hogar busca el permiso formal del Emir de Kabi, que luego fija una fecha para el comienzo de la temporada de pesca. A través del hogar, el rito Fashin Ruwa atrae una gran cantidad de interacción social. Es un evento nacional con exhibiciones abiertas de música, baile, acrobacias, lucha libre, etc. que sirven como atracciones secundarias, presenciadas por grandes multitudes de hombres, mujeres y niños.
El Gyaran Gari (Purificación de la ciudad) y Shan Kabewa (Prueba de la papilla de calabaza) eran rituales especializados de propiciaciones de tierras. Estaban repletos de sacrificios, demostraciones de bori y tsafi; música, danza y exhibiciones artísticas, todas dirigidas a purgar espíritus malignos de la tierra y solicitar cosechas abundantes. Como parte del agradecimiento, se hacen sacrificios profusos en la comida de algunas rocas y árboles específicos y en la cima de algunas colinas.
Los cuatro festivales mencionados anteriormente fueron muy concurridos y naturalmente exigieron la presencia de atracciones secundarias y la presencia de animadores de todas las ocupaciones tradicionales. Con la penetración constante de la cultura islámica en la zona, los tres ritos, a saber, Gyaran ruwa, Gyaran gari y Shan Kabewa fueron detenidos dejando el rito Fashin Ruwa, que es el origen del presente Festival Internacional de Pesca y Cultura de Argungu.
Dentro de este período, el festival en Argungu ya había asumido un tono bastante no religioso o no animista, desprovisto en gran parte de las exposiciones habituales de Bori y Tsafi. Sin embargo, a pesar de que el Islam ya había sido ampliamente adoptado en el área, la presencia del Islam parece haber servido simplemente para neutralizar la base de los ritos Bori e Iskoki tan bien asociados con el festival. Esto sugiere que con la amplia aceptación del Islam entre los Kabawa, la mayoría de las familias individuales en el área han abandonado cada vez más las prácticas animistas, pero continúan admirando la ocasión del festival para exhibiciones periódicas del culto tradicional. Al mismo tiempo, la asistencia a este festival parece haber aumentado considerablemente, ya que los representantes de la comunidad tomaron una posición bastante visible en el lugar del festival. Los dignatarios de las áreas ribereñas vecinas también se presentaron regularmente como invitados durante el festival.
El festival de 1934 fue el más conspicuo en la asistencia de un dignatario no notable de Argungu con la histórica visita de Sarkin Musulmi, el sultán Hassan Dan Mu'azu. En respuesta a una invitación anterior extendida por el Emir de Argungu, Muhammad Sama, el recién nombrado Sultán de Sokoto hizo una visita a Argungu en 1934.

En previsión de la visita, el Emir y su consejo decidieron organizar una gran exposición de pesca que servirá como un símbolo trascendental de la identidad Kabawa. Inicialmente, el emir y sus oficiales habían sentido que los entretenimientos locales y hazañas de la virilidad como el boxeo y la lucha solían parecer humillantes y totalmente indignos de entretenimiento para todo un sultán. Tampoco nada menos que las embarcaciones de agua retratarían esto en un enfoque claro que la organización de una gran fiesta de pesca desprovista de los rituales tradicionales de propiciación de los espíritus.
Entre 1934 y 1950 el festival comenzó a registrar un cierto grado de consistencia en términos de citas y asistencia. Por primera vez, se admitía a mujeres y niños pequeños en el terreno del festival. Además, el gran día para el final de la pesca comenzó a alternar entre los sábados y domingos de un período especial durante la temporada posterior a la lluvia. A fines de la década de 1870, sin embargo, el día más preferido de la semana para el gran final de pesca ha sido consistentemente un sábado en febrero o marzo.
Antes de 1934, el financiamiento de los cuatro rituales se basaba en una base familiar o comunitaria puramente individual. Las familias individuales y los participantes se patrocinan o viven mutuamente la hospitalidad recíproca y el mantenimiento de los sacrificios y otros rituales materiales que deben realizar los practicantes de Bori y los funcionarios de pesca.
Desde 1934 hasta la década de 1960, el Consejo de Emiratos, la Autoridad Nativa y el Gobierno del Norte comenzaron a invertir en el festival con el objetivo de hacerlo grandioso, especialmente a raíz de las crecientes oleadas de invitados.
Sin embargo, la participación activa del gobierno vino con el establecimiento de un Gobierno Regional del Norte cuando por primera vez se otorgó una sustancial donación de £ 500 (quinientas libras) a la Autoridad Nativa de Argungu. En 1969, el entonces gobierno del Estado Noroeste, decidió involucrarse directamente con el desarrollo general y la reestructuración del festival. El gobierno militar federal entró con una donación sustancial de £ 10, 0000.00 (diez mil libras) cada uno en 1970 y 1977.
De hecho, en febrero de 1977, el Festival de Pesca Argungu se organizó específicamente como un evento paralelo importante de inmenso valor cultural. En reconocimiento del valor del festival para revivir el patrimonio del estado y mejorar el desarrollo del turismo, las subsecuentes administraciones del estado de Sokoto elaboraron un plan maestro multimillonario de nairas para el pueblo del festival y para la provisión de infraestructura.
En el caso de la asistencia, antes de 1934 la asistencia a los cuatro rituales seguía siendo principalmente un asunto local. Sin embargo, después de 1934, el festival de Argungu se convirtió no solo en un asunto de la comunidad sino esencialmente en un evento nacional digno de ser presenciado por dignatarios de la comunidad internacional. De hecho, desde la memorable visita del sultán Dan Mu'azu, el festival ha atraído a un número de seguidores cada vez mayor de todo el país. Turistas e invitados para la ocasión se congregan en gran número de Europa, Gran Bretaña, Estados Unidos, Rusia, Sudeste Asiático y países africanos vecinos como Níger, República de Benin, Camerún, etc.

En 1970, la cifra de asistencia al festival había superado las 100.000 personas. La primera visita de un Jefe de Estado nigeriano también se registró en 1970 con la visita de Su Excelencia el General Yakubu Gowon y su homólogo de la República de Níger, Alh. Diori Hammani. Ambos estadistas asistieron en compañía de sus esposas. En el mismo año, (1970), los pescadores del estado de Rivers y las comparsas culturales del sur, el oeste y el estado oriental de Nigeria comenzaron a participar. De hecho, en 1979, el estado de Rivers había establecido un campamento permanente para sus pescadores y grupos culturales en la Villa de pescadores. El Festival fue utilizado por el Gobierno Federal durante el período para sanar las heridas de la guerra civil y generar confianza y respeto mutuo entre los nigerianos. Por el contrario, 1977 marcó el comienzo de la asistencia de invitados internacionales de alto perfil al festival. Notables entre los visitantes fueron el Sr. Andrew Young, el Secretario de Estado de los Estados Unidos, el Embajador de Rusia en Nigeria y el Cónsul General de la Embajada de Arabia Saudita.
Las comparsas culturales y los Jefes de Misiones de la mayoría de las naciones que asistieron al FESTAC '77 también fueron testigos del Festival. Todos los Jefes de Estado y Presidentes de Nigeria presenciaron el festival con la excepción del General Ibrahim Babangida, el General Abdulsalam Abubakar y el Jefe Ernest Shonekan. El ex presidente, el jefe Olusegun Obasanjo tiene una asistencia récord de cuatro visitas al festival. Hasta la fecha, más de 200 gobernantes tradicionales han presenciado el festival desde toda Nigeria y los países africanos vecinos, y el sultán y muchos otros se han comprometido a asistir anualmente hasta el final de sus reinados individuales.
El festival de 1980 fue presenciado por no menos de nueve gobernadores estatales entre los que se encontraban Alhaji Abubakar Rimi de Kano, Abubakar Barde de Gongola, Adamu Attah de Kwara, Solomon Lar de Plateau y Tatari Ali de Bauchi.
En total, aproximadamente 105,000 personas asistieron al festival de 1980 (46). En su voto de agradecimiento, el invitado de honor de la ocasión, el gobernador Tatari Ali de Bauchi comentó que el festival fue simplemente maravilloso más allá de toda descripción. Él dijo "con todos mis viajes en todo el mundo, aún no me he encontrado con un festival de esta naturaleza atrayendo a una multitud tan grande y tan compleja.
Los eventos que se presentan en el festival se han diversificado y secular a lo largo de los años. Unidad 1950 el Festival ha estado constantemente presentando tres eventos principales, Bori y Gyaran Gari. Desde 1970 hasta la fecha, el festival ha estado presentando, entre otras cosas, un espectáculo de agricultura altamente diversificado y patrocinado por múltiples patrocinadores, una gran competencia de pesca, exhibiciones artesanales, torneos nacionales de lucha y boxeo, entretenimientos culturales, sinfonías tradicionales, instrumentistas, etc. la muy apreciada exhibición de Kabanci que incluye competiciones de natación de diferentes estilos, pesca a mano alzada, captura de patos silvestres, competencia de buceo (Shako), carreras de canoas de diferentes categorías, etc. Las competiciones Motor-rally y tiro con arco se introdujeron en 1973 y 1981 respectivamente. En 1980, 175 variedades de Artistes and Entertainers se presentaron durante el festival.
El Festival Cultural y de Pesca de Argungu ha contribuido en gran medida al crecimiento infraestructural y socioeconómico de la ciudad de Argungu y sus alrededores. También ha traído fama y aclamación, tanto nacional como internacional, para
l, para el Emirato de Argungu, los Estados de Sokoto y Kebbi y para Nigeria en general.
De hecho, como resultado del creciente interés en el festival, Argungu es una ciudad y los estados de Sokoto y Kebbi se identifican cada vez más como algunos de los centros turísticos más respetados de todo el continente africano.
En su discurso en el festival de pesca de 1978, el Emir Tardío de Argungu, Su Alteza Real Alhaji Muhammadu Mera (Que su alma descanse en paz) dijo:
"Nos enorgullece observar que la pesca Argungu, que comenzó como una humilde ceremonia tradicional cada año, ahora se ha desarrollado para atraer visitantes de dentro y fuera de Nigeria. Este año nos complace observar que nuestro tradicional Festival de Pesca realmente se ha convertido no solo en un evento internacional sino también en el festival tradicional más grande del país. Con la presencia de un número tan grande de invitados distinguidos como nunca antes han asistido a un festival tradicional en el país en un momento dado ".
Festival de Ofala
Fondo
Onitsha es una ciudad popular ubicada en el estado de Anambra, en la parte sureste de Nigeria. Onitsha es conocida por su popular mercado principal, que se dice que es el más grande de África occidental (Guía de información nigeriana). La ciudad y sus alrededores también tienen uno de los mayores afluentes del río Níger, lo que permite que la pesca y sus negocios aliados prosperen por allí.
Famosas escuelas como la Denis Memorial Grammar School (DMGS), Christ the Kings College (CKC) y Queen of Rosary College (QRC), han producido tantos nigerianos prominentes, tanto en activo como jubilados.
Los indígenas de Onitsha son personas que aprecian su herencia y valoran mucho su cultura a pesar de su contacto temprano con la educación. Es por eso que prestan atención a las ceremonias tradicionales que abundan. Algunas de estas ceremonias incluyen la coronación de un nuevo monarca, la instalación de cacicazgos, la iniciación en el culto a la mascarada, la toma de títulos Ozo, la iniciación en el grupo cultural Otu Odu, los ritos funerarios, etc.
Sin embargo, el festival de Ofala parece ser el más significativo y prestigioso de todas las ceremonias realizadas en Onitsha. El festival varía de comunidad a comunidad en tierras Igbo. En otros lugares, puede ser la coronación de un jefe, marcar un aniversario o la coronación de un igwe o eze.
El Festival de Ofala
El festival de Onitsha Ofala se remonta a unos 700 años atrás, en la época de Eze Chima, el primer monarca que emigró a la zona, ahora conocido como Onitsha (Henderson 42-46). En aquellos primeros días, el Rey de Onitsha, conocido como Igwe-Onitsha, siempre estaba confinado al palacio. No tenía ningún negocio yendo a ninguna parte porque las responsabilidades de administrar la comunidad se asignaban a sus lugartenientes, que son los ancianos, conocidos como Ndi-Ichie, y otros miembros de la comunidad. El Igwe, también conocido como el Obi-Onitsha, solo hizo apariciones públicas durante el festival de Ofala. Es pertinente señalar aquí que el festival de Ofala se celebra solo una vez al año, precisamente en el mes de octubre, el período que es el punto culminante de la celebración del nuevo ñame. Cuatro días antes del festival, el Igwe entra en reclusión. Se retira a estar en comunión con sus antepasados, y agradecerles por protegerlo a él y sus súbditos durante el último año, así como a orar por la paz y la prosperidad en el año que viene.
El día del festival, el Obi hace tres apariciones. Después de los rituales de la madrugada, los trompetistas anuncian su entrada antes de aparecer, completamente vestidos con sus insignias reales, resaltados con la corona real (okpu ododo), reconociendo a la multitud que se habría reunido saludando con la mano a todas las personas y luego regresa adentro.
Durante la segunda salida, las trompetas vuelven a sonar y el Obi sale y se sienta en su trono. Esto es seguido por la entrada de los jefes de gorra roja (ndi-Ichie) también bien vestidos en sus atuendos tradicionales en tandas, de acuerdo con la música de su pueblo y en orden de antigüedad, proceden a rendir homenaje al Obi arrodillándose para inclinarse ante él y cantar sus alabanzas, después de lo cual él ahora realiza la función de Iwa-ji (celebración del primer ñame) para marcar la declaración oficial de la temporada de cosecha. Después de esto, el Igwe (Obi) regresa a las cámaras internas antes de que finalmente salga por tercera vez.
En la tercera entrada, la música real suena y se reproduce, el ritmo del baile de Obi (egwu ota) mientras hace su aparición, en medio de aplausos y alabanzas de la multitud, entra al ruedo y baila al ritmo de los tambores. Baila por turnos con su primera esposa, su primer hijo y su primera hija y regresa a su trono dando paso a un desfile de danzas por diferentes grupos, como los hombres titulados, la Asociación Otu Odu, grupos de edad, amigos y simpatizantes todos vestidos con coloridas ropas tradicionales.
Pertinencia
La importancia del festival incluye que: El festival de Ofala es un medio por el cual la gente de 'Onitsha se esfuerza por mantener vivo su patrimonio cultural. Es una avenida cultural a través de la cual el rey socializa con sus súbditos y otros simpatizantes, esto es porque atrae a amigos de todas partes, por ejemplo, la celebración del 2011 atrajo a dignatarios incluidos "miembros de la mundialmente famosa familia musical de Jackson cinco, incluyendo a Tito , Marlon y Fred, otros fueron el Alcalde de Inkster, Michigan, el Alcalde Hill Hampton, el historiador Bruce Bridge y el actor de Hollywood, Walter Jr. "El festival da lugar a reflexiones profundas, balance y fijación de metas para el futuro, es en ordenar palabras, un foro para el desarrollo de la comunidad.
El festival es un medio por el cual la gente de Onitsha se esfuerza por mantener vivo su patrimonio cultural. Es una avenida a través de la cual el rey socializa tanto con sus súbditos como con otros simpatizantes. El festival da lugar a reflexiones profundas, balanceo y fijación de metas para el futuro. En otras palabras, es un foro para el desarrollo de la comunidad.
La implicación religiosa es que es una temporada para dar gracias a los antepasados, para salvar la vida de las personas y permitir una temporada de siembra exitosa. La importancia social es que el festival trae a casa indigenes de todas partes, así como extranjeros.
El festival de Ofala ha sobrevivido todos estos años entre la gente de Onitsha, a pesar del impacto de la occidentalización. El festival atrae a las organizaciones corporativas que ofrecen patrocinarlo y utilizarlo como una vía para comercializar sus productos. Atrae a posibles inversores y emprendedores empresariales como las empresas de telecomunicaciones como MTN y GLO para contribuir en el patrocinio y el desarrollo eventual en la comunidad.
Versão Portuguesa
Este trabalho deve disponibilizar informações de detalhes em diferentes destaques Festival na Tradição Yoruba, bem como outros festivais importantes na Nigéria. Algum tempo a maior parte deste festival foi mal interpretada pela mente não iniciada na cultura e tradições iorubas como Orisa. os festivais não são Orisa, os festivais podem ser uma importante cerimônia elaborada para comemorar ou comemorar certas deidades, importantes seres humanos ou eventos históricos históricos importantes. Embora na maioria dos casos alguns desses festivais em questão
tem algum elemento de espiritualidade. Especialmente em situações em que esse festival é destinado a comemorar e comemorar deidades ou antepassados, os dois podem se entrelaçar. Alguns dos festivais populares em Yoruba Land incluem o próximo festival de Eyo, festival de Olojo, Festivais de Edi, Festival de Oranmiyan, festival Osun Osogbo, Gelede, tudo isso e outros grandes festivais na Nigéria serão o foco deste trabalho. O trabalho compilará informações diferentes em detalhes sobre esses festivais em um único ponto. Vamos tirar a explicação desta cidade dos festivais por cidade. Começaremos de Ile Ife, um berço da raça Yoruba.
EDI FESTIVAL (ODUN EDI)
Foreknowlegde / Bird Eye View
Imagem de moremi recém-construído
Estatuto no Santuário Moremi em Ile Ife
Odun Edi (festival Edi) é celebrado anualmente em Ile Ife, bem como em outras cidades da terra yoruba. O festival em si não é um Orisa, mas é usado para comemorar uma mulher muito destemida e corajosa, chamada Moremi, que libertou as pessoas de Ile Ife do cativeiro e dos estragos do povo Igbo. Moremi na verdade não era indigene de Ile Ife, mas ela se casaria com Prince of Ife. O local de nascimento de Moremi é Off, cidade de Offa, no atual estado de Kwara, Nigéria. Daí, os festivais de Edi também são celebrados em Offa.
A origem dessa libertação vem depois de Moremi ajudar as pessoas de Ife a conquistar seus inimigos. Os inimigos de Ife são então conhecidos como pessoas de Igbo ... As pessoas de Igbo geralmente deitam
Seige sobre as pessoas de Ife anualmente quando sabem que sua colheita é abundante. Eles removerão toda a colheita deles e tirarão sua colheita.
Essas pessoas Igbo geralmente se vestiam de maneira estranha, geralmente se vestiam com fios de rafia de malha para suas roupas, de modo que a cabeça, o rosto e o corpo inteiro estavam cobertos. Eles farão sinos rápidos em seus pés, de modo que quando eles funcionam, fazem sons estranhos, que amedrontaram as pessoas. Como resultado, quando pessoas que as pessoas vêem vão fugir.
Moremi era uma mulher corajosa que não gostava desse ataque freqüente de pessoas de Igbo no Ife. Tomou uma decisão corajosa e contatou Odo Esiminrin. A deusa do rio prescreve o que fazer para superar. Com a promessa de que qualquer coisa que saia da casa para conhecê-la após a vitória será sacrificada ao rio Esiminrin, ela concordou.
No ano seguinte, as pessoas Igbo chegaram da maneira usual. Quando as pessoas fugiram como de costume. Monremi nunca fugiu. Então, eles a levaram como cúmplice para a terra de Igbo. Moremi era muito bonita na mulher de tez. Quando as pessoas vêem isso, eles a dão a seu rei em casamento. Em um tempo não muito distante. O rei Igbo a encontra como a favorita entre sua esposa.
A missão ulterior de Moremi é descobrir o segredo por trás da invencibilidade das pessoas Igbo. O casamento com o rei como dado a ela essa Oportunidade. Ela usa seu charme e beleza e exige do rei Igbo o que seu povo normalmente faz com medo de pessoas. O Oba revelou isso a ela. Espera inteligente e pacientemente por tempo apropriado durante a noite e escape das pessoas Igbo para Ife.
Quando Moremi chegou a Ife, ela explicou o segredo de Igbo ao rei e ao povo de Ife. Ela disse a eles que, sempre que esse povo voltar. Eles não devem correr, mas disparam e jogam para trabalhar em torno deles. Que a palma da rafia facilitará a sua colocação em chamas. Mais um ano, quando as pessoas as pessoas do ife não fugiram, elas as incendiaram. É assim que se estabeleceu como livre.
Mas quando Moremi está voltando para casa, foi seu único filho Oluorogbo que veio encontrá-lo na estrada. Antes de Moremi estar levando para a terra de Igbo, ela buscou ajuda do rio Esinmirin, sobre como ela pode salvar as pessoas de Ile Ife da ameaça das pessoas Igbo. E ela prometeu ao rio Esinminrin que ela vai sacrificar por ela durante o Dia de Ação de Graças, o que antes a conheceu em seu retorno. Em uma tentativa de cumprir esta promessa ela sacrifica seu único filho, Oluorogbo. Porque o rio se recusa a aceitar nada, exceto a primeira coisa que conhece seu retorno. É assim que Moremi sacrifica seu único filho, Oluorogbo, para o povo Ife. Se as pessoas anualmente comemoram este sacrifício louvável de Moremi e seu Oluorogbo. É assim que Odun Edi entra em existência na Terra Yoruba.
Edi Festival, também conhecido como festival de Moremi ou como Odun Edi na língua local é um festival anual de sete dias que exibe muitas atividades coloridas e attires para reeditar a ação heróica de Moremi registrada na história de Ile-Ife, cujas pessoas eram incessantemente atacados e levados à escravidão pelo Igbo e foram eventualmente resgatados por Moremi, que também ofereceu a seu filho, Ela Oluorogbo como um sacrifício em troca do sucesso de sua ambição. Isso serve como uma plataforma para que seu nome seja incorporado na história ioruba e serve como uma razão pela qual ela foi realizada em alta estima pelas pessoas de Ile-Ife.
Embora Ile-Ife seja o lar deste festival, também está sendo celebrada na cidade de Offa, localizada no atual estado de Kwara, onde moremi, de onde morem, antes de se casar com um homem de Ile-Ife. Este trabalho de pesquisa se concentrará principalmente no significado da lembrança de Moremi na história de Ile-Ife e não será dada muita atenção a sua conexão com a cidade de Offa, no estado de Kwara.
Moremi está sendo considerado uma das mulheres importantes na história africana, mas o festival Edi é apenas uma das muitas maneiras pelas quais seu nome foi mantido vivo e em memórias em Yorubaland. Além deste festival, seu nome está sendo mantido vivo através de lugares com o nome dela, como o salão de residência dos estudantes de Moremi na Universidade Obafemi Awolowo (O.A.U), Ile-Ife.

Estatuto Moremi No Moremi Hall OAU

Estatuto Moremi No Ooni Palace Ile Ife
Outro exemplo notável é uma estátua erguida em sua homenagem no lugar de Ooni, em Ile-Ife, que pode ser vista ao entrar no palácio e, finalmente, o nome dela foi usado para nomear um albergue na Universidade de Lagos. Todos estes e muitos mais denotam sua importância na história ioruba e este trabalho traça as contribuições históricas desta figura importante para poder desvendar o significado cultural de sua lembrança na história dos iorubas.
O festival tenta criar uma ligação histórica entre Offa e Ile-Ife, a casa ancestral presumida dos ioruba e, como resultado, devido a distorções impactadas na história pelo uso da tradição oral para preservar a história, emergiram dois lados do registro Mas, independentemente disso, um festival é realizado todos os anos para comemorar sua conquista em Offa e Ile-Ife. O primeiro lado do recorde afirma que, Olofagangan, um príncipe de Ile-Ife, que foi dito ter estabelecido o assentamento de Offa, introduziu e continuou esta comemoração em Offa. O festival é conhecido como Onmoka em Offa, enquanto é referido como Edi em Ile-Ife.
A comemoração em Offa é feita três meses antes da de Ife. Com base no outro lado do registro, Moremi Ajasoro foi reconhecido por alguns terem migrado de Offa, no atual estado de Kwara, mas o motivo da migração para Ile-Ife não é conhecido. Ela disse ter se casado com um Ooni daquele período, Moremi, considerado uma das esposas de Oranmiyan, descendente de Oduduwa. Com exceção de sua conquista de resgatar as pessoas de Ile-Ife de incursões e escravidões incessantes, pouco se sabe sobre seu papel nos aspectos econômicos e políticos de Ile-Ife. Devido à limitação do festival para Ile-Ife sozinho, este trabalho do projeto não seria submetido a interrogatórios para descobrir a conexão real entre Ile-Ife e Offa, que o discurso desta mulher notável parece ter criado.
Origem do Festival
Durante a era de Moremi, Ile-Ife foi submetida a incursões e ataques estrangeiros por um grupo conhecido como Igbos, que também são referidos como Ugbos. Este Ugbo atacou Ile-Ife e levou os povos Ife como prisioneiros para fora em sua própria terra de Ugbo. Eles conseguiram fazer isso através de sua aparência de deus que assustou o povo de Ife.
Essas incursões e ataques contínuos colocaram Ile-Ife sob transtorno civil. Devido à situação das coisas em Ile-Ife, Moremi sentiu o desejo de encontrar uma maneira de pôr fim a esse problema em curso e salvar as pessoas de Ife. Como resultado, ela consultou a deusa do rio Esinmirin, seu plano foi concedido o sucesso em troca de um sacrifício do que a deusa do rio exige de ela no retorno que ela concordou.
Na próxima incursão, Moremi se disponibilizou para ser levado em cativeiro e foi levada com vários cativos sem sorte para o Ugboland.
Como resultado de sua beleza impressionante, o rei dos Ugbos a levou como esposa, então ela não foi escravizada nem morta. Durante a estadia de Moremi, ela conseguiu extrair detalhes sobre as táticas e os arranjos para essas invasões. Ela descobriu que esses Ugbos não eram deuses, mas sim seres humanos que estavam vestidos com erva de Ekan e fogo de bambu e podiam ser derrotados com tochas flamejantes colocadas na grama seca em seu corpo.
Ao reunir as informações necessárias, Moremi voltou a Ile-Ife. Na chegada, ela falou a notícia para o povo de Ife e exortou-os a atacar esses invasores com tochas flamejantes e seria derrotado. Eventualmente, esses invasores atacaram Ile-Ife mais uma vez, mas desta vez foram atacados e alguns foram levados como prisioneiros com uma casa familiar existente em Ile-Ife hoje conhecida como 'Oluyare'. Após esta vitória sobre esses incessantes ataques e ataques, Moremi foi obrigado a oferecer o sacrifício que ela prometeu à deusa do rio Esinmirin. Ela foi obrigada a seu único filho, Ela e, como resultado, ela tentou oferecer vários outros itens, mas eles foram rejeitados, então ela finalmente teve que desistir de seu filho, Ela, para ser oferecido à deusa do rio.

Vista frontal do santuário de Moremi à noite
RITUAIS E CERIMÔNIAS DO FESTIVAL EDI
O festival de Edi, que é um dos muitos festivais e rituais realizados em Ile-Ife, é um festival importante para os povos de Ile-Ife, para a história de Ile-Ife e para Ile-Ife. O festival que vem nos calcanhares do festival de Olojo, já que ocorre quase que imediatamente após o festival de Edi estar inicialmente programado por 3 meses conforme solicitado pela própria Moremi, mas foi reduzido para 21 dias e mais tarde para 7 dias. O festival traz muitas atividades com ele, uma reconstituição do que ocorreu durante a invasão de Ile-Ife e também poucas atividades incluídas para servir como diversão para participantes no festival e também rituais para fins religiosos que este capítulo examinaria . Do capítulo anterior, o relato histórico de Moremi em relação a Ile-Ife e seu povo foi analisado, portanto, colocando esta escrita em um rastro do significado da valente conquista desta mulher para o povo Ife que está sendo refletido no festival.
O povo de Ife prometeu sempre ser filhos e filhas de Moremi, e devido à perda de seu único filho, Oluorogbo, ao sacrifício feito ao rio Esinmirin de acordo com a conta oral, denotar a importância do festival em Ile-Ife. O festival Edi ou Odun Edi na língua local é um festival anual de sete dias que engloba a reedição da realização heróica de Moremi. O festival mostra como os Ugbos foram derrotados; Também envolve várias atividades incorporadas.
O festival que tem sete dias traz várias atividades, que acontece anualmente entre o final de outubro e o início de novembro após a celebração do festival Olojo ou Odun Olojo, dedicado a Ogun, o deus do ferro. A data do festival de Edi é escolhida 7 dias após o Festival de Olojo chegar ao fim e depois de ter sido escolhido, o festival tem 21 dias de antecedência.1 Os materiais tradicionais utilizados para selecionar essa data são entregues ao Araba, cuja consulta com Ifa irá revelar a data adequada para o Edi Festival, aceitando uma das datas nos materiais colocados secretamente chefes Obalaran e Chefe Obawinrin, respectivamente. Se a data de Obalaran for aceita, Edi começará no dia de Oja'fe, mas se for a data de Obawinrin, a Edi começará no dia do mercado de Ayegbaju.
Dias do Festival (Edi Rituals and Ceremonies)
No dia anterior à data acordada para o início do festival, existe o que é conhecido como 'Ferekete' Edi d'ola, Edi é amanhã. Neste dia, os Emeses, mensageiros do Ooni, rodeam a cidade e informam as pessoas que as comemorações estão prestes a começar, lembrando-lhes a proibição de baterias nos próximos seis dias.
Edi d'ola ferekete aye o!
Edi Alele, Edi Alele
Isso pode ser traduzido para o inglês como:
Edi está vindo amanhã, ferekete está lá
A noite de Edi está caindo, a noite de Edi está caindo
Este chamado é freqüentemente ouvido durante o dia, cada baale ou cabeça de composto irá fornecer um registro de madeira, conhecido como 'igi ita', que é dividido em pedaços menores e será incendiado durante o Aisun ou vigília que leva ao Oforan , o primeiro dia do festival.
A atividade para o primeiro dia é Oforan; É conduzido pelo chefe Obalaran muito cedo pela manhã com estas palavras:
Yo! Yo!
Iku Yo!
Arun Yo!
Agbeleoeri Yo!
Awiyoko yo!
Awiyodo yo!
Eni wipe ki n ma se temi, yo!
Tradução:
Away, Away
Afastado, morte
Away, Doença
Quem fica em casa para pensar mal de alguém, afastado!
Quem deseja ruim aos outros a caminho da fazenda, Away!
Longe! Aquele que faz o mal a outros no caminho para o
Longe! Aquele que diz que eu não deveria ter sucesso.
Isto leva então ao fogo da lareira. Por esta altura, a queimação do fogo seria jogada no chão em frente ao complexo ou agusta, enquanto as pessoas florescendo suas tochas nas ruas se reunirão na encruzilhada de Orita. Esta atividade é uma lembrança das tochas utilizadas contra o Ugbo no passado.
Isso leva o dia ao Ijakadi seresere ou ere gidigbo ou Eke Jija, a "luta simulada". Esta luta ocorre na frente do Aafin, palácio do Ooni que também observa a luta livre. Esta costumava ser uma das raras aparições públicas de Ooni, nesta luta livre; Os combatentes são dois Chefes, Obalayan e Obalufe.
No segundo dia, uma procissão do bosque de Moremi aos anciãos liderados pelo palácio acompanhou músicas e o som dos fãs abebe constituem este dia. A atividade do dia é conhecida como Omolarere dia ou Ijo Omolarere. Omolarere foi traduzido para ser "a criança que chegou a um lugar distante está aqui". Este dia foi dedi8cado especificamente, o filho de Moremi que foi oferecido ao rio Esinmirin como um sacrifício que prometeu para o sucesso de sua aventura.
O aliado Omolarere consiste em quatro pólos longos preparados como oguso, ou tochas, com resíduo de óleo de palma e envoltos em matting chamado fafa. Estas são as tochas para ser usadas na cerimônia de fogo público de amanhã. Foi levado cadáver-como na cabeça de um dos Emeses, precedido por outro segurando uma espada desenhada. Atrás caminha o Iyegbata, o chefe do Emese, seguido pelas pessoas em geral cantando epítetos descritivos de Ela: "O povo grato por causa de Olombe (I .e., Moremi) está estrangulando a beleza da criança sacrificada, linda, gorda e cheia da alegria da juventude ".
Esta atividade é seguida por λulu, "lulu run" depois que o Omolarere foi deixado no palácio, é um evento pelo qual todos os indigenes participantes, especialmente os jovens se reúnem para mostrar seu ressentimento contra suspeitos de ladrões e criminosos que vivem dentro da sociedade. Durante esta atividade, a residência deste criminoso suspeito é cercada e bombardeada por pessoas e eles sabem através da exibição de violência leve significando atacar a casa desse criminoso suspeito com pedras e recusar atirar na casa do suspeito. Dizem que o monte de lixo e pedras que seria jogado na casa do suspeito geralmente é tanto que levaria tanto esforço para tirar o lixo da casa e recuperar a casa. Mais uma conta afirma que, bandas de homens jovens animadas eram muitas vezes vistas correndo pelas ruas. Armados com varas, pedras e lixo de todos os tipos, eles iriam no caminho para realizar uma estranha cerimônia, a saber, libertar vingança nas casas daqueles condenados por roubar desde o último festival de Edi. A violência utilizada durante esses ataques parece variar, não só de acordo com a infração cometida, mas também de acordo com o registro anterior do culpado. Os atacantes geralmente se contentam em mexer os lixo que eles carregam sobre a casa.
No terceiro dia do Edi, meninas jovens chamaram Eluro são levadas pela cidade pelo companheiro. Os povos de Ife afirmam que esta não é uma parte tradicional da festa, mas sim uma boa contribuição para as festas gerais dos não-Ife Yoruba, que ocupam uma grande área da cidade. Estes recém-chegados a Ife, foi dito, desejaram se juntar para celebrar o Edi. Estes Eluro usam o habitual vestido Yoruba, mas com marcas extras de adorno. Ao redor de seus pescoços e pendurado atrás e frente são usados duas cordas grandes de contas, enquanto torcido em torno de sua cintura são muitas cordas semelhantes de contas. Seus rostos geralmente são bem pulverizados e o antimônio ou tintura é usado para fazer linhas sobre os olhos e as bochechas. Em suas mãos, eles trazem a cavalo. Esses grupos, cada um carregando um Eluro sentados nos braços esticados de uma banda, cantam e dançam sobre a cidade coletando dinheiro. A maioria de suas músicas são usadas para ridicularizar os órgãos sexuais dos homens. Para isso, eles são respondidos em linguagem semelhante ou ameaçaram ser flagelados pelos meninos. Músicas pornográficas deste tipo são comuns durante a festa. Outras canções de Eluro são para encorajar os clientes a dar-lhes dinheiro ou presentes, e especialmente a censurar o miserável.
Esta cerimônia do terceiro dia é conhecida como INASAN (que é iluminação durante o dia). Isso geralmente ocorre no palácio de Ooni. A luz da tocha local é dita para simbolizar o fogo que as pessoas de Ife do antigo uso para afastar as pessoas de Ugbo longe de Ife. O Oluyare que simboliza o povo Ugbo não deve ver a luz. É depois que a tocha foi extinta e as pessoas foram cair no santuário de Moremi, ou seja, quando o Oluyare se apresentará antes de Ooni e seus chefes.
O quarto dia é apenas beber e alegria no composto apropriado. Nenhuma cerimônia.
O quinto dia é 'Owa Ilare'. Este termo se refere a um certo tipo de dança especial destinada ao iniciado sozinho. E o desempenho é restrito ao palácio de Ooni sozinho.
No sexto dia, o Oluyare visitará Obaloran. Existem rituais e ritos, eles executam. Isso também envolve dança e alegria.
O sétimo dia, este é o dia que se destina ao chefe Tele, para remover todo o mal e aflição da cidade e levá-lo para longe. Com este rito, o chefe Tele deve fazer uma carga já preparada pelo Emese. Ele será dirigido por Emese para todos os lugares que ele deveria visitar. Ao fazer isso, as pessoas estarão rezando para que ele leve todos os sofrimentos e aflições do próximo ano com ele.
Outro aspecto importante deste festival Edi é chamado POKO - DILE - OLE, isso simplesmente significa o ato de bloquear a casa do ladrão. Este método ou rito que é a parte essencial do festival Edi é usado para desencorajar o ato de imoralidade e outros comportamentos socialmente repreensíveis na sociedade. O que eles normalmente fazem é que, se algum organismo cometeu roubo ou outro comportamento socialmente repreensível antes do festival. Em outros para impor punição social sobre ele e servir de dissuasão para outros. Durante o festival, as pessoas vão cantar e dançar para ridicularizar essa pessoa e preparar gramíneas para bloquear a porta de tal pessoa para desonrar-se dele ou ela. Isso faz com que as pessoas tentem não se envolver em comportamentos socialmente reprobáveis, em outros para salvá-los da desgraça ou embaraço.
A visita do rio Esinminrin é o último rito.
FESTIVAL DE OLOJO
O festival de Olojo é outro festival muito poderoso em ile ife. O festival é para comemorar Ogun (O deus do ferro) e Oranmiyan.
Ogun é um ser imortal que desceu de Olodumare junto com outros Irunmole, como Oduduwa, Obatala, Olurorogbo, Orisa Ikire, Ojugbe, também conhecido como Obarese e Orisateko, etc.
Ogun era um grande guerreiro, e ele faz o dever de abrir caminho para outros Irunmole, ele se lembra uma vez por ano por seu trabalho inumerável. Festival de Olojo é peculiar a Ile Ife.

O festival Olojo é outro evento especial que prova a rica cultura de Ile-Ife como o ponto piloto que mais tarde se expandiu para outros assentamentos yoruba.
Neste dia, o Ooni (rei de Ife) aparece depois de vários dias de reclusão e negação se comunicando com os antepassados e orando por seu povo. Isto é para torná-lo puro e garantir a eficácia de suas orações. Antes do surgimento de Ooni, mulheres de suas famílias maternas e paternas varrem o Palácio, libertando simbolicamente o Palácio do mal.
Ooni aparece mais tarde em público com a coroa de Aare (Coroa do Rei), que se acredita ser a coroa original usada por Oduduwa para liderar uma procissão de Chefes e Sacerdotes tradicionais para realizar no Santuário de Ogun.

A Coroa de Aare
Sobre A Coroa de Aare
Acredita-se que a coroa de Aare seja a coroa original usada por Oduduwa durante seu reinado na era clássica da história ioruba. A história também afirma que o rei só pode usar a coroa Aare uma vez por ano e geralmente é durante o festival Olojo. É quando o Ooni liderará uma procissão de chefes e sacerdotes tradicionais para realizar os ritos necessários no santuário da deusa de Ogun. O Ooni também liderará os chefes com a coroa de Aare para o santuário de Okemogun onde ele realizaria outros ritos e deveres tradicionais que incluem a renovação do juramento, a adivinhação para o Ooni ao pé da colina de Oketase (como seria ancorado por Araba (Chefe sacerdote)
No santuário, os chefes tradicionais com as espadas de escritório marcadas com Efun e Osun (madeira de giz e cam), aparecem em roupas cerimoniais e dançam a ritmos de Bembe, um tambor tradicional. O estilo de bateria e o canto para cada chefe são diferentes. Somente o Ooni pode dançar ao tambor chamado Osirigi.
Olojo permaneceu popular em Ile-Ife por causa de seu mito e história. Contéte o dia do ano especialmente abençoado por Olodumare (o criador do Universo). Olojo também pode ser literalmente traduzido como o "Proprietário do dia". As orações são oferecidas por paz e tranquilidade em Yoruba e na Nigéria. Todos os grupos etários participam. Seu significado é a unificação dos Yorubas.
A tradição sustenta que Ile-Ife é o berço dos Yorubas, a cidade dos sobreviventes, o assento espiritual dos Yorubas e a terra dos antigos.
Cronologia do Festival de Olojo
No início do festival de Olojo, geralmente há cantos de oração Gbajure! Gbajure !! Gbajure !!! Ebo re a fin, etutu re a da !, depois que as mulheres entram em Ile Oduduwa para anunciar a chegada do festival de Olojo, que pode ser descrito como o grande festival de todas as divindades na antiga cidade de Ile-Ife.
O encantamento de Gbajure será seguido por Ikale, uma semana sem bateria de qualquer tipo de bateria tradicional, porque, Ooni, Arole Oduduwa, ficou incomunicável com as quatrocentas e deuses que residiam na antiga cidade de Ile- Ife.
O festival de Olojo, de acordo com o mito de Ife, começou com o terceiro Ooni de Ife, Ogun e é feito em homenagem a Olodumare, o "dono do dia", é agradecer o "ser supremo" por sua abundância em toda a nação yoruba e também buscar a sua benção, paz, fecundidade e longevidade do povo.
De acordo com a história, ninguém determina a data em que o festival deve aguentar no mês de outubro, mas o próprio Ooni ouvirá o som dos tambores invisíveis onde quer que ele esteja e que é hora de ele entrar em isolamento, para se comunicar com as divindades em jejum e orações sem receber qualquer visitante ou atender aos membros da família imediata também.
Durante a sua separação como representante da vida e ligação entre os deuses e as pessoas, ele suplica, expõe e apresenta as necessidades do povo aos deuses. Este ato o tornou o sacerdote para o seu povo, bem como o porta-voz de Olodumare para o seu povo. A reclusão de Ooni pode ser comparada à observada por Benin monarch em comemoração ao festival de Ague, isso só reflete o vínculo entre Benin e Ile-Ife, pois Oranmiyan era filho de Ogun e também de Oba de Benin
A quinta-feira, presidindo o primeiro Oke-Mogun, é o dia de Ilagun e é sempre um caso de vigília com o anfitrião principal, Osogun, o sacerdote a cargo de Ogun, o deus do Ferro, que outras divindades na mitologia iorubá acreditam ser pavimentadas para outras divindades para ter seus caminhos para a terra, com outros chefes tradicionais oferecendo sacrifícios no santuário de Oke-Mogun.
Sexta-feira, que é o primeiro dia de Oke-Mogun, já no início da manhã, as pessoas se aglomeram no palácio de Ooni com Arole Oduduwa, sentando-se no trono de seus antepassados distribuindo orações a quem visitar o palácio. Muitas vezes é tempo de alegria e celebração pela oportunidade de estar vivo que o Ser Supremo seja concedido aos indivíduos para estar vivo e comemorar o início de outro ano civil, especialmente para os habitantes da antiga cidade de Ile-Ife. É hora da renovação, pois os kiths e os parentes renovam seu amor uns pelos outros.
Também é hora de compartilhar como famílias trocam presentes. Entre outros, é hora de visitar as relações e fazer resoluções sobre questões que fazem fronteira com os indivíduos e a família em geral. Também é hora de resolver brigas, para que as famílias possam avançar. Antes do advento do cristianismo, até o início dos anos 70, nenhum filho ou filha verdadeira de Ile-Ife não chegaria para casa para o festival, por causa da oportunidade que ele usava para re-unir-se com seus parentes, a fim de deliberar sobre o progresso dos indivíduos e a comunidade em geral.
É hora de jovens noivas serem esposas com seus cônjuges, e é hora de denunciar o opressor às divindades. Também serve de tempo para implorar aos deuses em súplica para aqueles que buscam o fruto do útero,
bons empregos e fortunas, porque a maioria dos sulcos sagrados foram abertos para quem precisa de sua intervenção, como os sacerdotes dessas divindades eram muitas vezes prontos para as pessoas.

Imagem de Ooni com Ade Aare

À tarde, em direção à queda do sol, Ooni entrará em Ileegbo e sai com Ade Aare, a coroa de contas acredita ser conquistada por Oduduwa, após o que os príncipes de todas as casas governantes conhecidas como Sooko pagarão reverência para Ooni. Assim, também os chefes tradicionais, em ordem de sua antiguidade, também pagarão obedecimento a Ooni.

Imagem de pavimentos do palácio
Para Ooni Para Oke Mogun Santuário
Em Ilenla, os Lokoloko's que são os ajudantes do palácio, mas se juntam em meio camilo e um castelo branco com bastões nas mãos abrem caminho para o movimento de Ooni para Oke-Mogun, seguido de tiros de armas. Imediatamente, a coroa de Aare está sendo avistada, muitas vezes as orações são ditas pelas pessoas pelo que quiserem, enquanto Ooni lideraria a procissão de chefes tradicionais e as pessoas para Oke-Mogun, passando por rotas específicas.

Imagem do santuário Old Oke Mogun

Imagem do Santuário de Oke Mogun Novos Reconstruídos durante o Festival de Olojo
No santuário, Ooni realizaria uma dança ritual com Osogun e no final; ambos realizariam um ritual de cruzamento de espadas, aparentemente um juramento de camaradagem. Posteriormente, o Osogun executa com giz e camila a marcação tradicional de todos os chefes presentes, pois isso marcaria a renovação da fidelidade dos chefes à autoridade constituída representada pelo próprio Ooni. Em seguida, o Ooni e Osogun desciam para outro santuário chamado Ogun Ereja santuário para outra rodada de rituais. A partir daí, Ooni lideraria a procissão para Oja-Ife, onde executaria outro ritual no santuário de Aje e as orações são oferecidas para a economia e prosperidade do povo, antes de retornar ao palácio.
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No segundo dia do festival, o Ooni se mantém ocupado com vários entretenimentos dos cortesãos de Emese, rei nos pequenos pátios localizados no palácio expansivo.
No dia seguinte, que é o terceiro dia da celebração e o segundo dia de Oke-Mogun, a repetição do evento do primeiro dia se manteria, mas Ooni não usa coroa Aare, além disso, Ooni visita Oke-Itase para homenagear Orunmila e seu quarto familiar que significam o fim do festival.
Festival Agbon

A essência primária do festival Olojo não pode ser enfatizada demais, pois é o festival que une as pessoas juntas. É também uma celebração das divindades e celebração do Deus do Universo, o dono do dia, para a preservação da raça Yoruba com abundância de bênção, o criador legou sobre eles.
O festival AGBON em Ile-Ife é tecido em torno da personalidade de "Osara", uma heroína de Ile-Ife e esposa de Oduduwa. Geralmente é comemorado em maio de cada ano.
Curiosamente, muito foi dito e escrito sobre Oduduwa, o progenitor da raça Yoruba. Mas pouco se sabe sobre "Osara" - sua esposa sem a qual Oduduwa não poderia ter sido lembrado hoje porque Osara era a única esposa por quem Oduduwa tinha filhos na vida. A tradição oral Yoruba apoia a afirmação de que é fora dessas crianças que outros reinos yoruba evoluíram.
De acordo com a tradição Oral de Ife, Osara e Olokun eram amigas do peito. Olokun casou-se com Oduduwa por vários anos sem filho. Olokun foi reconhecido como uma mulher extremamente bonita e rica como resultado de fazer e trocar grânulos de notas. Ela convenceu Osara de casar com seu marido (Oduduwa) provavelmente através dela, Oduduwa pode ter filhos. Esta tradição oral é uma reminiscência da história de Abraão e Sarah na Bíblia.
O casamento entre Osara e Oduduwa foi abençoado com um filho do sexo masculino chamado "Okanbi". Como resultado, Oduduwa amou muito a Osara na medida em que o acompanhou onde quer que fosse, para o aborrecimento de Olokun.
Logo após o nascimento dos ciúmes de Okanbi, rivalidade não saudável - e uma séria disputa entre Osara e Olokun sobre quem é mais caro e mais precioso para Oduduwa entre os dois.
Enquanto Olokun dizia "Olobe lo koko", Osara disse "Olomo lo loko", que significa: "Um bom cozinheiro é o favorito do marido; uma esposa frutífera é a favorita do marido ".
Eventualmente, a discussão entre Olokun e Osara logo se tornou um conhecimento público para o constrangimento de seu marido.
Conseqüentemente, Oduduwa e os chefes fixaram um dia para o assentamento da disputa entre os dois, Olokun e Osara em Aafin Olofini, que é o palácio de Ooni. Na manhã do dia acordado, Olokun sendo uma mulher rica preparou uma festa deliciosa para todos os presentes. Olokun é conhecida por ser uma mulher extremamente bonita, mas os ornamentos do vestuário e do corpo neste dia particular a tornaram ainda mais bonita para a admiração de todos os presentes. Dando a qualidade dos itens que Olokun mostrou, ela foi muito admirada e apreciada mais do que nunca por sua beleza, riqueza e os recursos que Deus dotou, que atraiu comentários de espectadores que Olokun supera seu rival (Osara) em tudo.
Logo depois, as notícias foram ao redor da cidade e Osara ouviu falar das façanhas de Olokun e da riqueza e da riqueza no palácio. Ela reuniu todos os seus filhos e os adornou com sementes de Agbon nos braços e pés porque era tão rica quanto Olokun. No entanto, os filhos de Osara se tornaram uma visão para se ver por causa de seus trajes. Na junção do complexo de Lakoro perto da junção de mercado de Oja Ife, Osara convocou os membros da família Lakoro e as pessoas por aí para vir e testemunhar a exibição dela no palácio. Osara deu oito dos adeptos de palmas de mão em sua posse aos membros da família Lakoro. Ao chegar à junção do complexo de Oriyangi perto do palácio, Osara disse "Agbonro" e os seguidores responderam dizendo
Eu "Ro", "Agbon ro" Ro ". Significado: "Agbon desce, desceu".
Armado com o ventilador de palma de mão distribuído anteriormente, os seguidores de Osara e seus filhos começaram a aplaudir e a dançar a música.
"Olomo lo laye o '
Osara mo Komodeo,
Ololo loo laye o;
Osara mo Komodeo "
"Uma mulher frutífera é dono do mundo, Osara trouxe filhos, uma mulher frutífera possui um mundo, Osara trouxe filhos".
Ao contrário de Olokun, Osara era apenas capaz de alimentar as pessoas presentes com o bolo de feijão "Akara". É por isso que 'Ekuru' é um item ritual importante durante o festival Agbon. É também por isso que o ventilador de palma de mão é usado para fornecer música durante o festival Agbon até hoje. Osara sendo uma boa dançarina, dançou para a admiração e o deleite de todos, mesmo na medida em que Oduduwa e todos, os chefes e os espectadores deram a Osara e a seus filhos uma ovação de pé. No decorrer do tumulto, os filhos de Osara e os espectadores dispersaram e perturbaram todos os objetos preciosos e preciosos que Olokun havia exibido. Isso irritou Olokun muito e ela jurou nunca mais ter nada a ver com Osara na vida. Mas Osara prometeu segui-la onde quer que fosse.
Olokun deu-lhe propriedades preciosas e preciosas, que incluem contas e tecidos locais "Aso Oke" para os filhos de Osara. Isso talvez explique por que até hoje os adoradores e adeptos de Osara costumavam amarrar o tecido local "Aso Oke" ao redor de sua cintura e contas em volta do pescoço como parte de seus trajes durante o festival anual Agbon em Ile-Ife.
De acordo com a tradição oral, Olokun em incômodo partiu para Ilesa, a alguns quilómetros de lIe-lfe. Osara a seguiu como prometido. Quando chegaram a Ilesha, Osara caiu e a água saiu logo no local. O tanque de assado ainda está lá até hoje no palácio de Owa Aromolaran de Ilesha. O lago ainda é adorado até hoje. Posteriormente, Olokun partiu para Abeokuta e Osara a seguiu até chegarem a Lagos, onde Olokun caiu e se transformou em "Okun" um oceano, Osara também caiu e ela também se transformou em "Osa" um oceano. Olokun, devido a seu voto anterior, ainda estava irritado por não ter nada a ver com Osara.
Magicamente, os dois oceanos, "Osa e Okun" se separaram permanentemente. Contudo, isso explica a minúscula demarcação que separa os oceanos "Olokun e Osa" em Lagos, até hoje.
O festival é celebrado no mês de maio em Ile-Ife. Antes do início do festival, os principais participantes passam para Oke-Igbo ou Ifetedo algumas cidades perto de Ile-Ife para obter as frondas e sementes de palmeiras. Isso ocorre porque Ile-lfe não tem as espécies masculinas de palmeiras que são usadas para o festival em seu domínio, (é a espécie feminina que produz cocos que comemos).
O festival é executado por sete dias. Os participantes do festival representam os seguidores de Osara e seus filhos. As frondas de palmeiras secas serão amarradas com pedras ao redor das pernas para formar chocalhos como grânulos, que eram as propriedades preciosas e preciosas que Olokun deu aos filhos de Osara.
No sétimo dia, a atenção se deslocará para o palácio do Ooni de Ife, onde Akara (bolo de feijão) será distribuído gratuitamente. Eles receberão as bênçãos do Ooni de Ife e depois todas as folhas de palmeira, as sementes de Agbon que foram usadas para decorar os corpos serão retiradas de repente e que marcarão o final do festival até o ano seguinte.
FESTIVAL DE OSUN OSOGBO

Em agosto, muitas pessoas de todo o mundo se aglomeram no estado de Osun, Nigéria, para participar e participar do famoso Festival de Osun-Osogbo de duas semanas de duração. É realizada no ilustre e sagrado Osun Grove, que foi nomeado Património Mundial da UNESCO em 2005. Embora um número considerável de participantes sejam Osun indigenes, o festival, ao longo dos anos, se transformou em um evento que atrai a atenção de turistas e visitantes de outras partes do mundo.
Os primeiros anos...

Segundo a lenda, o festival foi suportado pelo sacrifício anual feito para celebrar a deusa do rio, que serve como protetor do clã. A lenda passa assim: cerca de sete séculos atrás, quando a atual comunidade de Osogbo foi fundada. A deusa do rio assegurou as pessoas de sua proteção e prometeu abençoar suas mulheres com fecundidade de que lhe ofereceriam um sacrifício anualmente. O contrato foi selado e os sacrifícios e cerimônias se tornaram uma coisa - ou então a lenda vai.
O efeito Susanne Wenger ...

O festival Osun-Osogbo evoluiu para além de apenas ser um evento cultural celebrado pelos povos yorubas de Osogbo para ser uma famosa celebração internacional que continua atraindo novos participantes anualmente. A história do festival seria incompleta sem falar sobre o impacto significativo que Susanne Sawyer - o artista nascido na Áustria - teve sobre a cultura.
Susanne Sawyer e seu marido, Ulli Beier, onde estacionados em Ibadan no início da década de 1950. Ulli foi contratado na Universidade de Ibadan como fonético. Eles se mudaram para Osun logo depois e, lá, Susanne cultivou um profundo interesse pela religião yoruba, reunindo-se e se comunicando com um dos sacerdotes da religião na época. Ela tornou-se mais tarde uma sacerdotisa yoruba, com o título tradicional: Iwinfunmi Adunni Olorisha, que se traduz vagamente como "amado que ou serve a divindade".
A influência de Susanne Wenger é muito notável no esquema das coisas, pois sua capacidade de aprender e interpretar alguns dos detalhes intrincados sobre a cultura yoruba através de seu profundo presente artístico e ativismo contribuiu bastante para tornar o festival mais renomado. Como o guardião do Bosque Sagrado da deusa de Osun nas margens do rio Osun em Oshogbo, ela ajudou a restaurar muitos dos santuários que estavam em vários estados de destruição de negligência. Ela também conseguiu preservar a floresta ao redor do bosque, garantindo que nenhuma caça ou pesca fosse feita em torno dos bosques, o tress não fosse derrubado e que a paisagem fosse mantida sagrada. Ela passou em 12 de janeiro de 2009 no Hospital Católico Nossa Senhora de Fatima em Osogbo.
Principais atrações durante o Osun Osogbo Festival
O festival Osun-Osogbo, sem dúvida, é mais do que apenas sacrifícios realizados para comemorar a deusa do rio Osun. Não mais, pelo menos. Há várias atividades planejadas em torno do festival, já que turistas e visitantes chegam a testemunhar, interagir e participar da celebração de duas semanas. No entanto, há uma sequência de rituais que iniciam as celebrações e são:
1. O Ritual de Iwopopo: Este é um ritual feito para limpar a cidade do mal. É feito primeiro antes do início do festival.
2. O Ritual Ina Olujumerindinlogun: Este é o ritual tradicional que envolve a iluminação de uma lâmpada de 16 pontos que se acredita ter 600 anos de idade. Este ritual é realizado três dias após o ritual de Iwopopo ser feito.

3. O Ritual Iboriade: O ritual Iboriade é quando todas as coroas dos reis do passado - Ataojas - são reunidas para benção pela sentada Ataoja de Osogbo, Arugba, Yeye Osun e uma comissão de sacerdotisas.
4. O Ritual de Arugba: Este é um dos principais destaques do festival. Uma calabaza contendo os materiais de sacrifício que seriam usados para apaziguar e adorar a deusa é levada pela cidade por uma virgem vinda, em sua cabeça. Ao dirigir a procissão ao rio, as pessoas, vendo-a como um representante da deusa, lançam seus problemas sobre ela e dizem orações.
Além dos ritos tradicionais enumerados acima, o festival Osun-Osogbo tem muitas outras atrações e atividades laterais que tornam o evento uma experiência saudável para visitantes e turistas pela primeira vez. Existem feiras, jogos e outras atividades divertidas planejadas que o tornam uma emocionante semana de celebração.
EYO FESTIVAL

Adamu Orisa foi apresentado a Lagos pelos irmãos Ejilu e Malaki para Olugbani, o Olori para Oba Ado. Oba Ado foi o primeiro governante de Lagos a ter sua sede de governo em Iga Iduganran.
Uma fonte afirmou que Ejilu e Malaki visitaram pela primeira vez Lagos durante o funeral de Oba Ado e, como contribuição para o funeral, eles trouxeram seu conjunto de Adamu Orisas (isto é, Adamu, Oniko e Ologeda) para participar dos ritos funerários.
A história dizia que Oniko foi trazido pela primeira vez para Lagos, porque era conhecido por ter poderes espirituais como o Elegbara de Esu, bem como os de Ogun (Deus do Ferro) e, portanto, capaz de afastar todos os espíritos e forças malignas em suas rotas.
Ologede veio em seguida porque é também um representante da Elegbara, compartilhando potências como afirmado acima com Oniko. No entanto, na hierarquia do culto de Adamu Orisa, o Oniko tem precedência.
Adimu Orisa ou Adamu Orisa, Orisa foi o último a ser trazido para Lagos, mas, no entanto, foi considerado como sendo mais sagrado do que os outros dois e os mais velhos.
Nos primeiros dias, o Adimu geralmente era mantido em um barco na Lagoa para desfilar a costa para que as pessoas vejam e homenagem. Foi nesta fase da sua história que adquiriu a denominação de Orisa Oko.
O pedido sobre o qual três Orisas foram trazidos para Lagos tem sido a ordem de sua saída em cada dia de jogo de Adamu Orisa. É um tabu para Adimu sair sem a devida notificação de que Oniko e Ologede passaram pelas ruas e visitaram os vários santuários nas primeiras horas de um dia Adamu Orisa.
Na verdade, tornou-se uma prática para o Oniko e Ologedo chamar no conclave de Adimu, que hoje está em Ita-Ado no regresso ou na viagem para casa, que normalmente é em torno de 5,00 ou 5,30 da manhã. No conclave, os Orisas seriam recebidos pelos anciãos do Culto de Adimu onde as orações e os rituais necessários seriam trocados.
É necessário afirmar, para evitar dúvidas, que o que Ejilu e Malaki introduziram ou trouxeram para Lagos foram os três Orisas (isto é, Adimu, Oniko e Ologede), excluindo o Eyo, o disfarce, que usa o vestido de fluxo (Agbada ) com um pano em excesso, carregando a vara Opambata.
O NOME ADIMU ORISA OU ADAMU ORISA
O nome Adimu simplesmente significa um com passagem nasal bloqueada (com nariz bloqueado) enquanto Adamu sugere nariz obstruído. Mas os nomes são aplicados para cada ocasião, se você tiver um Adimu, então você pode escolher a voz quando fala. Mas se você tem o Adamu, então não fala de si mesmo, mas por demonstração ou através do assessor de campo, é o portador de Laba (bolsa de poderes místicos).
Os outros Orisas mantendo o nome e as características do seu distrito identificaram-se com o nome de Adamu Orisa.
AWO-OPA
Também é um fato histórico que Ejilu e Malaki estabeleceram um "Irele", conclave do culto de Awo Opa no Idunmagbo, que é conhecido como Irele Oke Ipa ou Irele Ita Ado.
É interessante notar que a história de Awo Opa e seu irmão Egungun declarou em Ife no Odu Okanran-Ogunda e sua origem está ligada ao estabelecimento inicial de Oyo. A evidência de contato com Oyo por Ejilu e Malaki seria vista quando examinamos as músicas Igbo para os Orisas.
Não é certo se eles foram o primeiro grupo de pessoas a apresentar Awo-Opa a Lagos. A família Onikoyi Chieftaincy afirmou que seu antepassado, um Adeyemi, um ex-Onikoyi em Ikoyi Ile, no antigo Oyo, que migrou para Lagos na época de Olofin trouxe Awo-Opa para Lagos. No entanto, é de notar que o Eleup Awo possuía o Irele Ishagbe, que é considerado sede da Awo-Opa em todo o estado de Lagos.
Dois outros chefes de Lagos, o Modile e Onisemo, ambos chefes de Ogalado possuíam e mantinham um Irele cada. Ou seja, Irele Offin em Olowogbowo em Lagos e Irele Agege Omi em Pedro Village, Shomolu. Deve-se observar que o Ijebus, particularmente dentro da área da Lagoa, adotou o Awo Opa e hoje parece que Awo-Opa se originou do Ijebus.
CAMPING THE ORISAS
Era a crença na época antiga que o vestido, as esculturas de cabeça e todos os instrumentos para a realização das Orisas não deveriam ser mantidos dentro das habitações ou nas comunidades urbanas.
Portanto, foi a prática de criar acampamento para eles em aldeias de lugares agendados para proteger sua sagrada. A história dizia que os Orisas eram mantidos em lugares como Ibefun, Oke Ipa e até perto de Iperu. Foi, portanto, comum no passado que as pessoas dissessem que Eyo estava vindo de Oke-Ipa ou no final do dia de Eyo, as pessoas diriam Eyo, iria levar um barco para Iperu.
Oke-Ipa é uma aldeia na Lagoa além de Ikoyi. Foi como resultado da hospedagem do Adimu em vários lugares para garantir que você o tenha hoje em Ita Ado, embora seja afirmado que há uma relação de sangue através do casamento com o grupo Abegede.
Na verdade, o Adimu já foi mantido com um Chefe Olumegbon. O fato, portanto, permanece que manter o Orisas em qualquer lugar particular não altera sua propriedade ou origem.
A origem e a família de Ejilu e Malaki e os Orisas Ejilu Malaki e Olugbani, sua irmã, vieram a Lagos, no Benin, na época de Oba Ado.
Os descendentes de Ejilu e Malaki subscreveram a história acima como resultado de seu testemunho no inquérito sobre a Ontinogalale Chieftaincy. A segunda opinião, como defendeu o falecido chefe Aminu Kosoko, é que eles (isto é, Ejilu e Malaki) vieram de Ibefun para Lagos para pedir sua irmã Olugbani. No entanto, é de notar que a Influência do Benin abrangeu uma área maior do lado da Água, a Área da Lagoa do Estado de Lagos.
A influência benínica foi notada em Ikorodu, Baiyeku, Ibefun e uma série de cidades e aldeias no estado de Lagos.
Hoje, os vários Orisas são mantidos por descendentes ou relações de Ejilu, Malaki e Olugbani. Oniko é mantido pela família Onigemo, que são descendentes de Adamu ou Sogbo. O Ologede é mantido pelo povo de Erelu Olugbani (Olori to Oba Ado) no Idunmagbo.
O Adimu é mantido pelo grupo Abegede do Olorogun Igbesodi ou Olorogun-Ntebo e do Grupo Ita Ado, que também são descendentes de uma liderança Akarigbara. Afirma-se que o chefe Kebo ou Olorogun-Atebo trouxe Adimu e Esu do Benin para Lagos. O Akinshiku, o titular duro do Adimu Cult, geralmente é nomeado pelo Grupo Abegede. O Adimu é chamado, Mole Ejilu, Mole Malaki. O Oniko é chamado Mole Ejilu, Mole Malaki, Egungun Onigemo. O Ologede é chamado Mole Ejilu, Mole Malaki Egungun Olugbani.
AGERE COMO UM ORISA
Agere foi criada uma Orisa no presente século. Ele classifica o último na lista de Orisas. É, de fato, uma edição moderna para a peça. Um dado de Bante Seda é o primeiro Agere.
INCLUSÃO DE EYO
O jogo Adamu Orisa continuou em Lagos após a sua criação com os três Orisas como o único conjunto de mascaradas.
A fim de proteger os Orisas e controlar a multidão crescente, a idéia do Eyo em vestes brancas (Agbada) foi concebida.
Com a aprovação do Oba, a ideia foi implementada e vários Eyos em Agbadas brancas surgiram no dia Adamu Orisa no Palácio de Oba e seis foram alocados para cada Orisa por sua segurança. O grupo Eyo tornou-se conhecido nos últimos anos como Eyo Oba, Eyo Oniloba ou Eyo Alakoto Pupa.
O grupo Eyo tornou-se então o líder de todos os Eyos e foi o líder e a Polícia com um portador de "Loba", um saco contendo poderes místicos de juju para permitir que o grupo punha tanto Eyos quanto indivíduos que possam infringir as regras e regulamentos governando o culto Adamu Orisa e jogando.
Depois de algum tempo, os Orisas e mais tarde os chefes receberam permissão para constituir um grupo de Eyos em seu conclave de palácios.
Assim, você tem Eyo Adimu, Eyo Oniko, Eyo Ologede e para os chefes que você tem Eyo Eletu-Odibo. Eyo Ojore e Eyo Egbe etc.
Do acima, fica claro que Eyo Laba é o líder de todos os grupos Eyo e, portanto, é certo chamar o grupo de "Olori Eyo". É preciso afirmar que o Grupo Eyo Laba está vinculado ao Culto Akala e a maioria dos líderes do grupo pertenceu ao culto.
O Culto Adimu tem alguma interação com o Culto Osugbo devido ao envolvimento do Apena Ajasa atrasado, que ocupou os escritórios de Akinshiku, o Apena do Culto de Osugbo e o de Olorogun-Atabo, todos ao mesmo tempo.
UM ORIGEM DO EYO
Para qual tribo ou grupo étnico pertence Eyo ou Adamu Orisa?
Ao responder um pedido acima, é preciso examinar uma história de Ejilu e Malaki e outros relacionados para obter uma conclusão justa.
A origem de Malaki e Ejilu é um pouco confusa, alguns disseram que o Benin, alguns disseram Ibefun. Escritores anteriores e avançados diferentes origens para ele. Talbars em seu livro The People of Southern Nigeria descreveu "Eyo como Ijebu Juju". Mas o Rev. J. Olumide Lucas em seu livro A Religião dos Yorubas afirmou que o culto de Adamu Orisa é peculiar aos Aworis. Outro autor Rev. Johnson em seu livro A História dos Yorubas descartou que Eyo era uma iniciação de Egungun vista em Oyo.
Ação 10: "Abudu Karimu", "Abudu Karimu", "Abudu Karimu", "Abudu Karimu", artigo intitulado "Abudu Karimu". Docemo e Bakare Jose foi um Oba Falolu em Iga-Idunganran para solicitar uma mascarada do pai da sua avó, Adimu, do povo de Apena para devolvê-lo. Adimu e Esu são trazidos pelo chefe Kebo de Benin para Lagos ".
Abudu Karimu Docemo acima e susceptível de ser um membro da família Dosunmu em Abegede, enquanto Bakare Jose era um ex-chefe Eletu-Iwase de Lagos. Ao considerar o assunto, são essenciais, os principais atores ou participantes de Adamu Orisa Play e sua origem. O grupo Abegede e Ita Ado pertence à classe de chefe de Benin, os Akarigberes. Eles pertenciam ao seguinte: Olorogun Igbeaodi, Olorogun Atebo, Olorun Agan.
No entanto, é necessário considerar o conteúdo das músicas "Igbe" que são usadas na glorificação dos orais e do mal e do malho ao longo dos anos em cada dia Adamu Orisa.
A Igbe corre assim: Imalaki ganhou ki saiye Ijaiye ejilu sa yato Eyin gbo o, 2ce Iyee, o moo lo si oyo Ajaka Oyo Ajako o, On rohun mu bo si irele O fikka mawo mesi ikole On lo nse oniko, eleyo Eyin iba gbajo kato, ti ito a ho, E do ri iwo kodo si irele Omo wewe abese lo ma leko A i kowo lo si oja lara agba
Na música Igbe citada acima, uma história está relacionada de como, Malaki e Ejilu, empreendimentos realizando maravilhas e como uma das suas ações visitadas Oyo Ajaka (ou seja, o antigo Oyo, onde Sango reinava como rei) e ele trouxe algo de volta para o 'Irele', o conclave de Awo-Opa.
O que você quer dizer sobre a existência de uma Edição de Eyo? A Razão entre o Egungun Baba-lago e Eyo não pode ser superada. É pertinente referir-se à história de Elegba em Iddo no continente de Lagos como exemplo típico. A história é que Opeoluwa, um chefe da Ogalade consultou Ifa e sugeriu a Olofin para adorar a Elegbara.
Há um santuário popular de Elegbara em Iworo na área de Awori e como pessoas de Iworo como contatadas e como pessoas de Opeoluwa e Olofina foram iniciadas sem culto e concederam permissão para estabelecer um santuário de Elegbara e um bosque em Iddo. Como resultado desta história, tornou-se um costume cantar uma música posterior de Elegba para uma primeira mascarada de Elegance que apareceia no bosque para dançar.
"Eku lo koko njade (2ce) Alara Omo ganhou ni Iworo Eku lo koko njade".
Significado: Rat é geralmente o primeiro a sair
A maravilha, uma criança de Iworo. A música é, portanto, um testemunho da história da Elegba como afirmado acima. Ao responder a pergunta que plantei, a minha resposta é que Eyo e Adamu Orisa tocaram pertenciam aos Ekos. Embora possa ser uma mistura do Esu do Benin, o Awo-Opa, o Akala.
É a criação de Eko, não tem paralelo, em qualquer lugar da terra ioruba. Não há vestígios de Eyo em Ijebuland, nem mesmo em Ibefun. O Ijebus é conhecido por Agemo, Oro e Eluku. O objetivo principal desta escrita é remover a impressão criada na mente de muitas pessoas por escritores e comentaristas passados sobre o assunto atribuindo a base de Eyo ao Ijebus. O Conselho da Ilha de Lagos deve ressuscitar seu comitê especial sobre a história de Lagos para examinar o aspecto relacionado ao Eyo.
Características do festival Eyo
O Eyo, juntamente com amigos e familiares do desfile de Iga (palácio) de um extremo da Ilha de Lagos para o outro.
Uma semana inteira antes do festival (sempre um domingo), o grupo 'senior' eyo (Adimu), é público com uma equipe. Isso significa que o evento acontecerá no próximo sábado.
O "Orisa Oniko" desfila no início da manhã no dia do festival. Isso é acreditado para expulsar espíritos malignos da ocasião
Cada um dos quatro outros grupos "importantes" (Laba (Vermelho), Oniko (amarelo), Ologede (Verde) e Agere (Roxo)) demoram-se para desfilar naquela ordem de segunda a quinta-feira.
Existem certos itens proibidos e atividades durante o Festival
Durante o festival Eyo, certas práticas não são permitidas entre pessoas ao redor da área do festival. Algumas coisas para evitar incluem:
• Fumar
• Usar sandálias
• Equitação de motocicletas e bicicletas
. • Fazendo o 'Suku' (yoruba).
• As mulheres não devem amarrar títulos ou usar sapatos.
É um tabu de usar a fantasia de Eyo
Durante a noite ou use-o para atravessar uma lagoa ou um rio.
O Festival tornou-se uma atração turística principal para o Estado
Sua popularidade se estende além das margens deste país, pode-se concluir que o próprio disfarce de Eyo representa Lagos.
O Festival de Eyo é único para Lagos
Devido à sua história e tradição, o festival Eyo é realizado apenas em Lagos. É a criação de Eko, não tem paralelo em qualquer lugar na terra ioruba.
Witness The Crème De La Crème Da Sociedade Yoruba
O desfile final na praça é um ponto de convergência para dignitários no estado e fora do estado. Alguns convidados proeminentes incluem; As Obas de diferentes palácios, seus chefes decorados, o governador do estado de Lagos, o Elegushi de Ikateland, e assim por diante.
O que o Eyo faz durante o Festival
Cada Eyo sai de um Iga (palácio) de uma família governante pela manhã e dirige-se para o santuário (Agodo). É vendido da cabeça aos pés em um pano branco fluindo. O traje de fluxo branco consiste em uma 'agbada' (a túnica superior) e a 'aropale' (a parte inferior envolvendo). Nenhuma parte da pessoa portadora do Eyo deve ser vista. O Eyo também usa um 'Akete' um chapéu que carrega as cores e o escudo do Iga do qual ele vem. Um Eyo pode amarrar fitas nas cores do seu Iga ao Opambata (ramo das palmeiras) que ele carrega. Um Eyo da Iga pode ter até 50 a 100 membros ou mais. Cada pessoa carregando um manto como Eyo deve pagar uma taxa pelo privilégio. Esta taxa é paga para a casa da Iga, cujas cores e Akete, o Eyo, usam. O Adimu é identificado por um chapéu preto e de aro largo.
A Relevância e Importância do Festival
O festival Eyo é organizado sob os auspícios da tradição yoruba, bem como organizações sociais ou clubes. É uma tomada usada para mostrar a cultura do povo Isale Eko, uma vez que pode ser organizada para ocasiões especiais além da morte de chefes proeminentes, anciãos ou instalação de um novo Oba. Também pode ser usado para entreter em funções ou ocasiões especiais do estado.
GELEDE = Mães poderosas ...
Mães * Antepassados * Deidades ...

O espetáculo Gelede do Yoruba & Fon é uma exibição pública por máscaras coloridas que combina arte e dança ritual para divertir, educar e inspirar adoração. Gelede comemora mães - Awon Iya Wa, um grupo que inclui antepassados femininos e deidades, bem como as mulheres idosas da comunidade e o poder e a capacidade espiritual que essas mulheres têm na sociedade. No entanto, esse poder também pode ser destrutivo e assumir a forma de bruxaria; portanto, Gelede também serve a função de apaziguar esse poder. A agenda social da Gelede repousa - a vida é delicada e deve ser vivida com cautela e com ênfase na diplomacia, consideração, respeito e harmonia.

A maioria dos mitos de origem Yoruba pode ser encontrada nas narrativas de adivinhação conhecidas em Odu Ifa, que contém uma série de poemas chamados Ese Ifa. Um Ese Ifa explica as origens de Gelede como começando com Yemoja, "A Mãe de todas as Deidades e todos os seres vivos".
Yewajobi - Yemoja não podia ter filhos e consultou um oráculo de Ifa, que aconselhou-a a oferecer sacrifícios e a dançar com imagens de madeira em sua cabeça e tornozeleiras de metal em seus pés. Depois de realizar esse ritual, ela engravidou. Seu primeiro filho era um menino, apelidado de "Efe" - Humorista; A máscara de Efe enfatiza música e brincadeiras por causa da personalidade de seu homônimo. Yewajobi - Yemoja, segundo filho, era uma menina, apelidada de "Gelede" - Obese como sua mãe, Gelede adorava dançar.

Depois de se casarem, nenhum dos parceiros de Gelede ou Efe poderia ter filhos. O oráculo de Ifa sugeriu que eles tentassem o mesmo ritual que tinha trabalhado para sua mãe. Assim que Efe e Gelede realizaram esses rituais - dançando com imagens de madeira em suas cabeças e tornozelos de metal em seus pés - eles começaram a ter filhos. Estes rituais se desenvolveram na dança mascarada de Gelede e foram perpetuados pelos descendentes de Efe e Gelede.
Embora a cerimônia de Gelede possa ser encenada em qualquer época do ano para melhorar o lote de um indivíduo, para limpar a sociedade de pestilência, induzir a chuva, enriquecer a fertilidade humana, alistar o apoio de forças sobrenaturais e - as Mães poderosas em tempo de guerra , e para homenagear os mortos, o desempenho mais elaborado ocorre durante o festival anual.
Uma vez que as datas exatas do festival são fixas, geralmente através da adivinhação, a Sacerdota-Chefe - Iyalashe notifica o chefe da comunidade e os importantes chefes. As mensagens, então, vão para todos os membros da sociedade Gelede fora da cidade ou trabalham muito para voltar para casa para a celebração.

O festival começa com um concerto de noite inteira chamado Efe, que apresenta a máscara masculina Efe, que usa a sátira para entreter e educar. Dada a preocupação da sociedade Gelede com a paz e a estabilidade social, não é surpreendente que os temas didáticos se repitam nas canções Efe. Após a dança Efe, a maioria dos participantes gasta a manhã dormindo em preparação para a dança da tarde, que ocorre no mercado e apresenta pares de dançarinos masculinos que se exercitam em música rápida com uma batida vigorosa.

A cerimônia Gelede envolve dança, cantar e música choreografadas com cuidado, e especialmente baterias. As performances são feitas por homens, usando máscaras que apresentam imagens esculpidas de cenas, incluindo animais e pessoas, máquinas de costura e tambores. Os pares de homens se mostram como mulheres para divertir, agradar e aplacar as mães que são consideradas muito poderosas e que podem usar seus poderes para propósitos bons ou destrutivos. Esses poderes estão especialmente ligados ao parto. As habilidades que possuem podem ser ativadas conscientemente ou inconscientemente.

O Gelede "Mask" é mais precisamente uma toca, uma vez que fica no topo da cabeça e o rosto do portador é coberto por um véu de pano. O tocado assume a forma de uma cabeça humana, sobre a qual são motivos que visam entreter espectadores, mas, além disso, geralmente abordam preocupações sociais que também podem ser expressas em músicas que fazem parte da mascarada. Indivíduos ou famílias geralmente vão a qualquer comprimento para tornar seus tocados tão atraentes e humorísticos quanto possível.
A maioria dos tocados tem adornos faciais, que vão desde marcas de linhagem até tatuagens decorativas, que são incisadas ou pintadas. O cocar é para o traje o que o Cabeça-Ori é para o corpo humano. É um índice de identificação e a essência da personalidade do mascarador enquanto ele estiver dentro da máscara. Apesar das representações cômicas que muitas vezes aparecem na toca, o rosto abaixo da superestrutura permanece sereno, como se enfatizasse o paradoxo que é a vida - e a necessidade de viver a vida com especial cuidado.
O povo Ketu-Yoruba é creditado com a invenção de Gelede em algum momento na última parte do século XVIII de acordo com tradições orais em toda a região. Um provérbio popular de Yoruba proclama, oju to ba ri Gelede ti de opin iran - Os olhos que viram Gelede, viram o último espetáculo. O poder e o impacto efetivos da Gelede vem do seu formato multimídia, no qual as artes de música, dança, fantasia e música se combinam para criar experiências artísticas em movimento.
Gelede presta homenagem aos Poderes Espirituais das Mulheres, especialmente as Mulheres Idosas conhecidas carinhosamente como "Nossas Mães", Awon Iya Wa. Os poderes possuídos por tais Mulheres, comparáveis aos de deuses, espíritos ou antepassados, podem ser usados para o benefício ou a destruição da sociedade. Ao manifestar a sua dimensão destrutiva, as Mulheres Idosas são denominadas Aje - Witches. Se estiverem irritados, eles podem derrubar indivíduos e comunidades inteiras.

Os mercados Yoruba e Fon são controlados pelas mulheres ... Para honrar o poder econômico das mulheres e as contribuições, muitas cabeças de Gelede retratam as cabeças das mulheres carregando os bens que vendem no mercado. Muitas máscaras Gelede retratam animais que servem como metáforas para ações e atributos humanos, bem como ilustrações de provérbios populares e músicas que acompanham a aparência da máscara. Os animais em motivos devoradores são um meio importante de transmitir o conceito de forças concorrentes nos reinos sociais e espirituais.

Esta máscara Gelede exibe duas cobras envolvidas em torno de calafudos nas laterais de um penteado em penteado. Os chocalhos são a regalia de sacerdotisas cujos poderes espirituais são evocados pelas cobras. Observe que o rosto do artista masculino é claramente visto através do véu fino do pano. Ao contrário de outras tradições de mascar Yoruba, onde a identidade do artista deve ser escondida porque lidam com as forças espirituais, Gelede maskers pode ser visto, uma vez que se concentram nas forças do mundo.

À medida que o anoitecer se aproxima depois de uma deslumbrante série de mascaradores imaginando inúmeros aspectos da vida e do pensamento dos Yoruba, um último mascarador - que sintetiza Deusa, Ancestra e Sacerdotisa parece concluir e abençoar o espetáculo de Gelede. Seu conjunto branco brilhando na escuridão crescente, Iya Odua (Mãe Odua) se move com um passo medido em direção ao mercado, acompanhado de sua sacerdotisa, seu traje espelhando o do mascarador visualmente para unir reinos espirituais e terrenos. Iya Odua, um caminho lúgubre e majestoso, transmite sua idade, sabedoria e poder sagrado. Sua brancura simboliza seu comportamento legal e secreto e sua pureza pós-menopausa porque ela é a mãe criativa, protetora e nutritiva da multidão reunida, sua prole. A aparência de Iya Odua assegura à comunidade que o espectáculo generoso agradou e aplacou-a, e que as Mães usarão seu poder e influência em benefício de todos.

Os disfarces de Gelede são óculos realizados pelos povos yoruba na Nigéria e DanXome que celebram o poder místico das mulheres. Gelede refere-se ao conceito de honrar as mulheres e seus poderes inatos para que toda a comunidade possa colher os benefícios de suas forças vivificantes. Existem muitas variações diferentes do espetáculo Gelede, que varia de região para região, mas esse conceito permanece consistente em todos eles.

É uma manifestação artística incrível do poder das mulheres que é evidente nos conceitos, figurinos e máscaras, e localização do espetáculo. O mundo é frágil, o que significa que a celebração Gelede está em guerra com o mal do mundo sem matar. A preservação da celebração Gelede e seu significado e homenagem às mulheres é um fundamento crítico de uma comunidade na medida em que é sua identidade cultural e social.

O festival envolve máscaras coloridas, toques impressionantes, música festiva e performances milagrosas e, mais importante, a celebração da Mulher.
SANGO FESTIVAL
Como Sango Festival é celebrado na cidade de Oyo, Oyo State Nigéria
O Festival de Sango é um festival anual que se celebra durante o mês de agosto no palácio do Alaafin de Oyo.

É um dia especial para celebrar o Sango, uma divindade Yoruba popular que acreditava possuir poderes mágicos. O festival foi marcado como o Dia Mundial do Sango pelo governo do estado de Oyo para significar sua ampla divulgação internacional. O festival é anfitrião de visitantes de todo o país e seguidores de países estrangeiros como Cuba, Brasil, Trinidad e Tobago e Caribe.
Quem é Sango
Sango foi o terceiro rei Alaafin do antigo império Oyo. Ele assumiu o controle de seu irmão Ajaka, que era considerado fraco. Durante o reinado, ele estava constantemente lutando batalhas com outras cidades. Ele erroneamente destruiu seu palácio com um raio que provocou o fim de seu reinado.
Sango é amplamente referido como o Deus dos trovões. Ele governou o reino de Oyo por sete anos e se casou com três esposas, Oya Oba e Oshun. Ele é adorado no quinto dia chamado ojo Jakuta. Seus seguidores gostam de vestir um traje vermelho, que era seu vestuário popular.

Significado do Festival de Sango aos Yorubas
Sango é uma Orisa popular em Yorubaland, como tal, seu festival desempenha um papel tradicional e cultural muito importante com o povo iorubano. Sango é considerado um dos pais fundadores do atual estado de Oyo. É um dia em que Yorubas o usou para se reconectar um ao outro, e para mostrar o rico patrimônio cultural dos Yorubas, como tamborilhar, dançar e cantar.
Breve História do Festival de Sango
O festival remonta há mais de 1000 anos, quando Sango desapareceu misteriosamente do palácio. Acredita-se que ele tenha cometido suicídio depois que ele foi desafiado por um dos seus poderosos chefes que o ordenou para deixar o palácio. Desde então, o festival foi celebrado pelas pessoas de Oyo.

Reconhecimento Internacional do Festival de Sango
O governo do estado de Oyo em 2013 decidiu colocar o Festival de Sango no cenário mundial quando mudou o nome para o Festival Sango mundial. Desde então, foi reconhecido pela UNESCO. Era um dia usado para servir como vinda de Yorubas de todo o mundo, especialmente Cuba, Brasil, Trinidad e Tobaggo e Caribe, bem como para celebrar Sango.
Como o Festival de Sango é celebrado
O Sango Festival é um evento de 10 dias, marcado com pompa e pompa. Adoradores e visitantes podem ser vistos com um clima feliz. Os adoradores geralmente são adornados com roupas brancas ou vermelhas.

Dia um
O primeiro dia do festival é celebrado com jogos de diferentes tipos. Algumas das atividades alinhadas para o dia são
Competição Ayo
Ogun Ajobo Day ritos noturnos tradicionais.
Ayo Competition
Ayo é um jogo especial que é popular entre os Yorubas. É um dos jogos mais antigos na terra ioruba e geralmente é jogado por homens idosos sentados face a face. Envolve mover seixos de um buraco da placa para outro.
Descrição do Ayo Board Game
É um objeto de madeira esculpida, bastante retangular, com um total de doze bolsos circulares esculpidos dispostos em duas filas, seis bolsos em cada fileira. A madeira utilizada para fazer o Ayo é muito leve devido à contínua secagem da madeira. Ele contém decorações elaboradas em ambos os lados da placa.
O quadro é de natureza trapezoidal e o tamanho apropriado mede o topo - 20 "x 12" / inferior - 22 "x 12".
O tabuleiro Ayo pode ser feito de madeira ou argila e tem um monte de esculturas sobre ele.
O jogo de tabuleiro Ayo não é apenas um jogo recreativo, visto como uma conexão espiritual com a essência.
Ogun Ajobo Day
O dia de Ogun Ajobo é comemorado no segundo dia do festival. Neste dia, os grupos tradicionais da zona de Oyo fazem uma ótima exibição para os atores das pessoas. A exposição cultural Olode dos estados de Oyo, Ondo, Ekiti, Osun, Ogun e Kwara seria deslocada de Owode, na cidade de Oyo, para o palácio de Alaafin. Uma festa noturna geralmente é chamada de Aisun Koso com alguns artistas Yoruba populares em meio a beber e comer.
Festival do Terceiro Dia do Sango
No terceiro dia; Sexta-feira, outros grupos culturais, como o Igunu e o Omolulu, mostraram seu desempenho. Este dia é chamado de dia de Sango Obakoso.

Festival Sango do quarto dia
Neste dia, o santuário de Sango koso seria aberto. Isso geralmente é marcado por amplas celebrações do desempenho dos membros da Associação de Profissionais de Artes do Teatro da Nigéria (ANTP) e seguido por uma festa noturna para Oya Okenira.

Festival do quinto a nono dia do Sango
De domingo a quinta-feira e sexta-feira, haveria celebrações de Oyo State, Oya Day, Dia de Aje Oloja, Dia de Sango Oyo, Dia de Estado de Osun e Dia de Iyemonja, Dia de Esin Elejo e Dia de Estado de Kwara. Este período geralmente é preenchido com emoção e amplas celebrações entre as pessoas.

grande final
Este dia marca o final do festival. Neste dia, um grupo de seguidores chamado Elegun Sango entreteria as multidões com magia que muitos, acham assustador. O Elegun Sango vem de diferentes partes do país, como Oyo, Ekiti, Ede, Ibadan, Ajagba e Koso. Eles costumam treinar seus cabelos e seus olhos costumam parecer assustadores.

O Elegun Sango Koso Alaafin, geralmente é o último a aparecer no palco no grande final. Ele iria ao redor do município de Oyo, orando pelas pessoas, antes de chegar ao palácio. Ele cumprimenta as pessoas e vai para Iya Ilekoto antes de sair do palácio.
Festival de Pesca Agungun

O histórico festival de pesca e cultura de Argungu no Estado de Kebbi
O histórico histórico do festival de pesca e cultura de Argungu
O Festival Internacional de Pesca e Cultura Argungu (O mais frequentado na Nigéria e talvez o mais antigo festival conhecido desse tipo) antecede as "Conquistas" de Kanta de Kebbi no início do século XVI. O festival começou inicialmente sob a forma de ritos religiosos antes do tempo de Surame Gungu do Reino de Kebbi. Em outras palavras, começou como uma família informal e um caso comunal. Desde então, o festival sofreu várias mudanças e modificações.

Mais de 30.000 pescadores participaram do festival anual de pesca Argungu no estado da Nigéria em Kebbi. Pessoas de toda a África Ocidental vieram participar do evento principal: o concurso de pesca nas águas do rio Mata Fada, usando redes e cabaças tradicionais feitas com calabashes uma espécie de punpkin seco e esvaziado. O pescador que pega o maior peixe ganha um prêmio de 7000 dólares, uma enorme quantia de dinheiro para pessoas nigerianas
A evolução do festival em Argungu parece acompanhar o desenvolvimento socioeconômico dos Kabawa (pessoas de Kebbi) em geral. Desde o século 16 (dias de Kanta), o festival como a conhecemos hoje tornou-se mais elaborado e elegante. Ao mesmo tempo que, desde o período da jihad, está ficando cada vez mais enriquecido com o campo de mais eventos para o entretenimento geral do público participante.
Para tornar esta escrita abrangente, aqui categorizaremos os antecedentes históricos da pesca Argungu em duas fases principais de adaptação:
Festival de pesca do século 16 a 1934 em breve
No século 16 - os dias de Kanta - o festival de pesca em Kabi provavelmente assumiu uma espécie de caráter nacionalista. Os espectaculares poderes de reunião de Kanta, que costumavam viajar em um barco recebendo homenagem através de seu império ribeirinho, deveriam ter servido para crer negativamente a desejabilidade e a eficácia de um festival centralizado. O próprio Kanta era conhecido por ter encorajado festivais locais e anuais como passaporte para ter um controle muito firme sobre o assunto. Kanta teve que trabalhar lado a lado com os oficiais e chefes de pesca e águas que também o aconselharam em questões de importância para o bem-estar de seu reino, como durante a guerra, a pesca comunitária e as colheitas. Neste período, observaram-se quatro principais rituais públicos.
Gyaran Ruwa
O Fashin Ruwa
O Gyaran Gari e
O Shan Kabewa e Fura
As duas primeiras cerimônias (Gyaran Ruwa e Fashin Ruwa) referem-se à água e têm influência direta na pesca, enquanto as duas últimas cerimônias são propiciações de terras.
Especificamente, o Gyaran Ruwa refere-se aos rituais básicos de purificação das águas que precedem o excelente dia da pesca com vista a ter um festival de pesca sem engate no dia marcado. No dia de Gyaran Ruwa, os sacerdotes e os paroquianos Bori entram grandes e atravessam o comprimento dos rios Kabi. No processo, o Jirgi (Mestre do rio) derrama libações no meio do rio para o Espírito da Rainha da Água (Doguwa). Nesta junção, os praticantes de Bori pulam na água e realizam algum encantamento para a proteção dos pescadores ao longo do ano.
O Fashin Ruwa significa a abertura das águas para a pesca. Neste caso, o Home busca permissão formal do Emir of Kabi que, em seguida, fixa uma data para o início da temporada de pesca. Através do Lar, o rito Fashin Ruwa atrai uma grande interação social. É um evento nacional com exibições abertas de música, dança, acrobacias, wrestling, etc., servindo como atrações laterais testemunhadas por grandes multidões de homens, mulheres e crianças.
O Gyaran Gari (Purificação da cidade) e Shan Kabewa (Testing the Pumpkin mingau) eram rituais especializados de propiciações de terra. Eles estavam repletos de manifestações de sacrifícios, bori e tsafi; música, dança e exposições artísticas, todas visando purgar espíritos malignos da terra e solicitar uma colheita generosa. Como parte dos agradecimentos, os sacrifícios profus são feitos na comida de algumas rochas e árvores específicas e no topo de algumas colinas.
Todos os quatro festivais mencionados acima foram fortemente atendidos e, naturalmente, pediram a presença de atracções laterais e a presença de artistas de todas as ocupações tradicionais. Com a constante penetração da cultura islâmica na área, os três ritos, nomeadamente Gyaran ruwa, Gyaran gari e Shan Kabewa, foram impedidos de deixar o rito Fashin Ruwa, que é a origem do atual Festival Internacional de Pesca e Cultura de Argungu.
Neste período, o festival em Argungu já havia assumido um tom bastante não religioso ou não animista, desprovido em grande parte das exposições típicas de Bori e Tsafi. No entanto, apesar de o Islã se ter adotado muito amplamente na área, a presença do Islã parece ter servido apenas para neutralizar a base dos ritos de Bori e Iskoki tão bem associados ao festival. Isso sugere que, com a ampla aceitação do islamismo entre os Kabawa, a maioria das famílias individuais da região se desviou cada vez mais das práticas animistas, mas continuou a procurar a ocasião do festival para exibições periódicas do culto tradicional. Ao mesmo tempo, o comparecimento a este festival parece ter aumentado consideravelmente com os representantes da comunidade que assumiram uma posição bem notável no local do festival. Dignitários das áreas vizinhas dos rios também apresentaram regularmente como convidados durante o festival.
O festival de 1934 foi o mais notável atendimento de um dignatário notável de Argungu com a visita histórica do Sarkin Musulmi, o sultão Hassan Dan Mu'azu. Em resposta a um convite anterior estendido pelo Emir of Argungu, Muhammad Sama, o recém-nomeado Sultão de Sokoto visitou Argungu em 1934.

Em antecipação à visita, o Emir e seu conselho decidiram organizar uma grande exposição de pesca que servirá como um importante símbolo da identidade de Kabawa. Inicialmente, o Emir e seus funcionários sentiram que os entretenimentos locais e os comportamentos da masculinidade, como o boxe e a luta livre, pareceriam humilhantes e totalmente indignos de entretenimento para todo um sultão. Nem nada menos do que as artesanato de água retratam isso em foco claro do que organizar uma grande festa de pesca desprovida dos rituais tradicionais de propiciação espiritual.
Entre 1934 e 1950, o festival começou a registrar um certo grau de consistência em termos de namoro e atendimento. Pela primeira vez mulheres e crianças pequenas foram admitidos no campo do festival. Além disso, o grande dia do final da pesca começou a alternar entre sábados e domingos de um período especial durante a estação pós-chuvosa. No final da década de 1870, no entanto, o dia mais preferido da semana para o final da grande pesca foi consistentemente um sábado em fevereiro ou março.
Antes de 1934, o financiamento dos quatro rituais baseava-se em uma base familiar ou comunitária puramente individual. Famílias e participantes individuais patrocinam-se ou vivem na hospitalidade recíproca uns dos outros e na manutenção dos sacrifícios e outros rituais materiais que devem ser realizados pelos praticantes de Bori e os funcionários da pesca.
De 1934 até a década de 1960, o Conselho do Emirado, a Autoridade Nacional e o Governo do Norte começaram, por sua vez, a investir no festival com o objetivo de torná-lo grandioso, particularmente na sequência de ondas crescentes de convidados.
A participação ativa do governo, no entanto, veio com o estabelecimento de um governo regional do Norte quando, pela primeira vez, foi concedida uma concessão substancial de £ 500 (quinhentos libras) à Autoridade Nacional Argungu. Em 1969, o então governo do Estado do Oeste do Norte, decidiu envolver-se diretamente com o desenvolvimento geral e a reestruturação do festival. O governo militar federal entrou com uma doação substancial de £ 10, 0000.00 (dez mil libras) cada em 1970 e 1977.
De fato, em fevereiro de 1977, o Festival de Pesca de Argungu foi organizado especificamente como um importante evento paralelo de imenso valor cultural. Reconhecendo o valor do festival na revitalização da herança do estado e no desenvolvimento do turismo, as administrações estaduais subsequentes de Sokoto elaboraram um plano mestre de naira de vários milhões para a vila do festival e para a provisão de infra-estrutura.
No caso de atendimento, antes de 1934, o atendimento aos quatro rituais permaneceu principalmente um caso local. No entanto, depois de 1934, o festival em Argungu tornou-se não apenas um assunto comunitário, mas essencialmente um evento nacional digno de ser testemunhado por dignitários da comunidade internacional. Na verdade, desde a memorável visita do sultão Dan Mu'azu, o festival vem atraindo seguidores tão crescentes de todo o país. Turistas e convidados para a tropa de ocasião em grande número da Europa, Grã-Bretanha, Estados Unidos, Rússia, Sudeste Asiático e países africanos vizinhos, como Níger, República do Benin, Camarões, etc.

Em 1970, o número de presença no festival excedeu 100 mil pessoas. A primeira visita de um Chefe de Estado da Nigéria também foi registrada em 1970 com a visita de Sua Excelência o General Yakubu Gowon e sua homóloga da República do Níger, Alh. Diori Hammani. Ambos os estadistas participaram da companhia de suas esposas. No mesmo ano, (1970), os pescadores do estado dos rios e as tropas culturais do Estado do Sul, Oeste e Oriental da Nigéria começaram a participar. De fato, em 1979, o estado dos rios estabeleceu um campo permanente para seus pescadores e grupos culturais na Aldeia Pescaria. O Festival foi usado pelo governo federal durante o período para curar as feridas da guerra civil e criar confiança e respeito mútuo entre os nigerianos. Em contraste, 1977 marcou o início do atendimento de convidados internacionais de alto perfil ao festival. Entre os visitantes destaca-se o Sr. Andrew Young, o Secretário de Estado americano, o Embaixador da Rússia na Nigéria e o Cônsul Geral da Embaixada da Arábia Saudita.
Grupos culturais e chefes de missões da maioria das nações que participaram do FESTAC '77 também testemunharam o Festival. Todos os Chefes de Estado e Presidentes da Nigéria testemunharam o festival com a Excepção do general Ibrahim Babangida, o general Abdulsalam Abubakar e o chefe Ernest Shonekan. Ex-presidente, o Chefe Olusegun Obasanjo tem uma participação recorde de quatro visitas ao festival. Até à data, mais de 200 governantes tradicionais testemunharam o festival de toda a Nigéria e países africanos vizinhos, com o Sultão e muitos outros fazendo com que seja obrigado a participar anualmente até o final do seu reinado individual.
O festival de 1980 foi testemunhado por no menos de nove governadores estaduais, entre os quais Alhaji Abubakar Rimi de Kano, Abubakar Barde de Gongola, Adamu Attah de Kwara, Salomão Lar de Platão e Tatari Ali de Bauchi.
No total, cerca de 105 mil pessoas participaram do festival de 1980 (46º). Em seu voto de agradecimento, o convidado de honra da ocasião, o governador Tatari Ali de Bauchi observou que o festival era simplesmente maravilhoso além da descrição. Ele disse que "com todas as minhas viagens no mundo inteiro eu ainda não encontrei um festival dessa natureza desenhando uma enorme e tão complexa multidão de pessoas.
Os eventos que apresentam no festival se tornaram, ao longo dos anos, diversificados e seculares. Unidade 1950, o Festival tem consistentemente em três grandes eventos, Bori e Gyaran Gari. Desde 1970 até o momento, o festival tem apresentado entre outros, um show de agricultura altamente diversificado e multi-patrocinado, uma grande competição de pesca, exposições de artesanato, torneios nacionais de luta livre e boxe, entretenimentos culturais, sinfonias tradicionais, instrumentistas, etc. A exibição muito apreciada de Kabanci, que inclui competições de natação de diferentes estilos, pesca à mão nua, captura de patos selvagens, competição de mergulho (Shako), corrida de canoa de diferentes categorias, etc. As competições de ônibus e rega foram realizadas em 1973 e 1981, respectivamente. Em 1980, 175 variedades de artistas e artistas tocaram durante o festival.
O Festival de Pesca e Cultura Argungu contribuiu de forma importante para o crescimento infra-estrutural e socioeconômico da cidade de Argungu e seus arredores. Também trouxe fama e aclamação, tanto nacional como internacional, para
Eu, para os Emirados Argungu, Sokoto e Kebbi e para a Nigéria como um todo.
Na verdade, como resultado de um crescente interesse no festival Argungu como cidade e os estados de Sokoto e Kebbi estão se tornando cada vez mais identificados como alguns dos centros turísticos mais respeitáveis de todo o continente africano.
Em seu discurso no festival de pesca de 1978, o Emir último de Argungu, Sua Alteza Real Alhaji Muhammadu Mera (que sua alma descanse em paz) disse:
"Estamos orgulhosos de notar que a pesca Argungu, que começou como uma humilde cerimônia tradicional a cada ano, desenvolveu o seu tamanho atual atraindo visitantes de dentro e fora da Nigéria. Este ano, temos o prazer de notar que o nosso Festival de Pesca tradicional se tornou verdadeiramente não apenas um evento internacional, mas também o maior festival tradicional do país. Com a presença de um grande número de convidados ilustres do que sempre participaram de qualquer festival tradicional no país a qualquer momento ".
Festival de Ofala
fundo
Onitsha é uma cidade popular localizada no estado de Anambra, na parte sudeste da Nigéria. Onitsha é conhecida pelo seu popular mercado principal, que é dito ser o maior na África Ocidental (Guia de Informação da Nigéria). A cidade e seus arredores também têm um dos maiores afluentes do rio Níger, permitindo que a pesca e seus negócios aliados prosperem por aí.
Escolas famosas como o Denis Memorial Grammar School (DMGS), Christ the Kings College (CKC) e Queen of Rosary College (QRC), produziram tantos nigerianos proeminentes, ambos servindo e aposentados.
Onitsha indigenes são pessoas, que valorizam sua herança e valorizam muito sua cultura, apesar do contato inicial com a educação. É por isso que prestam atenção às cerimônias tradicionais que abundam. Algumas dessas cerimônias incluem, a coroação de um novo monarca, instalação de cúpulas, iniciação no culto de mascarada, tomada de título de Ozo, iniciação no grupo cultural Otu Odu, ritos de enterro, e assim por diante.
No entanto, o festival de Ofala parece ser o mais significativo e prestigiado de todas as cerimônias realizadas em Onitsha. O festival varia de comunidade para comunidade na terra de Igbo. Em outros lugares, pode ser a coroação de um chefe, marcar um aniversário, ou a coroação de uma igle ou de um eze.
O Festival de Ofala
O festival Onitsha Ofala data de cerca de 700 anos atrás, no momento de Eze Chima, o primeiro monarca, que migrou para a área, agora conhecida como Onitsha (Henderson 42-46). Naqueles primeiros dias, o rei de Onitsha, referido como, Igwe-Onitsha, sempre foi confinado ao palácio. Ele não teve nenhum negócio em qualquer lugar porque as responsabilidades de administrar a comunidade foram atribuídas aos seus tenentes, que são os anciãos, conhecidos como Ndi-Ichie e outros membros da comunidade. O Igwe, também conhecido como Obi-Onitsha, só fez aparições públicas durante o festival de Ofala. É pertinente notar aqui que o festival de Ofala é celebrado apenas uma vez por ano, precisamente no mês de outubro, período que é o clímax da celebração do novo ñam. Quatro dias antes do festival, o Igwe entra em isolamento. Ele se retira para compartilhar com seus antepassados e agradecer-lhes por protegê-lo e seus súditos durante o último ano, além de rezar pela paz e prosperidade no próximo ano.
No dia do festival, o Obi faz três aparições. Após os rituais do início da manhã, os trompetistas anunciam sua entrada antes que ele apareça, totalmente vestido em sua regalia real, destacado com a coroa real (okpu ododo), reconhecendo a multidão que teria reunido acenando em todas as direções para as pessoas e depois volta para dentro.
Durante a segunda saída, as trombetas são explodidas de novo e o Obi sai e fica no seu trono. Seguem-se a entrada dos chefes de cadeias vermelhas (ndi-Ichie) também bem vestidas em seus attires tradicionais em lotes, de acordo com a música de sua aldeia e em ordem de antiguidade, prestem homenagem ao Obi, ajoelhando-se a Inclua-se diante dele e canta os seus elogios, após o que ele agora desempenha a função de Iwa-ji (celebração do primeiro inhame) para marcar a declaração oficial da época da colheita. Depois disso, o Igwe (Obi) retorna às câmaras internas antes de finalmente sair pela terceira vez.
Na terceira entrada, a música real toca e define, o ritmo da dança de Obi (egwu ota), enquanto ele faz sua aparição, entre elogios e elogios da multidão, ele entra na arena e dança para a música dos bateristas. Ele dança por turnos com sua primeira esposa, seu primeiro filho e primeira filha e retorna ao seu trono, dando lugar a um desfile de danças por diferentes grupos, como homens titulares, Associação Otu Odu, grupos de idade, amigos e simpatizantes todos vestidos com fatos tradicionais coloridos.
Relevância
O significado do festival inclui isso: o festival de Ofala é um meio pelo qual as pessoas 'Onitsha se esforçam para manter viva sua herança cultural. É uma avenida cultural através da qual o rei se socializa tanto com seus sujeitos quanto com outros simpatizantes, porque atrai amigos de todo o lado, por exemplo, a celebração de 2011 atraiu dignitários incluídos "membros da mundialmente famosa família musical de Jackson cinco incluindo Tito Marlon e Fred, outros foram o prefeito de Inkster, Michigan, o prefeito Hill Hampton, o historiador Bruce Bridge e o ator de Hollywood, Walter Jr. "O festival dá espaço para reflexões profundas, ações e metas para o futuro, está em palavras de ordem, um fórum para o desenvolvimento da comunidade.
O festival é um meio pelo qual os Onitsha se esforçam para manter viva sua herança cultural. É uma avenida através da qual o rei socializa com seus súditos e outros simpatizantes. O festival dá espaço para reflexões profundas, estoque e definição de metas para o futuro. Em outras palavras, é um fórum para desenvolvimento comunitário.
A implicação religiosa é que é uma estação para a ação de graças aos antepassados, para poupar a vida das pessoas e permitir uma estação de plantio bem-sucedida. O significado social é que o festival traz indigenes domésticos de longe e perto, bem como estrangeiros.
O festival de Ofala sobreviveu a todos esses anos entre os Onitsha, apesar do impacto da ocidentalização. O festival atrai organizações corporativas que oferecem para patrociná-lo e usá-lo como uma avenida para comercializar seus produtos. Atrai potenciais investidores e empreendedores empresariais como as empresas de telecomunicações, como MTN e GLO, para contribuir com o patrocínio e eventual desenvolvimento na comunidade.
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